mahatma gandhi speech in hindi pdf

Category : Audio files of Hindi speeches by Mohandas K. Gandhi

Media in category "audio files of hindi speeches by mohandas k. gandhi".

The following 168 files are in this category, out of 168 total.

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M. K. Gandhi's Prayer Public Speech, 29 October 1947, 24 04.oga 16 min 22 s; 7.22 MB

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The Mahatma

On The Eve Of Historic Dandi March (11-3-1930)

[On the 11th of March 1930, the crowd swelled to 10,000 at the evening prayer held on the Sabarmati sands at Ahmedabad. At the end, Gandhiji delivered a memorable speech on the eve of his historic march:]

In all probability this will be my last speech to you. Even if the Government allow me to march tomorrow morning, this will be my last speech on the sacred banks of the Sabarmati. Possibly these may be the last words of my life here.

I have already told you yesterday what I had to say. Today I shall confine myself to what you should do after my companions and I are arrested. The programme of the march to Jalalpur must be fulfilled as originally settled. The enlistment of the volunteers for this purpose should be confined to Gujarat only. From what I have been and heard during the last fortnight, I am inclined to believe that the stream of civil resisters will flow unbroken.

But let there be not a semblance of breach of peace even after all of us have been arrested. We have resolved to utilize all our resources in the pursuit of an exclusively nonviolent struggle. Let no one commit a wrong in anger. This is my hope and prayer. I wish these words of mine reached every nook and corner of the land. My task shall be done if I perish and so do my comrades. It will then be for the Working Committee of the Congress to show you the way and it will be up to you to follow its lead. So long as I have reached Jalalpur, let nothing be done in contravention to the authority vested in me by the Congress. But once I am arrested, the whole responsibility shifts to the Congress. No one who believes in non-violence, as a creed, need, therefore, sit still. My compact with the Congress ends as soon as I am arrested. In that case volunteers. Wherever possible, civil disobedience of salt should be started. These laws can be violated in three ways. It is an offence to manufacture salt wherever there are facilities for doing so. The possession and sale of contraband salt, which includes natural salt or salt earth, is also an offence. The purchasers of such salt will be equally guilty. To carry away the natural salt deposits on the seashore is likewise violation of law. So is the hawking of such salt. In short, you may choose any one or all of these devices to break the salt monopoly.

We are, however, not to be content with this alone. There is no ban by the Congress and wherever the local workers have self-confidence other suitable measures may be adopted. I stress only one condition, namely, let our pledge of truth and nonviolence as the only means for the attainment of Swaraj be faithfully kept. For the rest, every one has a free hand. But, than does not give a license to all and sundry to carry on their own responsibility. Wherever there are local leaders, their orders should be obeyed by the people. Where there are no leaders and only a handful of men have faith in the programme, they may do what they can, if they have enough self-confidence. They have a right, nay it is their duty, to do so. The history of the is full of instances of men who rose to leadership, by sheer force of self-confidence, bravery and tenacity. We too, if we sincerely aspire to Swaraj and are impatient to attain it, should have similar self-confidence. Our ranks will swell and our hearts strengthen, as the number of our arrests by the Government increases.

Much can be done in many other ways besides these. The Liquor and foreign cloth shops can be picketed. We can refuse to pay taxes if we have the requisite strength. The lawyers can give up practice. The public can boycott the law courts by refraining from litigation. Government servants can resign their posts. In the midst of the despair reigning all round people quake with fear of losing employment. Such men are unfit for Swaraj. But why this despair? The number of Government servants in the country does not exceed a few hundred thousands. What about the rest? Where are they to go? Even free India will not be able to accommodate a greater number of public servants. A Collector then will not need the number of servants, he has got today. He will be his own servant. Our starving millions can by no means afford this enormous expenditure. If, therefore, we are sensible enough, let us bid good-bye to Government employment, no matter if it is the post of a judge or a peon. Let all who are co-operating with the Government in one way or another, be it by paying taxes, keeping titles, or sending children to official schools, etc. withdraw their co-operation in all or as many watts as possible. Then there are women who can stand shoulder to shoulder with men in this struggle.

You may take it as my will. It was the message that I desired to impart to you before starting on the march or for the jail. I wish that there should be no suspension or abandonment of the war that commences tomorrow morning or earlier, if I am arrested before that time. I shall eagerly await the news that ten batches are ready as soon as my batch is arrested. I believe there are men in India to complete the work our begun by me. I have faith in the righteousness of our cause and the purity of our weapons. And where the means are clean, there God is undoubtedly present with His blessings. And where these three combine, there defeat is an impossibility. A Satyagrahi, whether free or incarcerated, is ever victorious. He is vanquished only, when he forsakes truth and nonviolence and turns a deaf ear to the inner voice. If, therefore, there is such a thing as defeat for even a Satyagrahi, he alone is the cause of it. God bless you all and keep off all obstacles from the path in the struggle that begins tomorrow.

Mahatma, Vol. III (1952), pp. 28-30 Source: Selected works of Mahatma Gandhi Volume-Six

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महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi Speech Hindi)

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi speech hindi) - महात्मा गांधी जी का नाम सुनते ही हमारे रोंगटे खड़े होने लगते है तथा मन देश भक्ति की भावना से अभिभूत हो जाता है। महात्मा गांधी जी का व्यक्तित्व ही ऐसा है जिससे कोई भी व्यक्ति प्रभावित हुए बिना नहीं रह सकता। महात्मा गाँधी जी पर वैसे तो बहुत सारे निबंध तथा भाषण आपको मिल जायेंगे परन्तु हम आपके समक्ष विस्तार से और सरल भाषा में उनके व्यक्तित्व की विशेषताओ का वर्णन करने का प्रयास कर रहे है। यह कार्य बहुत कठिन है क्योंकि वह ऐसे व्यक्तित्व के धनी थे जिसका पार पाना असंभव है। हम फिर भी आपके समक्ष महात्मा गांधी जी के जीवन तथा उनके व्यक्तित्व से प्राप्त होने वाली शिक्षाओं को उजागर करने का प्रयास कर रहे हैं। यह महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (speech on Mahatma Gandhi in hindi ) आपको गाँधी जी के बारे में सपूर्ण ज्ञान प्रदान करने के साथ-साथ, किसी विशेष अवसर पर महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (speech on Mahatma Gandhi in hindi) बोलने में सहायता करेगी। साथ ही आप उनके दर्शन को अपने जीवन में आत्मसात कर एक बेहतर व्यक्ति भी बन सकते हैं। ये भी पढ़ें : हिंदी में निबंध- भाषा कौशल, लिखने का तरीका जानें

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi Speech hindi): महात्मा गाँधी का जीवन परिचय

महात्मा गांधी जिनका पूरा नाम मोहन दास करमचंद गांधी था। इनके पिता का नाम करमचंद गांधी था तथा माता का नाम पुतली बाई था। इनका जन्म 2 अक्टूबर1869 को गुजरात के पोरबंदर में हुआ था। इनकी प्रारंभिक शिक्षा पोरबंदर में ही हुई थी और यही से उन्होंने मैट्रिक की परीक्षा पास की थी। मैट्रिक के बाद उन्होंने भावनगर के शामलदास कॉलेज से उच्च शिक्षा उत्तीर्ण की। गांघी जी का विवाह केवल 13 वर्ष की आयु में कस्तूर बाई मकनजी से हुआ था जो बाद में कस्तूरबा गाँधी के नाम से प्रसिद्ध हुई।

गांधी जी डॉक्टर बनना चाहते थे परन्तु उनका परिवार उन्हें बैरिस्टर बनाना चाहता था । उस समय लंदन को शिक्षा का केंद्र माना जाता था इसलिए 4 सितंबर 1888 को गाँधी जी वकालत की पढाई करने के लिए लंदन चले गए थे।

इंग्लैंड और वेल्स के बार एसोसिएशन के द्वारा उन्हें वापस बुलाने पर वे भारत लौट आये थे परन्तु बम्बई में वकालत करने में उन्हें सफलता प्राप्त नहीं हुई। इसके पश्चात् हाई स्कूल में एक शिक्षक के रूप में नौकरी प्राप्त करने का प्रार्थना पत्र अस्वीकार कर दिये जाने पर उन्होंने जरूरतमन्दों के लिये मुकदमे की अर्जियाँ लिखने का कार्य राजकोट से ही किया। परन्तु एक अंग्रेज अधिकारी की मूर्खता के कारण उन्हें यह कार्य भी छोड़ना पड़ा। उन्होंने अपनी आत्मकथा में इस घटना को अपने बड़े भाई की ओर से परोपकार का असफल प्रयास के रूप में वर्णन किया है। यही वह कारण था जिस वजह से उन्होंने सन् 1893 में एक भारतीय फर्म से नेटाल दक्षिण अफ्रीका में, जो उन दिनों ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य का भाग हुआ करता था, एक वर्ष के करार पर वकालत करना स्वीकार किया।

महत्वपूर्ण लेख:

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi Speech hindi): महात्मा गाँधी जी का दक्षिण अफ्रीका में संघर्ष

दक्षिण अफ्रीका में गाँधी जी को भारतीयों पर नस्लीय भेदभाव का सामना करना पड़ा। प्रथम श्रेणी का टिकट होने के बाद भी तीसरी श्रेणी के डिब्बे में जाने से मना करने पर उन्हें ट्रेन से बाहर फेंक दिया गया था। उन्होंने अपनी दक्षिण अफ्रीका की यात्रा में अन्य भी बहुत सी कठिनाइयों का सामना किया। अफ्रीका में कई होटलों को उनके लिए वर्जित कर दिया गया था। इसी प्रकार की बहुत सी घटनाओं में से एक घटना यह भी थी कि अदालत के न्यायाधीश ने उन्हें अपनी पगड़ी उतारने का आदेश दिया था जिसे उन्होंने मानने से इंकार कर दिया था। ये सभी घटनाएँ गाँधी जी के जीवन में परिवर्तन का एक बिंदु था और समाज में विद्यमान अन्याय के प्रति जागरुकता का कारण बना। दक्षिण अफ्रीका में भारतीयों पर हो रहे अत्याचार के लिए गाँधी जी ने अंग्रेजी साम्राज्य के अन्तर्गत अपने देशवासियों के सम्मान तथा देश में स्वयं की स्थिति पर प्रश्न उठाये।

गाँधी जी ने दक्षिण अफ्रीका से ही सत्याग्रह की शुरुआत की, उनके दक्षिण अफ्रीका में कुछ कार्य इस प्रकार हैं:-

उन्होंने दक्षिण अफ्रीका में भारतियों और अफ़्रीकी नागरिकों के प्रति नस्लीय भेदभाव के विरुद्ध 1894 में अहिंसक विरोध किया, इस विरोध में हजारो लोगो ने उनका साथ दिया

1899 में बोअर युद्ध के समय अंग्रेजो के लिए एम्बुलैंस का प्रबंध किया परन्तु इसके बावजूद भी उन्हें नस्लीय भेद का सामना करना पड़ा

गाँधी जी ने डरबन के निकट फिनिक्स फार्म की स्थापना की जहाँ उन्होंने अपने लोगो को शांतिपूर्ण, संयमित और अहिंसक सत्याग्रह की शिक्षा प्रदान की। यह ही वास्तव में सत्याग्रह का जन्मस्थान था।

उन्होंने टॉलस्टॉय फार्म की भी स्थापना की जहाँ सत्याग्रह को अत्याचार के विरोध के रूप में प्रयोग करने की शिक्षा का प्रसार हुआ।

महात्मा गाँधी जी ने पहला सत्याग्रह ट्रांसवाल एशियाटिक अध्यादेश के विरोध में 1906 में किया था। इसके बाद उन्होंने 1907 में काले अधिनियम के विरोध में सत्याग्रह किया था।

करियर संबंधी महत्वपूर्ण लेख:

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi Speech in Hindi): भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में महात्मा गाँधी जी की भूमिका

गाँधी जी 1915 में वापस भारत लौट आये। इसके पश्चात 1917 से उन्होंने सक्रीय रूप से भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में भाग लिया। गाँधी जी को पहली बड़ी सफलता 1918 में खेडा सत्याग्रह में प्राप्त हुई थी। इस वर्ष खेडा के कुनबी-पाटीदार किसानो ने सरकार से लगान में राहत देने की मांग की थी, क्योंकि पुरे गुजरात में फसल नहीं हुई थी। परन्तु सरकार ने किसानों की बात नहीं सुनी। इसके विरोध में गांधी जी ने वहां सत्याग्रह किया। गाँधी जी ने जनता से इस आंदोलन के माध्यम से स्वयं सेवक बनने की अपील की, यह गांधी जी का प्रभाव ही था कि सरदार पटेल अपनी वकालत छोड़ कर इस आंदोलन में शामिल हो गए थे।

चंपारण सत्याग्रह बिहार के चंपारण जिले में नील की खेती करने वाले किसानों पर यूरोपीय लोगो की दमनकारी नीति के विरोध में किया गया आंदोलन था। वहां के स्थानीय नेता राजकुमार शुक्ल द्वारा महात्मा गाँधी जी को किसानों की पीड़ा हरने के लिए आमंत्रित किया गया। गाँधी जी ने दक्षिण अफ्रीका में अपनाये गए अस्त्र सत्य, अहिंसा और सत्याग्रह को यहाँ भी अपनाया और केवल 4 महीने के भीतर किसानों को उनकी पीड़ा से मुक्ति प्रदान की।

अन्य लेख पढ़ें-

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi speech hindi): असहयोग आंदोलन

असहयोग आंदोलन की शुरुआत अंग्रेजो द्वारा किये गए जलियांवाला बाग़ हत्याकांड के विरोध में की गई थी। इसकी शुरुआत करते हुए गाँधी जी ने कहा था कि “राष्ट्रिय सम्मान की पुष्टि करने तथा भविष्य में गलतियों की पुनरावृति को रोकने का एकमात्र साधन स्वराज की स्थापना है।” इसमें गांधीजी ने देश में अहिंसक विरोध के साथ-साथ सरकार के साथ सहयोग न करने पर बल दिया था। साथ ही सरकार की सभी वस्तुओं, शिक्षा केन्द्रों, सरकारी नौकरियों आदि का बहिस्कार करने की रणनीति अपनाई थी तथा स्वदेशी का प्रसार करने तथा खादी के वस्त्रो का उपयोग करने की नीति का प्रयोग किया गया था। परन्तु फरवरी 1922 में चोरा-चोरी की घटना के कारण गाँधी जी को यह आंदोलन वापस लेना पड़ा ।

इसके पश्चात गाँधी जी मूलतः सक्रीय राजनीती से दूर रहे परन्तु जब भी देश को उनकी आवश्यकता हुई वह सामने आये और देश के हित के लिए आंदोलन किए। उनके द्वारा नमक आंदोलन भी किया गया जिसमे उन्होंने दांडी मार्च किया और नमक बनाकर सरकार की दमनकारी नीतियों का विरोध किया। इसके पश्चात 1932 में, जब अंग्रजो ने दलितों को अलग निर्वाचन क्षेत्र देने का प्रयास किया और दलित नेता और प्रकांड विद्वान बाबासाहेब अम्बेडकर को पृथक करने का प्रयास किया तब इस पृथक्करण की नीति के विरोध में गांधी जी ने सितंबर 1932 में छ: दिन का अनशन किया जिसने सरकार को अपना फैलसा बदलने पर विवश किया। दलितों के जीवन को सुधारने के लिए गांधी जी ने इस अभियान की शुरूआत की थी। गांधी जी ने दलितों को हरिजन का नाम दिया था जिन्हें वे भगवान की संतान मानते थे।

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi speech hindi) : महात्मा गाँधी जी का भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन

महात्मा गांधी जी ने 8 अगस्त 1942 को भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन की शुरुआत की थी। इसी आंदोलन की शुरुआत के दौरान गाँधी जी ने ग्वालिया टैंक मैदान में “करो या मरो” का नारा दिया था। यह गाँधी जी का सबसे बड़ा आंदोलन था यह आंदोलन द्वितीय विश्वयुद्ध के मध्य में भारत को स्वतंत्र करवाने के लिए किया गया था। इस आंदोलन की विफलता का कारण क्रिप्स मिशन की विफलता था।

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi speech hindi): महात्मा गाँधी जी का दर्शन

महात्मा गाँधी जी के दर्शन के चार महत्वपूर्ण स्तंभ – सत्य, अहिंसा, प्रेम और सद्भाव है। इसमें सत्य उनकी आत्मा है इसी के कारण वह स्वाबलंबी बने और इसीलिए उन्होंने अपनी आत्मकथा का नाम “सत्य से मेरे प्रयोग” रखा इसे उन्होंने गुजराती भाषा में ही लिखा है। अहिंसा से तात्पर्य किसी को आहात न करना है इसलिए ही उनकी जयंती अर्थात 2 अक्टूबर को अंतर्राष्ट्रीय अहिंसा दिवस के रूप में मनाया जाता है तथा प्रेम, सभी प्राणियों से प्रेम करने की भावना का प्रतिनिधि करता है। गाँधी जी ने इन्ही के बल पर हमारे इतने विशाल देश को स्वतंत्रता दिलवायी। उन्होंने अक्रामक, निर्दयी अंग्रेज सरकार से भारत को अहिंसा, सत्य प्रेम और सद्भाव के माध्यम से स्वतंत्र करवाया।

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi speech hindi)

गाँधी जी का व्यक्तित्व पर्वत के समान विशाल था तथा उनके विचार उस से भी अधिक विशाल । उनके विचार हमें आज भी प्रेरणा प्रदान करते है और अपने चरित्र के निर्माण में सहायता करते हैं। आज भी गाँधी जी के प्रत्येक विचार प्रासंगिक है। हमे अपने जीवन में उनके विचारों को आत्मसात करना चाहिए।

महत्वपूर्ण लेख :

Frequently Asked Question (FAQs)

महात्मा गाँधी जी का पूरा नाम मोहन दास करमचंद गाँधी था

गाँधी जी के पिता का नाम करमचंद गाँधी तथा माता का नाम पुतली बाई था

गाँधी जी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को हुआ था

महात्मा गाँधी जी की प्रारंभिक शिक्षा पोरबंदर में ही हुई

महात्मा गाँधी जी के दर्शन के चार स्तंभ है

महात्मा गाँधी जी के दर्शन के चार स्तंभ:- सत्य, अहिंसा, प्रेम और सद्भाव है

महात्मा गाँधी जी की आत्मकथा का नाम “सत्य से मेरे प्रयोग है”

महात्मा गाँधी जी की आत्मकथा मूलतः गुजराती में लिखी गयी है

अंतर्राष्ट्रीय अहिंसा दिवस 2 अक्टूबर को मनाया जाता है

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महात्मा गाँधी

महात्मा गाँधी एक ऐसा नाम जिसे सुनते ही सत्य और अहिंसा का स्मरण होता है। एक ऐसा व्यक्तित्व जिन्होंने किसी दूसरे को सलाह देने से पहले उसका प्रयोग स्वंय पर किया। जिन्होंने बड़ी से बड़ी मुसीबत में भी अहिंसा का मार्ग नहीं छोङा। महात्मा गाँधी महान व्यक्तित्व के राजनैतिक नेता थे। इन्होंने भारत की स्वतंत्रता में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका का निर्वहन किया था। गाँधी जी सादा जीवन उच्च विचार के समर्थक थे, और इसे वे पूरी तरह अपने जीवन में लागू भी करते थे। उनके सम्पूर्णं जीवन में उनके इसी विचार की छवि प्रतिबिम्बित होती है। यहीं कारण है कि उन्हें 1944 में नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र ने राष्ट्रपिता कहकर सम्बोधित किया था।

महात्मा गाँधी से संबंधित तथ्य:

पूरा नाम – मोहनदास करमचन्द गाँधी अन्य नाम – बापू, महात्मा, राष्ट्र-पिता जन्म-तिथि व स्थान – 2 अक्टूबर 1869, पोरबन्दर (गुजरात) माता-पिता का नाम – पुतलीबाई, करमचंद गाँधी पत्नी – कस्तूरबा गाँधी शिक्षा – 1887 मैट्रिक परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण की,

विद्यालय – बंबई यूनिवर्सिटी, सामलदास कॉलेज
इंग्लैण्ड यात्रा – 1888-91, बैरिस्टर की पढाई, लंदन युनिवर्सिटी

बच्चों के नाम (संतान) – हरीलाल, मणिलाल, रामदास, देवदास प्रसिद्धि का कारण – भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम राजनैतिक पार्टी – भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेस स्मारक – राजघाट, बिरला हाऊस (दिल्ली) मृत्यु – 30 जनवरी 1948, नई दिल्ली मृत्यु का कारण – हत्या

महात्मा गाँधी की जीवनी (जीवन-परिचय)

महात्मा गाँधी (2 अक्टूबर 1869 – 30 जनवरी 1948)

जन्म, जन्म-स्थान व प्रारम्भिक जीवन

महात्मा गाँधी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को पोरबन्दर, गुजरात में करमचंद गाँधी के घर पर हुआ था। यह स्थान (पोरबंदर) पश्चिमी भारत में गुजरात राज्य का एक तटीय शहर है। ये अपनी माता पुतलीबाई के अन्तिम संतान थे, जो करमचंद गाँधी की चौथी पत्नी थी। करमचंद गाँधी की पहली तीन पत्नियों की मृत्यु प्रसव के दौरान हो गई थी। ब्रिटिश शासन के दौरान इनके पिता पहले पोरबंदर और बाद में क्रमशः राजकोट व बांकानेर के दीवान रहें।

महात्मा गाँधी जी का असली नाम मोहनदास था और इनके पिता का नाम करमचंद गाँधी। इसी कारण इनका नाम पूरा नाम मोहन दास करमचंद गाँधी पङा। ये अपने तीन भाईयों में सबसे छोटे थे। इनकी माता पुतलीबाई, बहुत ही धार्मिक महिला थी, जिस का गाँधी जी के व्यक्तित्व पर गहरा प्रभाव पङा। जिसे उन्होंने स्वंय पुणे की यरवदा जेल में अपने मित्र और सचिव महादेव देसाई को कहा था, ‘‘तुम्हें मेरे अंदर जो भी शुद्धता दिखाई देती हो वह मैंने अपने पिता से नहीं, अपनी माता से पाई है…उन्होंने मेरे मन पर जो एकमात्र प्रभाव छोड़ा वह साधुता का प्रभाव था।’’

गाँधी जी का पालन-पोषण वैष्णव मत को मानने वाले परिवार में हुआ, और उनके जीवन पर भारतीय जैन धर्म का गहरा प्रभाव पङा। यही कारण है कि वे सत्य और अहिंसा में बहुत विश्वास करते थे और उनका अनुसरण अपने पूरे जीवन काल में किया।

गाँधी जी का विवाह (शादी)/ गाँधी जी का वैवाहिक जीवन

गाँधी जी की शादी सन् 1883, मई में 13 वर्ष की आयु पूरी करते ही 14 साल की कस्तूरबा माखन जी से हुई। गाँधी जी ने इनका नाम छोटा करके कस्तूरबा रख दिया और बाद में लोग उन्हें प्यार से बा कहने लगे। कस्तूरबा गाँधी जी के पिता एक धनी व्यवसायी थे। कस्तूरबा गाँधी शादी से पहले तक अनपढ़ थीं। शादी के बाद गाँधीजी ने उन्हें लिखना एवं पढ़ना सिखाया। ये एक आदर्श पत्नी थी और गाँधी जी के हर कार्य में दृढता से उनके साथ खङी रही। इन्होंने गाँधी जी के सभी कार्यों में उनका साथ दिया।

1885 में गाँधी जी जब 15 साल के थे तब इनकी पहली संतान ने जन्म लिया। लेकिन वह कुछ ही समय जीवित रहीं। इसी वर्ष इनके पिताजी करमचंद गाँधी की भी मृत्यु हो गयी। गाँधी जी के 4 सन्तानें थी और सभी पुत्र थे:- हरीलाल गाँधी (1888), मणिलाल गाँधी (1892), रामदास गाँधी (1897) और देवदास गाँधी (1900)।

गाँधी जी की शिक्षा- दीक्षा

प्रारम्भिक शिक्षा

गाँधी जी की प्रारम्भिक शिक्षा पोरबंदर में हुई थी। पोरबंदर से उन्होंने मिडिल स्कूल तक की शिक्षा प्राप्त की। इनके पिता की बदली राजकोट होने के कारण गाँधी जी की आगे की शिक्षा राजकोट में हुई। गाँधी जी अपने विद्यार्थी जीवन में सर्वश्रेष्ठ स्तर के विद्यार्थी नहीं थे। इनकी पढाई में कोई विशेष रुचि नहीं थी। हालांकि गाँधी जी एक एक औसत दर्जें के विद्यार्थी रहे, किन्तु किसी किसी प्रतियोगिता और खेल में उन्होंने पुरुस्कार और छात्रवृतियॉ भी जीती। 21 जनवरी 1879 में राजकोट के एक स्थानीय स्कूल में दाखिला लिया। यहाँ उन्होंने अंकगणित, इतिहास और गुजराती भाषा का अध्यन किया।

साल 1887 में जैसे-तैसे उन्होंने राजकोट हाई स्कूल से मैट्रिक की परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण की और आगे की पढ़ाई के लिये भावनगर के सामलदास कॉलेज में प्रवेश लिया। घर से दूर रहने के कारण वे पर अपना ध्यान केन्द्रित नहीं कर पाये और अस्वस्थ होकर पोरबंदर वापस लौट आये। यदि आगे की पढ़ाई का निर्णय गाँधी जी पर छोड़ा जाता तो वह डॉक्टरी की पढ़ाई करके डॉक्टर बनना चाहते थे, किन्तु उन्हें घर से इसकी अनुमति नहीं मिली।

इंग्लैण्ड में उच्च स्तर की पढाई

गाँधी जी के पिता की मृत्यु के बाद उनके परिवार के एक करीबी मित्र भावजी दवे ने उन्हें वकालत करने की सलाह दी और कहा कि बैरिस्टर की पढ़ाई करने के बाद उन्हें अपने पिता का उत्तराधिकारी होने के कारण उनका दीवानी का पद मिल जायेगा।

उनकी माता पुतलीबाई और परिवार के कुछ सदस्यों ने उनके विदेश जाने के फैसले का विरोध किया, किन्तु गाँधी जी ने अपनी माँ से वादा किया कि वे शाकाहारी भोजन करेगें। इस प्रकार अपनी माँ को आश्वस्त करने के बाद उन्हें इंग्लैण्ड जाने की आज्ञा मिली।

4 सितम्बर 1888 को गाँधी जी इंग्लैण्ड के लिये रवाना हुये। यहाँ आने के बाद इन्होंने पढ़ाई को गम्भीरता से लिया और मन लगाकर अध्ययन करने लगे। हालांकि, इंग्लैण्ड में गाँधी जी का शुरुआती जीवन परेशानियों से भरा हुआ था। उन्हें अपने खान-पान और पहनावे के कारण कई बार शर्मिदा भी होना पड़ा। किन्तु उन्होंने हर एक परिस्थिति में अपनी माँ को दिये वचन का पालन किया।

बाद में इन्होंने लंदन शाकाहारी समाज (लंदन वेजीटेरियन सोसायटी) की सदस्यता ग्रहण की और इसके कार्यकारी सदस्य बन गये। यहाँ इनकी मुलाकात थियोसोफिकल सोसायटी के कुछ लोगों से हुई जिन्होंने गाँधी जी को भगवत् गीता पढ़ने को दी। गाँधी जी लंदन वेजीटेरियन सोसायटी के सम्मेलनों में भाग लेने लगे और उसकी पत्रिका में लेख लिखने लगे। यहाँ तीन वर्षों (1888-1891) तक रहकर अपनी बैरिस्टरी की पढ़ाई पूरी की और 1891 में ये भारत लौट आये।

गाँधी जी का 1891-1893 तक का समय

1891 में जब गाँधी जी भारत लौटकर आये तो उन्हें अपनी माँ की मृत्यु का दुखद समाचार प्राप्त हुआ। उन्हें यह जानकर बहुत निराशा हुई कि वकालत एक स्थिर व्यवसायी जीवन का आधार नहीं है। गाँधी जी ने बंबई जाकर वकालत का अभ्यास किया किन्तु स्वंय को स्थापित नहीं कर पाये और वापस राजकोट आ गये। यहाँ इन्होंने लागों की अर्जियाँ लिखने का कार्य शुरु कर दिया। एक ब्रिटिश अधिकारी को नाराज कर देने के कारण इनका यह काम भी बन्द हो गया।

गाँधी जी की अफ्रीका यात्रा

एक वर्ष के कानून के असफल अभ्यास के बाद, गाँधी जी ने दक्षिण अफ्रीका के व्यापारी दादा अब्दुला का कानूनी सलाहकार बनने का प्रस्ताव स्वीकार कर लिया। 1883 में गाँधी जी ने अफ्रीका (डरबन) के लिये प्रस्थान किया। इस यात्रा और वहाँ के अनुभवों ने गाँधी जी के जीवन को एक महत्वपूर्ण मोङ दिया। इस यात्रा के दौरान गाँधी जी को भारतियों के साथ हो रहें भेदभाव को देखा।

ऐसी कुछ घटनाऐं उनके साथ घटित हुई जिससे उन्हें भारतियों और अश्वेतों के साथ हो रहे अत्याचारों का अनुभव हुआ जैसे: 31 मई 1883 को प्रिटोरिया जाने के दौरान प्रथम श्रेणी की टिकट के बावजूद उन्हें एक श्वेत अधिकारी ने गाडी से धक्का दे दिया और उन्होंने ठिठुरते हुये रात बिताई क्योंकि वे किसी से पुनः अपमानित होने के डर से कुछ पूछ नहीं सकते थे, एक अन्य घटना में एक घोङा चालक ने उन्हें पीटा क्योंकि उन्होंने एक श्वेत अंग्रेज को सीट देकर पायदान पर बैठकर यात्रा करने से इंकार कर दिया था, यूरोपियों के लिये सुरक्षित होटलों पर जाने से रोक आदि कुछ ऐसी घटनाऐं थी जिन्होंने गाँधी जी के जीवन का रुख ही बदल दिया।

नटाल (अफ्रीका) में भारतीय व्यापारियों और श्रमिकों के लिये यह अपमान आम बात थी और गाँधी जी के लिये एक नया अनुभव। यहीं से गाँधी जी के जीवन में एक नये अध्याय की शुरुआत हुई। गाँधी जी ने सोचा कि यहाँ से भारत वापस लौटना कायरता होगी अतः वहीं रह कर इस अन्याय का विरोध करने का निश्चय किया। इस संकल्प के बाद वे अगले 20 वर्षों (1893-1894) तक दक्षिण अफ्रीका में ही रहें और भारतियों के अधिकारों और सम्मान के लिये संघर्ष किया।

दक्षिण अफ्रीका में संघर्ष का प्रथम चरण (1884-1904) –

संघर्ष के इस प्रथम चरण के दौरान गाँधी जी की राजनैतिक गतिविधियाँ नरम रही। इस दौरान उन्होंने केवल सरकार को अपनी समस्याओं और कार्यों से संबंधित याचिकाएँ भेजते थे।
भारतियों को एक सूत्र में बाँधने के लिये 22 अगस्त 1894 में “नेटाल भारतीय काग्रेंस का” गठन किया।
“इण्डियन ओपिनियन” नामक अखबार के प्रकाशन की प्रक्रिया शुरु की।
इस संघर्ष को व्यापारियों और वकीलों के आन्दोलन के नाम से जाना जाता है।

संघर्ष का दूसरा चरण –

अफ्रीका में संघर्ष के दूसरे चरण की शुरुआत 1906 में हुई।
इस समय उपनिवेशों की राजनीतिक स्थिति में परिवर्तन हो चुका था, तो गाँधी जी ने नये स्तर से आन्दोलन को प्रारम्भ किया। यहीं से मूल गाँधीवादी प्राणाली की शुरुआत मानी जाती है।
30 मई 1910 में जोहान्सवर्ग में टाल्सटाय और फिनिक्स सेंटमेंट की स्थापना।
काग्रेंस के कार्यकर्ताओं को अहिंसा और सत्याग्रह का प्रशिक्षण।

महात्मा गाँधी का भारत आगमन

1915 में 46 वर्ष की उम्र में गाँधी जी भारत लौट आये, और भारत की स्थिति का सूक्ष्म अध्ययन किया। गोपाल कृष्ण गोखले (गाँधी जी के राजनीतिक गुरु) की सलाह पर गाँधी जी नें एक वर्ष शान्तिपूर्ण बिना किसी आन्दोलन के व्यतीत किया। इस समय में उन्होंने भारत की वास्तविक स्थिति से रूबरू होने के लिये पूरे भारत का भ्रमण किया। 1916 में गाँधी जी नें अहमदाबाद में साबरमती आश्रम की स्थापना की। फरवरी 1916 में गाँधी जी ने पहली बार बनारस हिन्दू विश्व विद्यालय में मंच पर भाषण दिया। जिसकी चर्चा पूरे भारत में हुई।

भारतीय स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन में सक्रिय भूमिका

चम्पारण और खेडा आन्दोलन (1917-1918)

साल 1917 में बिहार के चम्पारण जिले में रहने वाले किसानों के हक के लिये गाँधी जी ने आन्दोलन किया। यह गाँधी जी का भारत में प्रथम सक्रिय आन्दोलन था, जिसनें गाँधी जी को पहली राजनैतिक सफलता दिलाई। इस आन्दोलन में उन्होंने अहिंसात्मक सत्याग्रह को अपना हथियार बनाया और इस प्रयोग में प्रत्याशित सफलता भी अर्जित की।

19 वीं शताब्दी के अन्त में गुजरात के खेड़ा जिले के किसान अकाल पड़ने के कारण असहाय हो गये और उस समय उपभोग की वस्तुओं के भी दाम बहुत बढ़ गये थे। ऐसे में किसान करों का भुगतान करने में बिल्कुल असमर्थ थे। इस मामले को गाँधी जी ने अपने हाथ में लिया और सर्वेंट ऑफ इण्डिया सोसायटी के सदस्यों के साथ पूरी जाँच-पड़ताल के बाद अंग्रेज सरकार से बात की और कहा कि जो किसान लगान देने की स्थिति में है वे स्वतः ही दे देंगे बशर्तें सरकार गरीब किसानों का लगान माफ कर दें। ब्रिटिश सरकार ने यह प्रस्ताव मान लिया और गरीब किसानों का लगान माफ कर दिया।

1918 में अहमदाबाद मिल मजदूरों के हक के लिये भूख हङताल

1918 में अहमदाबाद के मिल मालिक कीमत बढने के बाद भी 1917 से दिये जाने वाले बोनस को कम बंद कर करना चाहते थे। मजदूरों ने माँग की बोनस के स्थान पर मजदूरी में 35% की वृद्धि की जाये, जबकि मिल मालिक 20% से अधिक वृद्धि करना नहीं चाहते थे। गाँधी जी ने इस मामले को सौंपने की माँग की। किन्तु मिल मालिकों ने वादा खिलाफी करते हुये 20% वृद्धि की। जिसके खिलाफ गाँधी जी नें पहली बार भूख हङताल की। यह इस हङताल की सबसे खास बात थी। भूख हङताल के कारण मिल मालिकों को मजदूरों की माँग माननी पङी।

इन आन्दोलनों ने गँधी जी को जनप्रिय नेता तथा भारतीय राजनीति के प्रमुख स्तम्भ के रुप में स्थापित कर दिया।

खिलाफत आन्दोलन (1919-1924)

तुर्की के खलीफा के पद की दोबारा स्थापना करने के लिये देश भर में मुसलमानों द्वारा चलाया गया आन्दोलन था। यह एक राजनीतिक-धार्मिक आन्दोलन था, जो अंग्रेजों पर दबाव डालने के लिये चलाया गया था। गाँधी जी ने इस आन्दोलन का समर्थन किया। इस आन्दोलन का समर्थन करने का मुख्य उद्देश्य स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन में मुसलिमों का सहयोग प्राप्त करना था।

असहयोग आन्दोलन (1919-1920)

प्रथम विश्व युद्ध (1914-1918) के दौरान प्रेस पर लगे प्रतिबंधों और बिना जाँच के गिरफ्तारी वे आदेश को सर सिडनी रोलेट की अध्यक्षता वाली समिति ने इन कडे नियमों को जारी रखा। जिसे रोलेट एक्ट के नाम से जाना गया। जिसका पूरे भारत में व्यापक स्तर पर विरोध हुआ। उस विरोधी आन्दोलन को असहयोग आन्दोलन का नाम दिया गया। असहयोग आन्दोलन के जन्म का मुख्य कारण रोलट एक्ट और जलियाँवाला बाग हत्याकाण्ड (1919) था।

गाँघी जी अध्यक्षता में 30 मार्च 1919 और 6 अप्रैल 1919 को देश व्यापी हङताल का आयोजन किया गया। चारों तरफ देखते ही देखते सभी सरकारी कार्य ठप्प हो गये। अंग्रेज अधिकारी इस असहयोग के हथियार के आगे बेवस हो गये। 1920 में गाँधी जी कांग्रेस के अध्यक्ष बने और इस आन्दोलन में भाग लेने के लिये भारतीय जनमानस को प्रेरित किया। गाँधी जी की प्रेरणा से प्रेरित होकर प्रत्येक भारतीय ने इसमें बढ-चढ कर भाग लिया।

इस आन्दोलन को और अधिक प्रभावी करने के लिये और हिन्दू- मुसलिम एकता को मजबूती देने के उद्देश्य से गाँधी जी ने असहयोग आन्दोलन को खिलाफत आन्दोलन से जोङ दिया।

सरकारी आकडों के अनुसार साल 1921 में 396 हडतालें आयोजित की गयी जिसमें 6 लाख श्रमिकों ने भाग लिया था और इस दौरान लगभग 70 लाख कार्यदिवसों का नुकसान हुआ था। विद्यार्थियों ने सरकारी स्कूलों और कालेजों में जाना बन्द कर दिया, वकीलों ने वकालात करने से मना कर दिया और श्रमिक वर्ग हङताल पर चला गया। इस प्रकार प्रत्येक भारतीय नागरिक ने अपने अपने ढंग से गाँधी जी के इस आन्दोलन को सफल बनाने में सहयोग किया। 1857 की क्रान्ति के बाद यह सबसे बङा आन्दोलन था जिसने भारत में ब्रिटिश शासन के अस्तित्व को खतरें में डाल दिया था।

चौरी-चौरा काण्ड (1922)

1922 तक आते आते यह देश का सबसे बङा आन्दोलन बन गया था। एक हङताल की शान्तिपूर्ण विरोध रैली के दौरान यह अचानक हिंसात्मक रुप में परिणित हो गया। विरोध रैली के दौरान पुलिस द्वारा प्रदर्शनकारियों को गिरफ्तार करके जेल में डालने से भीङ आक्रोशित हो गयी। और किसानों के एक समूह ने फरवरी 1922 में चौरी-चौरा नामक पुलिस स्टेशन में आग लगा दी। इस घटना में कई निहत्थे पुलिसकर्मियों की मृत्यु हो गयी।

इस घटना से गाँधी जी बहुत आहत हुये और उन्होंने इस आन्दोलन को वापस ले लिया। गांधी जी ने यंग इण्डिया में लिखा था कि, “आन्दोलन को हिंसक होने से बचाने के लिए मैं हर एक अपमान, हर एक यातनापूर्ण बहिष्कार, यहाँ तक की मौत भी सहने को तैयार हूँ।”

सविनय अवज्ञा आन्दोलन (12 मार्च 1930)

इस आनदोलन का उद्देश्य पूर्ण स्वाधीनता प्राप्त करना था। गाँधी जी और अन्य अग्रणी नेताओं को अंग्रेजों के इरादों पर शक होने लगा था कि वे अपनी औपनिवेशिक स्वराज्य प्रदान करने की घोषणा को पूरी करेगें भी या नहीं। गाँधी जी ने अपनी इसी माँग का दबाव अंग्रेजी सरकार पर डालने के लिये 6 अप्रैल 1930 को एक और आन्दोलन का नेतृत्व किया जिसे सविनय अवज्ञा आन्दोलन के नाम से जाना जाता है।

इसे दांङी मार्च या नमक कानून भी कहा जाता है। यह दांङी मार्च गाँधी जी ने साबरमती आश्रम से निकाली। इस आन्दोलन का उद्देश्य सामूहिक रुप से कुछ विशिष्ट गैर-कानूनी कार्यों को करके सरकार को झुकाना था। इस आन्दोलन की प्रबलता को देखते हुये सरकार ने तत्कालीन वायसराय लॉर्ड इरविन को समझौते के लिये भेजा। गाँधी जी ने यह समझौता स्वीकार कर लिया और आन्दोलन वापस ले लिया।

भारत छोडो आन्दोलन (अगस्त 1942)

क्रिप्श मिशन की विफलता के बाद गाँधी जी ने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ अपना तीसरा बङा आन्दोलन छेङने का निर्णय लिया। इस आन्दोलन का उद्देश्य तुरन्त स्वतंत्रता प्राप्त करना था। 8 अगस्त 1942 काग्रेंस के बम्बई अधिवेशन में अंग्रेजों भारत छोङों का नारा दिया गया और 9 अगस्त 1942 को गाँधी जी के कहने पर पूरा देश आन्दोलन में शामिल हो गया। ब्रिटिश सरकार ने इस आन्दोलन के खिलाफ काफी सख्त रवैया अपनाया। इस आन्दोलन को दबाने में सरकार को एक वर्ष से अधिक समय लगा।

भारत का विभाजन और आजादी

अंग्रेजों ने जाते जाते भी भारत को दो टुकङों में बाँट दिया। द्वितीय विश्व युद्ध के दौरान अंग्रेजों की स्थिति बहुत कमजोर हो गयी थी। उन्होंने भारत को आजाद करने के संकेत दे दिये थे। भारत की आजादी के साथ ही जिन्ना के नेतृत्व में एक अलग राज्य पाकिस्तान की भी माँग होने लगी। गाँधी जी देश का बँटवारा नहीं होने देना चाहते थे। किन्तु उस समय परिस्थितियों के प्रतिकूल होने के कारण देश दो भागों में बँट गया।

महात्मा गाँधी की मृत्यु (30 जनवरी 1948)

नाथूराम गोडसे और उनके सहयोगी गोपालदास ने 30 जनवरी 1948 को शाम 5 बजकर 17 मिनट पर बिरला हाउस में गाँधी जी की गोली मारकर हत्या कर दी। जवाहर लाल नेहरु ने गाँधी जी की हत्या की सूचना इन शब्दों में दी, ‘हमारे जीवन से प्रकाश चला गया और आज चारों तरफ़ अंधकार छा गया है। मैं नहीं जानता कि मैं आपको क्या बताऊँ और कैसे बताऊँ। हमारे प्यारे नेता, राष्ट्रपिता बापू अब नहीं रहे।’

गाँधी जी का जीवन-चक्र (टाईम-लाइन) एक नजर मेः-

1879 – जन्म – 2 अक्टूबर, पोरबंदर (गुजरात)।

1876 – गाँधी जी के पिता करमचंद गाँधी की राजकोट में बदली, परिवार सहित राजकोट आना और कस्तूरबा माखन जी से सगाई।

1879 – 21 जनवरी 1879 को राजकोट के स्थानीय स्कूल में दाखिला।

1881 – राजकोट हाई स्कूल में पढाई।

1883 – कस्तूरबा माखन जी से विवाह।

1885 – गाँधी जी के पिता की मृत्यु, इसी वर्ष इनके पहले पुत्र का जन्म और कुछ समय बाद उसकी मृत्यु।

1887 – राजकोट हाई स्कूल से मैट्रिक की परीक्षा पास की, सामलदास कॉलेज (भावनगर) में प्रवेश।

1888 – पहले पुत्र हरीलाल का जन्म, बैरिस्टर की पढाई के लिये इंग्लैण्ड के लिये प्रस्थान।

1891 – बैरिस्टर की पढाई करके भारत लौटे, अपनी अनुपस्थिति में माता पुतलीबाई के निधन का समाचार, पहले बम्बई बाद में राजकोट में वकालात की असफल शुरुआत।

1892 – दूसरे पुत्र मणिलाल गाँधी का जन्म।

1893 – अफ्रीकी व्यापारी दादा अब्दुला के कानूनी सलाहकार का प्रस्ताव को स्वीकार कर अफ्रीका (डरबन) के लिये प्रस्थान, 31 मई 1893 को प्रिटोरिया रेल हादसा, रंग-भेद का सामना।

1894 – दक्षिण अफ्रीका में संघर्ष के प्रथम चरण का प्रारम्भ, नेटाल इण्डियन कांग्रेस की स्थापना।

1896 – भारत आगमन (6 महीने के लिये) और पत्नी और एक पुत्र को लेकर अफ्रीका वापस गये।

1897 – तीसरे पुत्र रामदास का जन्म।

1899 – बोअर युद्ध में ब्रिटिश की मदद के लिये भारतीय एम्बुलेंस सेवा प्रदान की।

1900 – चौथे और अन्तिम पुत्र देवदास का जन्म।

1901 – अफ्रीकी भारतियों को आवश्यकता के समय मदद करने के लिये वापस आने का आश्वासन देकर परिवार सहित स्वदेश आगमन, भारत का दौरा, कांग्रेस अधिवेशन में भाग और बबंई में वकालात का दफ्तर खोला।

1902 – अफ्रीका में भारतियों द्वारा बुलाये जाने पर अफ्रीका के लिये प्रस्थान।

1903 – जोहान्सवर्ग में वकालात दफ्तर खोला।

1904 – इण्डियन ओपिनियन सप्ताहिक पत्र का प्रकाशन।

1906 – जुल्लु युद्ध के दौरान भारतियों को मदद के लिये प्रोत्साहन, आजीवन ब्रह्मचर्य का संकल्प, एशियाटिक ऑर्डिनेन्स के विरोध में प्रथम सत्याग्रह।

1907 – ब्लैक एक्ट (भारतियों और अन्य एशियाई लोगों का जबरदस्ती पंजीयन) के विरोध में सत्याग्रह।

1908 – दक्षिण अफ्रीका (जोहान्सवर्ग) में पहली जेल यात्रा, दूसरा सत्याग्रह (पुनः जेल यात्रा)।

1909 – दक्षिण अफ्रीकी भारतियों की ओर से पक्ष रखने के इंग्लैण्ड यात्रा, नवम्बर (13-22 तारीख के बीच) में वापसी के दौरान हिन्द स्वराज पुस्तक की रचना।

1910 – 30 मई को जोहान्सवर्ग में टाल्सटाय और फिनिक्स सेंटमेंट की स्थापना।

1913 – द ग्रेट मार्च का नेतृत्व, 2000 भारतीय खदान कर्मियों की न्युकासल से नेटाल तक की पदयात्रा।

1915 – 21 वर्ष बाद भारत वापसी।

1916 – साबरमती नदी के किनारे (अहमदाबाद में) आश्रम की स्थापना, बनारस हिन्दु विश्वविद्यालय की स्थापना पर प्रथम बार गाँधी जी का मंच से भाषण।

1917 – बिहार के चम्पारन जिले में नील किसानों के हक के लिये सत्याग्रह आन्दोलन।

1918 – अहमदाबाद में मिल मजदूरों की हक की लङाई में मध्यस्था

1919 – रोलेट एक्ट और जलियावाला बाग हत्याकांड के विरोध में सत्याग्रह छेङा, जो आगे चलकर असहयोग आन्दोलन (1920) के नाम से प्रसिद्ध हुआ, यंग इण्डिया (अंग्रेजी) और नवजीवन (गुजराती) सप्ताहिक पत्रिका का संपादन।

1920 – जलियाँवाला बाग हत्याकांड के विरोध में केसर-ए-हिन्द की उपाधि वापस की, होमरुल लीग के अध्यक्ष निर्वाचित हुये।

1921 – असहयोग आन्दोलन के अन्तर्गत बंबई में विदेशी वस्त्रों की होली जलाई, साम्प्रदायिक हिंसा के विरोध में 5 दिन का उपवास।

1922 – चौरी-चौरा कांड के कारण असहयोग आन्दोलन को वापस लिया, राजद्रोह का मुकदमा और 6 वर्ष का कारावास।

1924 – बेलगाम कांग्रेस अधिवेसन में अध्यक्ष चुने गये, साम्प्रदायिक एकता के लिये 21 दिन का उपवास।

1928 – कलकत्ता कांग्रेस अधिवेशन में भाग, पूर्ण स्वराज का आह्वान।

1929 – कांग्रेस के लाहौर अधिवेशन में 26 जनवरी को स्वतंत्रता दिवस घोषित करके राष्ट्रव्यापी आन्दोलन आरम्भ।

1930 – नमक कानून तोङने के लिये साबरमती आश्रम से दांङी यात्रा जिसे सविनय अवज्ञा आन्दोलन का नाम दिया।

1931 – गाँधी इरविन समझौता, गाँधी जी ने दूसरे गोलमाज सम्मेलन में भाग लेने को तैयार।

1932 – यरवदा पैक्ट को ब्रिटिश स्वीकृति।

1933 – साबरमती तट पर बने आश्रम का नाम हरिजन आश्रम रखकर देश में अस्पृश्यता विरोधी आन्दोलन छेङा, हरिजन नामक सप्ताहिक पत्र का प्रकाशन।

1934 – अखिल भारतीय ग्रामोद्योग की स्थापना।

1936 – वर्धा में सेवाश्रम की स्थापना।

1937 – दक्षिण भारत की यात्रा।

1940 – विनोबा भावे को पहले व्यक्तिगत सत्याग्रही के रुप में चुना गया।

1942 – क्रिप्स मिशन की असफलता, भारत छोङो अभियान की शुरुआत, सचिव मित्र महादेव देसाई का निधन।

1944 – 22 फरवरी को गाँधी जी की पत्नी कस्तूरबा गाँधी जी की मृत्यु।

1946 – बंगाल के साम्प्रदायिक दंगो के संबंध में कैबिनेट मिशन से भेंट।

1947 – साम्प्रदायिक शान्ति के लिये बिहार यात्रा, जिन्ना और गवर्नल जनरल माउन्टबैटेन से भेंट, देश विभाजन का विरोध।

1948 – बिङला हाउस में जीवन का अन्तिम 5 दिन का उपवास, 20 जनवरी को प्रार्थना सभा में विस्फोट, 30 जनवरी को प्रार्थना के लिये जाते समय नाथूराम गोडसे द्वारा हत्या।

गाँधी जी के अनमोल वचन

“पाप से घृणा करो, पापी से नहीं”।
“जो बदलाव आप दुनिया में देखना चाहते है, वह पहले स्वंय में लाये।”
“वास्तविक सौन्दर्य ह्रदय की पवित्रता में है|”
“अहिंसा ही धर्म है, वही जिंदगी का एक रास्ता है|”
“गरीबी दैवी अभिशाप नहीं बल्कि मानवरचित षडयन्त्र है।”
“चरित्र की शुद्धि ही सारे ज्ञान का ध्येय होनी चाहिए|”
“जो लोग अपनी प्रशंसा के भूखे होते हैं, वे साबित करते हैं कि उनमें योग्यता नहीं है|”
“जब भी आप एक प्रतिद्वंद्वी के साथ सामना कर रहे हैं। प्यार के साथ उसे जीतना।”
“अहिंसा, किसी भी प्राणी को विचार, शब्द या कर्म से चोट नहीं पहुंचाना है, यहाँ तक कि किसी प्राणी के लाभ के लिए भी नहीं।”
“जहाँ प्यार है, वहाँ जीवन है।”
“मैं आपके मसीहा (ईशा) को पसन्द करता हूँ, मैं आपके ईसाइयों को पसंद नहीं करता। आपके ईसाई आपके मसीहा (ईशा) के बहुत विपरीत हैं।”
“सबसे पहले आपकी उपेक्षा करते है, तब वे आप पर हंसते हैं, तब वे आप से लड़ते हैं, तब आप जीतते है।”
“मैं खुद के लिए कोई पूर्णता का दावा नहीं करता। लेकिन मैं सच्चाई के पीछे एक भावुक साधक का दावा करता हूँ, जो भगवान का दूसरा नाम हैं।”
“मेरे पास दुनिया को पढ़ाने के लिए कोई नई बात नहीं है। सत्य और अहिंसा पहाड़ियों के जैसे पुराने हैं। मैंनें पूर्ण प्रयास के साथ विशाल पैमाने पर दोनों में प्रयोगों की कोशिश है, जितना मैं कर सकता था।”
“कमज़ोर कभी माफ नहीं कर सकते। क्षमा ताकतवर की विशेषता है।”
“आंख के बदले आंख पूरी दुनिया को अंधा बना देगी।”
“खुशी जब मिलेगी जब जो आप सोचते है, कहते है, और जो करते है, सामंजस्य में हों।”
“ऐसे जियो जैसे कि तुम कल मरने वाले हो। ऐसे सीखो की तुम हमेशा के लिए जीने वाले हो।”
“किसी राष्ट्र की संस्कृति उसके लोगों के दिलों और आत्माओं में बसती है|”
“कुछ लोग सफलता के सपने देखते हैं जबकि अन्य व्यक्ति जागते हैं और कड़ी मेहनत करते हैं|”
“जिज्ञासा के बिना ज्ञान नहीं होता | दुःख के बिना सुख नहीं होता|”
“विश्वास करना एक गुण है, अविश्वास दुर्बलता कि जननी है|”
“यदि मनुष्य सीखना चाहे, तो उसकी हर भूल उसे कुछ शिक्षा दे सकती है।”
“राष्ट्रीय व्यवहार में हिन्दी को काम में लाना देश की उन्नति के लिए आवश्यक है|”
“चिंता के समान शरीर का क्षय और कुछ नहीं करता, और जिसे ईश्वर में जरा भी विश्वास है उसे किसी भी विषय में चिंता करने में ग्लानि होनी चाहिए।”
“हंसी मन की गांठें बड़ी आसानी से खोल देती है|”
“काम की अधिकता नहीं, अनियमितता आदमी को मार डालती है|”
“लम्बे-लम्बे भाषणों से कहीं अधिक मूल्यवान इंच भर कदम उठाना है।”
“आपका कोई काम महत्वहीन हो सकता है, किन्तु महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि आप कुछ करें।”
“मेरी आज्ञा के बिना मुझे कोई नुकसान नहीं पहुँचा करता।”
“क्रोध एक किस्म का क्षणिक पागलपन है।”
“क्षणभर भी बिना काम के रहना ईश्वर से चोरी समझो। मैं आन्तरिक और बाहरी सुख का दूसरा कोई भी रास्ता नहीं जानता।”
“अहिंसा में इतनी ताकत है कि वह विरोधियों को भी अपना मित्र बना लेती है और उनका प्रेम प्राप्त कर लेती है।”
“मैं हिन्दी के जरिये प्रांतीय भाषाओं को दबाना नहीं चाहता बल्कि उनके साथ हिन्दी को भी मिला देना चाहता हूँ।”
“एक धर्म सभी भाषणों से परे है।”
“किसी में विश्वास करना और उसे ना जीना बेईमानी है।”
“बिना उपवास के कोई प्रार्थना नहीं और बिना प्रार्थना के कोई उपवास नहीं।”
“मेरा जीवन ही मेरा संदेश है।”
“मानवता का सबसे बङा हथियार शान्ति है।”

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Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi – स्टूडेंट्स के लिए 100, 200 और 300 शब्दों में

Updated on
सितम्बर 16, 2023

गांधी जयंती 2 अक्टूबर को मनाई जाती है, क्योंकि मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को हुआ था। स्टूडेंट्स के लिए गांधीजी के संदेश महत्वपूर्ण माने जाते हैं और उनके विचार स्टूडेंट्स को अपने जीवन में आगे बढ़ने के लिए प्रेरित करते हैं। इसलिए हर वर्ष 2 अक्टूबर के दिन पूरे देश में जगह-जगह कार्यक्रम आयोजित किए जाते हैं और इनमें लोगों द्वारा गांधी जी के बारे में बताया जाता है, इसलिए इस ब्लाॅग Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi में आप 100, 200 और 300 शब्दों में महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण ।

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महात्मा गांधी के बारे में, महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच कैसे तैयार करें, महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच 100 शब्दों में, महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच 200 शब्दों में, स्पीच की शुरुआत में, स्पीच में क्या बोलें, स्पीच के अंत में, महात्मा गांधी से जुड़े रोचक तथ्य, गांधी जयंती कब मनाई जाती है.

Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi शुरू करने से पहले हमें महात्मा गांधी के बारे में जानना जरूरी है। मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी का जन्म 02 अक्टूबर 1869 गुजरात के पोरबंदर गांव में हुआ था। गांधीजी हमेशा अहिंसा के रास्ते पर चलते थे। 1930 दांडी यात्रा करके नमक सत्याग्रह किया था। गांधीजी ने वकालत की पढ़ाई लंदन से पूरी की थी। लोग प्यार से उन्हें बापू कहते हैं और बापू हिंसा के खिलाफ थे। बापू हमेशा साधारण सा जीवन जीते थे।

यह भी पढ़ें- जानिए कैसे तैयार करें हिंदी दिवस पर स्पीच

भारत ही नहीं बल्कि किसी भी देश में कई आयोजन होते रहते हैं और इन आयोजनों में स्पीच का काफी महत्व होता है। अगर आप स्पीच देते हैं तो यह आपको औरों से अलग बनाता है। भारत में 2 अक्टूबर को गांधी जयंती मनाई जाती है और इस दिन जगह-जगह कार्यक्रमों में स्पीच (Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi) देने के लिए ये स्टेप्स अपनाएंः

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच देने से पहले उनके बारे में सही से जानकारी करना जरूरी है।
स्पीच लिखते समय आपको शब्दों का सही चयन करना होगा।
सही से स्पीच तैयार करने और समय का ध्यान रखते हुए आगे बढ़ना चाहिए।
अपनी स्पीच में भाषा के महत्व को देखना है कि आप जहां बोल रहे हैं, वहां हिंदी सही रहेगी या इंग्लिश।
स्पीच की शुरुआत महात्मा गांधी से जुड़े तथ्यों या फिर उनकी शिक्षा या अन्य कोई बड़ी कामयाबी से कर सकते हैं।
स्पीच में महात्मा गांधी का महत्व बताते हुए उनके कुछ बड़े आंदोलन का उल्लेख कर सकते हैं।
स्पीच तैयार करते समय यह जानना जरूरी है कि लोगों पर इसका क्या असर रहेगा और यह हमारे लिए कैसे फायदेमंद रहेगी।
स्पीच में विषय से भटकना नहीं चाहिए, अगर महात्मा गांधी पर बोल रहे हैं तो पूरे समय में उनके बारे में ही बात होनी चाहिए।

यह भी पढ़ें- जानिये कैसे तैयार करें इंजीनियर्स दिवस पर 100, 200, 300 शब्दों में स्पीच

100 शब्दों में Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi इस प्रकार हैः

महात्मा गांधी एक ऐसे व्यक्ति थे, जिन्होंने अपना पूरा जीवन देश के लिए समर्पित कर दिया। इसमें कोई शक नहीं कि लोग उन्हें राष्ट्रपिता कहते हैं। गरीबों, पीड़ितों और निचली जाति के लोगों के प्रति उनकी सहानुभूति बिल्कुल अद्वितीय है। महात्मा गांधी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को गुजरात के पोरबंदर में हुआ। इनके पिता का नाम करमचंद गाँधी तथा माता का नाम पुतलीबाई था। महात्मा गाँधी के पिता कठियावाड़ के छोटे से रियासत (पोरबंदर) के दिवान थे। 13 वर्ष की आयु में गाँधी जी का विवाह कस्तूरबा से करवा दिया गया था। गांधी जी की शिक्षा का विचार मुख्य रूप से चरित्र निर्माण, नैतिक मूल्यों, नैतिकता और मुक्त शिक्षा पर केंद्रित था।

200 शब्दों में Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi इस प्रकार हैः

देश में आंदोलनों की जब भी बात होती है तो महात्मा गांधी को सबसे ऊपर रखा गया है। 2 अक्टूबर को हम सब इसलिए एकत्र होते हैं कि उन्हें उनकी जयंती पर नमन करें और उनके योगदान को जानें। महात्मा गांधी के बारे में हर भारतवासी को जानना चाहिए। जलियांवाला बाग नरसंहार से गांधी जी को यह ज्ञात हो गया था कि ब्रिटिश सरकार से न्याय की अपेक्षा करना व्यर्थ है, इसीलिए उन्होंने सितंबर 1920 से फरवरी 1922 के मध्य भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के नेतृत्व में असहयोग आंदोलन चलाया। यह आंदोलन काफी सफल रहा और इससे ब्रिटिश सरकार को भारी झटका लगा।

महात्मा गांधी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को गुजरात के पोरबंदर में हुआ। इनके पिता का नाम करमचंद गाँधी तथा माता का नाम पुतलीबाई था। महात्मा गांधी के पिता कठियावाड़ के छोटे से रियासत (पोरबंदर) के दिवान थे। 13 वर्ष की आयु में गांधी जी का विवाह कस्तूरबा से करा दिया गया था। 1930 में गांधी जी ने असहयोग आंदोलन चलाया और 1942 में उन्होंने अंग्रेजों से भारत छोड़ने का आह्वान किया। अपने इन आन्दोलन के दौरान वह कई बार जेल गए और गांधी जी से अन्य लोगों के दृढ़ निश्चय से हमारा भारत 1947 में आजाद हुआ था।

महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच 300 शब्दों में

300 शब्दों में Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi इस प्रकार हैः

गांधी जयंती या फिर महात्मा गांधी के ऊपर स्पीच की शुरुआत में सबसे पहले जहां स्पीच दे रहे हैं वहां के वरिष्ठ लोगों का संबोधन करना है और फिर महात्मा गांधी और गांधी जयंती के बारे में थोड़ा बताना है। जैसे- भारत की आजादी से पहले और बाद तक महात्मा गांधी का योगदान या फिर उनके आंदोलन आदि। गांधी जी के परिवार के बारे में भी बता सकते हैं।

गांधी जी का जन्म 2 अक्टूबर 1869 को गुजरात के पोरबंदर में हुआ था। 2 अक्टूबर को हम उन्हीं की याद में गांधी जयंती मनाते हैं। गांधीजी का पूरा नाम मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी था। गांधी जी के पिता का नाम करमचंद उत्तमचंद गांधी था और वह राजकोट के दीवान रह चुके थे। गांधी जी की माता का नाम पुतलीबाई था। गांधी जी ने पोरबंदर में पढ़ाई की थी और फिर माध्यमिक परीक्षा के लिए राजकोट गए थे। वकालत की पढ़ाई के लिए इंग्लैंड गए। बाद में उन्हें कानूनी केस में दक्षिण अफ्रीका जाना पड़ा और वहां उन्होंने रंग के चलते हो रहे भेदभाव को महसूस किया और उसके खिलाफ अपनी आवाज़ उठाने की सोची।

वहां से इंडिया आने के बाद उन्होंने अंग्रेजी हुकूमत की तानाशाह को जवाब देने के लिए और अपने समाज को एकजुट करने के बारे में सोचा। इसी दौरान उन्होंने कई आंदोलन किए, जिसके लिए वे कई बार जेल भी जा चुके थे। बिहार के चम्पारण में किसानों पर हो रहे अत्याचारों के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज़ उठाई। यह आंदोलन उन्होंने जमींदार और अंग्रेज़ों के खिलाफ किया था। 1930 में गांधी जी ने असहयोग आंदोलन चलाया और 1942 में उन्होंने अंग्रेजों से भारत छोड़ने का आह्वान किया। अपने इन आंदोलन के दौरान वह कई बार जेल गए थे।

महात्मा गांधी ने अपनी छाप वैश्विक पटल छोड़ी है और इसीलिए प्यार से लोग उन्हें बापू बुलाते हैं। महात्मा गांधी को 2 अक्टूबर के दिन यानी गांधी जयंती पर नमन किया जाता है और देश के लिए किए उनके कार्यों को ध्यान दिलाया जाता है। इन शब्दों के साथ मैं अपने भाषण को विराम देता हूं। धन्यवाद।

महात्मा गांधी से जुड़े रोचक तथ्य इस प्रकार हैंः

एक छोटे बच्चे के रूप में गांधी बहुत शर्मीले थे और किसी से बात करने से बचने के लिए स्कूल खत्म होते ही घर भाग जाते थे।
संयुक्त राष्ट्र ने 2007 में गांधी के जन्मदिन, 2 अक्टूबर को अंतरराष्ट्रीय अहिंसा दिवस के रूप में घोषित किया।
गांधीजी को 5 बार नोबेल शांति पुरस्कार के लिए नामांकित किया गया था लेकिन उन्हें कभी पुरस्कार नहीं मिला।
टाइम मैगजीन ने 1930 में महात्मा गांधी को पर्सन ऑफ द ईयर नामित किया।
इतिहास की किताबों के अनुसार गांधीजी को महात्मा की उपाधि रवीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर ने दी थी।
ब्रह्मचर्य का व्रत लेने से पहले, महात्मा गांधी के चार बेटे थे।
मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी की हत्या पूर्व बिड़ला हाउस के बगीचे में की गई थी।
गांधी जी और प्रसिद्ध लेखक लियो टॉल्स्टॉय पत्रों के माध्यम से एक-दूसरे से बातचीत करते थे।
महात्मा गांधी की मातृभाषा गुजराती थी।
गांधी जी ने सत्याग्रह संघर्ष में अपने सहयोगियों के लिए दक्षिण अफ्रीका के जोहान्सबर्ग से 21 मील दूर 1100 एकड़ की जगह पर एक छोटी कॉलोनी, टॉल्स्टॉय फार्म की स्थापना की।
1930 में उन्होंने दांडी नमक मार्च का नेतृत्व किया और 1942 में स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के दौरान उन्होंने भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन चलाया।

हर वर्ष 2 अक्टूबर को गांधी जयंती मनाई जाती है। गांधी जयंती को पूरे भारत में प्रार्थना सेवाओं और श्रद्धांजलि के साथ मनाया जाता है, जिसमें नई दिल्ली में गांधी के स्मारक, राजघाट, जहां उनका अंतिम संस्कार किया गया था भी शामिल है।

संबंधित ब्लाॅग

महात्मा गांधी का पूरा नाम मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी है।

महात्मा गांधी का मुख्य नारा भारत छोड़ो, करो या मरो है।

महात्मा गांधी की बेटी नहीं थी, उनके चार बेटे थे।

महात्मा गांधी का विवाह कस्तूरबा से हुआ था।

आशा है कि इस ब्लाॅग में आपको Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi के बारे में पूरी जानकारी मिल गई होगी। इसी तरह के अन्य ट्रेंडिंग आर्टिकल्स पढ़ने के लिए Leverage Edu के साथ बने रहें।

स्टडी अब्राॅड प्लेटफाॅर्म Leverage Edu में सीखने की प्रक्रिया जारी है। शुभम को 4 वर्षों का अनुभव है, वह पूर्व में Dainik Jagran और News Nib News Website में कंटेंट डेवलपर रहे चुके हैं। न्यूज, एग्जाम अपडेट्स और UPSC में करंट अफेयर्स लगातार लिख रहे हैं। पत्रकारिता में स्नातक करने के बाद शुभम ने एजुकेशन के अलावा स्पोर्ट्स और बिजनेस बीट पर भी काम किया है। उन्हें लिखने और रिसर्च बेस्ड स्टोरीज पर फोकस करने के अलावा क्रिकेट खेलना और देखना पसंद है।

प्रातिक्रिया दे जवाब रद्द करें

अगली बार जब मैं टिप्पणी करूँ, तो इस ब्राउज़र में मेरा नाम, ईमेल और वेबसाइट सहेजें।

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महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण

स्वतंत्रता दिवस 2022 के अवसर पर भारत में आजादी के 76 साल की वर्षगांठ मनाई जा रही है। 15 अगस्त 1947 की नई सुबह देखने के लिए मंगल पांडेय से लेकर भगत सिंह तक कई स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों ने अपने प्राण न्योछावर कर दिए।.

इस वर्ष 2 अक्टूबर 2022 को महात्मा गांधी की 153वीं जयंती मनाई जा रही है। स्वतंत्रता दिवस 2022 के अवसर पर भारत में आजादी के 76 साल की वर्षगांठ मनाई गई। 15 अगस्त 1947 की नई सुबह देखने के लिए मंगल पांडेय से लेकर भगत सिंह तक कई स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों ने अपने प्राण न्योछावर कर दिए। स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों में महात्मा गांधी ने सबसे महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई।

अहिंसा के मार्ग पर चलकर गांधी जी के आजाद भारत का सपना साकार किया गया। महात्मा गांधी के आंदोलनों में चंपारण आंदोलन, खेड़ा आंदोलन, खिलाफत आंदोलन, असहयोग आंदोलन, नमक मार्च और भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन ने लोगों को आजादी के लिए प्रेरित किया।

लोग महात्मा गांधी जी के आन्दोलनों में जुड़ते गए और आजादी की राह को आसान बनाते गए। अंत में 15 अगस्त 1947 को भारत ब्रिटिश राज से आजाद हुआ। स्वतंत्रता दिवस के उपलक्ष्य में महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण लिखने की तैयारी कर रहे हैं तो करियर इंडिया हिंदी आपके लिए सबसे बेस्ट महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण लेकर आया है, जिसकी मदद से आप आसानी से महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण लिख सकते हैं।

महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण अगर आज गांधीजी जिंदा होते तो 2 अक्टूबर 2022 को 153 साल के हो जाते, लेकिन आज गांधी जी हम सबके मन में जिंदा है। इस साल 2 अक्टूबर 2022 को महात्मा गांधी की 153वीं जयंती मनाई जाएगी। मेरे लिए हर दिन के अचरण में गांधीजी के जीवनदर्शन को उतारना ही सही मायनों में गांधीवादी होना है और सही मायनों में उनके प्रति सम्मान व्यक्त करना है। गांधी जी ने भारत की आजादी के लिए अपना पूरा जीवन देश को समर्पित किया। देश में उनके अतुलनीय योगदान के लिए उन्हें राष्ट्रपिता का दर्जा दिया गया और उनके नाम में महात्मा शब्द जोड़ा गया। जयंती मनाना महज एक रस्म अदायगीभर होती है। महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि क्या हमारे जीवन में उस जीवन का कोई अंश या प्रभाव है, जिसकी हम जयंती मना रहे हैं? अगर ये होता है तो वह फिर हमारी जिंदगी एक नई राह पर चलती है।

किसी के प्रति सम्मान का सबसे सही तरीका यही है, इसलिए मुझे गांधी जयंती मनाने या उनके भव्य कार्यक्रम में जाने से ज्यादा उनके विचारों को जीवन में उतरना है। भारत जिस तरह की समरस्ता के लिए सदियों से जाना जाता रहा है और जिस तरह के भारत को दुनिया जानती, मानती व सम्मान करती है, उस समरस भारत की तो अब छवि ही ध्वस्त की जा रही है। एक मुल्क के लिए और एक समाज के लिए वह आईना उसकी सूरत को दिखाने वाला आईना नहीं होता बल्कि उसकी आत्मा को दर्शाने वाला आईना होता है। सूरत को हम चाहे जितनी साफ सुथरी बनाकर रखें, उसे सुंदर गढ़ लें, लेकिन जो आईना हमारी आत्मा को दिखाता है, उसे हमारी सूरत से कुछ लेना देना नहीं होता। इसलिए गांधीजी के विचारों का सम्मान करें, यही हमें गांधीवादी बनता है।

जब तक कि हम गांधीजी के जीवनदर्शन को अपनी रोजमर्रा की जिंदगी में नहीं उतारते, तक तब उनके सपनों का भारत का निर्माण नहीं होगा। मुझे चिंता इस बात की है कि गांधीजी को उत्सव में तब्दील करने के बाद भी मुल्क के आईने में जो हमारी आत्मा की तस्वीर नजर आयेगी, क्या उसे हम खुद स्वीकार कर पायेंगे? यह गांधी की छवि पूजा का दौर है, उनका दिनरात खूब नाम लिया जा रहा है। लेकिन अपने जीवन और अपनी सोच में उन्हें बिल्कुल जगह नहीं दी जा रही। इसका बहुत बुरा असर पड़ा रहा है। गांधी के नाम पर जो बड़े बड़े कार्यक्रम करने की होड़ लगी हुई, वह दरअसल जनता को कन्फ्यूज करने के लिए है। जनता को यह बताने या दर्शाने की कोशिश की जा रही है कि सरकार गांधीजी के बताये हुए मार्ग पर चल रही है और इसी के बल पर उससे अपने लिए समर्थन मांगा जाता है।

जब लोग नासमझी में किसी को समर्थन देते हैं तो ऐसे लोग गर्व से यह कहते हें, उन्हें जनता ने चुना है। यह गांधी दर्शन के साथ एक राजनीतिक साजिश है। लेकिन मैं समझता हूं, जो खरा है, वो कभी खत्म नहीं होगा। इतिहास गवाह है जो खरा है, उसे थोड़े समय तक के लिए भले बरगला दिया जाए लेकिन कोई भी ताकत खरे प्रभाव को कभी भी खत्म नहीं कर सकती। अगर गांधीजी को इस किस्म से बरगलाना आसान होता तो अब तक दुनिया में गांधीजी का प्रभाव खत्म हो गया होता। लेकिन ऐसा नहीं हुआ। हर गुजरते दिन के साथ गांधीजी पहले से ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण और पहले से ज्यादा दुनिया की जरूरत बन गए हैं, जो लोग गांधीजी की मूर्ति की पूजा के बहाने अपने मंसूबो को अंजाम देने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं, उन्हें मालूम होना चाहिए कि नकली भक्ति हमेशा के लिए कभी नहीं टिकती, वह जल्दी बेनकाब हो जाती है।

गांधीजी के साथ कुछ वैसा ही हो रहा है जैसा मर्यादा पुरुषोत्तम राम के साथ हुआ या हो रहा है। जो लोग राम के भक्त कहलाने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं, उन्हें वह मर्यादा पुरुषोत्तम राम याद नहीं आता जिसके कारण उन्हें भगवान का दर्जा मिला। वह तो बस राम का नाम लेकर अपनी राजनीति को चमकाना चाहते हैं। इसी तरह गांधी के साथ हो रहा है। इस दौर के राजनेता आईकोनिक पूजा का दिखावा करते हैं, लेकिन जिन्हें अपना आदर्श बताते हैं, कभी उनके कदमों पर चलने की कोशिश नहीं करते। क्योंकि यह उन्हें बहुत कठिन लगता है और यह भी सही है कि उनकी फितरत भी अलग है। आज के दौर में राजनीति, आईकोनिक पूजा के बहाने अपने उद्देश्यों को गाठने की कोशिश करती है। इस क्रम में भले उसे अपने ही आर्दश की छवि के साथ नाइंसाफी करनी पड़े।

बापू के साथ भी यही कोशिश हो रही है। लेकिन जनता अब ऐसी नहीं है कि राजनेताओं के बरगलाने पर वह लंबे समय तक बरगलायी जाती रहे। अब जनता का भ्रमित होना आसान नहीं है। हां, थोड़े बहुत लोग भ्रमित हो भी रहे हैं तो उसकी वजह यह है कि आज की दुनिया में ऐसे लोग दिखते ही नहीं जिनकी तुलना गांधीजी से की जा सके या जिन्हें आज के दौर का गांधी कहा जा सके। किसी भी महान आत्मा से दर्शाया गया प्रेम हमारे आचरण और व्यवहार में तभी दिखता है जब वह सच्चा या सचमुच का प्रेम हो। अभी जो बापू के प्रति प्रेम दिखता है, जो भक्ति दिखती है, वह एक छलावा है। बापू के नाम पर अपने ही एजेंडा को सेट करने का षडयंत्र है, एक तरह से बापू का इस्तेमाल किया जा रहा है। इस सबसे देश को कोई फायदा नहीं होगा, देश को फायदा तब होगा जब हम उनके बताए मार्ग पर चलेंगे।

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Mahatma Gandhi Speech for Students PDF

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Mahatma Gandhi Speech for Students

India celebrates the 152nd birth anniversary of Gandhi Ji, also known as the Mahatma Gandhi and ‘the father of the nation’ on Saturday, 2 October 2021. This day is also known as Gandhi Jayanti.

On this day every school celebrates the Gandhi Jayanti and Several events are organized across the country and even globally to observe Gandhi Jayanti. School students participate in speech, essay writing, and poster-making events.

Mahatma Gandhi Speech in English for Students

Greetings to all my friends and teachers. We are celebrating the birth anniversary of one of the greatest leaders of the Indian freedom struggle, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.

Mahatma Gandhi was born on 2nd October 1869. People fondly called him Bapu. He is known for his non-violent ways to fight for independence.

Gandhiji completed his early studies in British ruled India and then went on to pursue law in England. After practising law in South Africa, he returned to India in 1915 and became a part of the Indian freedom struggle. He led important movements like Champaran Satyagraha, Non-Cooperation Movement, Dandi March and Quit India Movement.

Gandhi Jayanti is marked by prayer services and tributes all over India. Gandhi’s favourite bhajan Raghupati Raghav Raja Ram is usually sung in his memory.

Gandhi Jayanti speech tips

Keep the Gandhi Jayanti speech short as students may not be able to learn a lengthy one.
Don’t stuff the Gandhi Jayanti speech with words students won’t remember.
Keep it simple so that students are able to learn it.
Practice the speech multiple times.

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Independence Day Speech 2024: Engaging Short and Long Speeches for You!

Independence day speech (swatantrata diwas bhashan) 2024: as independence day is just around the corner, we bring short and long speeches that students can use on the occasion. students can use these engaging and informative speeches for their school assemblies or speech competitions. .

Independence Day Speech For School Students: India will celebrate its 78th Independence Day on August 15, 2024. Independence Day is the occasion on which people come together to honour the sacrifices of the freedom fighters who sacrificed their lives to attain independence from the British rule. Independence Day is a time to showcase pride and patriotism. It is also a reminder that despite differences in language or tradition, we are all part of one nation. On Independence Day, we join hands to honour the courage of the brave people who fought for our rights.

Independence Day is an occasion to reflect on how we have come as a nation and reaffirm our commitment to uphold the values of justice, liberty and equality. Various activities like speech contests are held in schools to celebrate the nation's freedom.

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Independence Day 2024 Speech in 100 Words

Respected principal, teachers and my dear friends, today, we gather here to celebrate the 78th Independence Day of our nation. As we observe the anniversary of the liberation of our nation from British colonial rule, our hearts are filled with pride and gratitude for the sacrifices of our freedom fighters who fought bravely for our liberty and our rights.

Independence Day 2024 Speech in 200 Words

Respected principal, teachers and my dear friends, Independence Day is celebrated on August 15. This day marks the nation’s liberation from the British colonial rule after a long struggle. On this day, we pay tribute to the brave souls who laid down their lives and fought valiantly for the freedom we cherish today. Independence Day is a solemn occasion of national pride and unity.

Independence Day is a glorious occasion when people come together to cherish the journey of our nation and pledge to uphold the values of justice, liberty and equality. As a nation, our unity and diversity are our greatest strengths. The freedom that we enjoy today came as a result of the sacrifices of our valiant freedom fighters.

Also Check: Independence Day 2024 School Assembly Ideas for Students and Teachers

This freedom was achieved after countless movements such as the Civil Disobedience movement. The nation would not have attained independence, had it not been for notable freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, Lala Lajpat Rai, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and many others.

Independence Day 2024 Speech in 500 Words

Respected guests, principal, teachers and my dear friends, we are gathered here today to celebrate the 78th Independence Day of our nation. India achieved independence on August 15, 1947. It was an extremely proud moment when the national flag was unfurled at the Red Fort by India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. This momentous occasion marked the end of the British rule in India.

The British came to our nation, which was then known as, ‘Sone ki Chidiya’, for the purpose of trade. But they soon began taking advantage of the discords between people. The East India Company (EIC) took permission to carry out trade. The EIC gradually began expanding its operations and established factories in various parts of India.

The British were successful in driving out French, Dutch and Portuguese traders out of the country. It was the Battle of Plassey (1757) which marked the successful establishment of the British rule in India. The British made Mir Jafar the puppet Nawab of Bengal in exchange for the territory of 24 parganas.

The discriminatory policies of the British led to the Revolt of 1857. This event marked the first occasion of organised resistance against the EIC. The revolt was started by the sepoys of the EIC’s army and later spread to various cities. The revolt failed due to limited participation and lack of leadership.

After the revolt, power was transferred from the EIC to the crown. The path to independence from the British saw various movements such as the Non-cooperation movement, Khilafat movement, Civil Disobedience movement and the Quit India movement. Behind India’s independence lies the rebellions and movements carried out by many freedom fighters. These people fought with unwavering determination to achieve freedom for all.

Some of these brave freedom fighters were Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Bhagat Singh, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, Lala Lajpat Rai, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Rani Laxmi Bai, Mangal Pandey and countless others.

On the eve of India’s independence, Pandit Nehru gave the famous ‘Tryst with Destiny’ speech. I would like to take this opportunity to quote some historic lines from the speech. Pandit Nehru said, ‘’Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.’’

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As we celebrate Independence Day, let us remember our unsung heroes and their sacrifices. Let us continue to find strength in our unity and diversity. Let us all express our gratitude towards those who fought for our freedom and equality.

Interesting Facts About Independence Day

Here are some additional facts that you can use to add value to your speech.

1 .Our National Anthem 'Jana Gana Mana' was composed by Rabindranath Tagore in 1911 but it was not adopted as the national anthem until January 24, 1950.

2 .National song 'Vande Mataram' was adopted on January 24, 1950. It was composed by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee.

3 .Mahatma Gandhi went on a hunger strike to stop the violence and bloodshed that was caused by the partition. Thus he did not participate in the Independence Day celebrations.

4 .India was supposed to get independence on June 30, 1948. But the date was preponed in order to avoid the bloodbath.

5 .The first Indian flag was hoisted on August 7, 1906 at Parsee Bagaan Square in then Calcutta.

6 .The date of independence for both India and Pakistan was August 15, 1947 but Lord Mountbatten selected August 14 for the ceremony of transfer of power to Pakistan as he wanted to attend the ceremonies of both nations.

7 .Hindi was adopted as the official language of Union of India on September 14, 1949.

Use these engaging speeches to express pride and patriotism that you feel for your country. Happy Independence Day to all!

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Famous Speeches of Mahatma Gandhi

Mahatma Gandhi was born on October 2, 1869, his full name was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi who was an Indian lawyer,anti-nationalist, and political ethicist. Mahatma Gandhi was responsible for employing nonviolent resistance and led a successful campaign for India’s Independence from the British government rule which to date is considered to be the most inspiring movement for civil rights and freedom all across the world.

Mahatma Gandhi was born and raised in a Hindu family in Gujarat, India. His father’s name was Karamchand Gandhi and his mother’s name was Putili bai. From an early age, his mother made sure to teach him the importance of honesty and nonviolence. Mahatma Gandhi trained in law at the inner temple, London, and was called to practice at the age of 22 but due to some circumstances, he was unable to practice law in India which led to him moving to South Africa in n1893, to represent an Indian merchant in a lawsuit. Mahatma Gandhi went on and lived twenty-one years in South Africa where he raised a family. During his stay in South Africa, he had to face a lot of discrimination due to the fact that he was an Indian. There was an incident where he was thrown out of a train only because he refused to give up his seat for a white man.

In the year 1915, at the age of 45, Mahatma Gandhi returned to India and organized nonviolent farmers and urban labourers to protest against the excessive land tax and the discrimination they were facing against British rule. After being appointed to be the leader of the national congress in the year 1921, Mahatma Gandhi led nationwide campaigns for expanding women’s rights, building religious and ethnic amity, and erasing or easing poverty, ending untouchability, and above all achieving swaraj or self-rule.

Mahatma Gandhi was able to achieve the mission of independent India where the Indians are respected for who they are on August 15, 1947. He was able to enlighten people and also gave people an opportunity to make a difference in society. Throughout his career as a political leader, Gandhi has given a few speeches that led to different independence movements. Gandhi was a leader, a leader who the people of the country trusted with all of their hearts, a leader who inspired everyone to take part in a better future through his speeches. There have been many speeches of Mahatma Gandhi that led to Indian Independence.

In this article, we are going to discuss in detail all the famous Mahatma Gandhi speeches and the impact they had on the people, and also the role they played in getting India its independence. Along with the discussion of the Gandhi speeches, we are also gonna answer the frequently asked questions on Mahatma Gandhi famous speech

Mahatma Gandhi Famous Speech

Mahatma Gandhi or Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was an Indian lawyer, political leader, freedom fighter, and anti-nationalist. He was one of the greatest leaders of our country. He along with other freedom fighters is majorly responsible for the Indian Independence from British rule. He has been known all around the world for his nonviolent approach to fighting against inequality and other issues which directly violate human rights. Mahatma Gandhi was a very good leader and one quality of a leader that is common all around the world is that they are able to guide the people for a better future and also help everyone to fight against discrimination. Because of his leadership quality, he was imprisoned by the British government many times. The determination of Mahatma Gandhi for Indian Independence led to a movement where every person throughout the country was united to non violently fight against the British government and this determination of Mahatma Gandhi shook the foundation of the entire British Rule.

Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday is on October 2nd and every year it is celebrated in India as Gandhi Jayanthi, a national holiday, and worldwide his birthday is celebrated as the International Day of nonviolence. Mahatma Gandhi is considered the father of the nation all across India and is also called Bapu. He is remembered for his words of wisdom in his great deeds and struggles for the country. On the occasion of the 151st birthday of Mahatma Gandhi let us all look into a few of the greatest speeches of Mahatma Gandhi that led to the freedom of our country. These speeches are considered

to be the ashes that ignited the fire inside every Indian all across the country to fight for Indian independence.

Best Gandhi Speeches

Banaras Hindu University Speech (February 04, 1916)

Dandi March Speech (11th of March 1930)

Round Table Conference Speech (30th of November 1931)

The Quit India Movement Speech (8th of August 1942)

Speech on Kashmir Issue, At a Prayer Meeting (4th of January 1948)

Speech on the Day Before His Last Fast (12th of January 1948)

On February 04, 1916, Mahatma Gandhi was invited by Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya to speak on the occasion of the opening of the Banaras Hindu University. Among Mahatma Gandhi, the other invited guests were The royal kings and princes, Annie Besant. Everyone was in shock at the speech which Gandhi gave that day. Mahatma Gandhi mainly focused on the importance of the Indian language while he was giving the speech.

Mahatma Gandhi was sharply criticizing the overuse of the English language and also demanded self-government or Independent India had jolted the audience for the first time. During this speech, he also showed signs of taking on the leadership of the country’s freedom struggle. Mahatma Gandhi also made sure to discuss the importance of cleanliness especially in public areas and in trains. He also said that if we as Indians are not able to clean the places where we worship or travel, how can we ever be able to manage the government.

Mahatma Gandhi during his speech also challenged the British government and demanded an Independent India and also made sure to give the British government a message that if India is not given independence then we will forcefully take it by ourselves via the nonviolent way. This was the very first speech that went on and grew into a wildfire culminating in India’s freedom from the British government.

On 11th March 1930, there was a mass gathering of more than ten thousand people and there was an evening prayer held on the Sabarmati sands at Ahmedabad. It was on that evening that Mahatma Gandhi delivered the famous Dandi March speech. The speech which he gave during that evening mainly was a roadmap of the famous civil disobedience movement. He made sure to let the people know that no matter what happens after the march and if he lives or dies, the mode of operation should be nonviolence and peace. Every section of the society was invited to come forward and participate in the civil disobedience movement. The march started with the manufacturing of salt from the seawater along with the followers and also called upon every fellow Indians to defy the taxes which were imposed by the British government. He asked all the Indians to give up foreign clothes and liquor, resist taxes imposed by the government and the British courts and offices. This speech had such an impact that not only did this speech ask every Indian to join the freedom struggle and also challenged colonial rule but also decades later influenced the Civil rights movement in the United States of America. Mahatma Gandhi also requested all the women to participate in the march and said that they should come forward and stand shoulder to shoulder with the men in the struggle. The Dandi March speech is considered to be a very important event as it introduced the term ‘satyagraha’ in every Indian psyche.

The round table conference speech was given by Mahatma Gandhi at the round table conference which was held in London on 30th November 1931. During this conference, the British tried to convince all the Indian leaders to accept the British government and all the rules and laws citing communal disharmony. The bold and courageous Mahatma Gandhi called the British bluff and showed the unity of Indians and the spirit. He said that the people of India are united and there is no disharmony between them due to religion. There were actually no conflicts between the people with different religions but as soon as the Britishers arrived and along with them the policies, there was a division among the people of India.

Mahatma Gandhi was bold enough to demand the British to offer self-government activity to India through his speech.

On the day of the Quit India movement, Mahatma Gandhi gave a speech to the people at the Kranti ground in Bombay. The speech of Mahatma Gandhi included many important points but mostly in his speech he focused on the idea and the importance of non-violence. He said that to get independence everyone should follow a nonviolent approach and the draft resolution of the working committee of the congress is written on the foundation of ahimsa and anyone who does not trust the nonviolence approach to attain independence can separate themselves from the operation.

During this speech, he gave many examples and the situations of the resolutions from history which were fought with the weapons and eventually lost. He said that a person who fights for freedom with only the violent approach will have the blood of his comrades on his hands. He made sure to let the people know that we as Indians are fighting against the non-democratic British rule and its government and not the British people. He said to not hate or have a sour feeling for other English people but to treat everyone with respect. Mahatma Gandhi finally concluded the speech by saying the very famous slogan ‘’Do or die’’. The slogan was a message to every Indian across the country that made sure to say that the fight for the independence of India is the endgame and no one will stop until and unless we get what we want. The Quit India movement speech became an open challenge to the British government from Mahatma Gandhi who was speaking for the millions of Indians across the country to give our country independence.

On the 4th of January 1948, after the evening of the prayer meeting, Mahatma Gandhi had to discuss the tension which arose between India and Pakistan on the Kashmir issue. From the beginning, Mahatma Gandhi did not want any kind of conflicts between India and Pakistan as he was a follower of peace and nonviolence from the beginning. He was a firm believer that anything could be solved by discussing and therefore he wanted that India and Pakistan should initiate a dialogue system to find a solution to the problem. From the beginning, he did not support the idea of partitioning as he believed that if India went through partition there would be conflicts in the future based on religion. He always believed that we Indians are the strongest when we are united together irrespective of whatever religion we belong to. After the partition was done and when the conflict arose between India and Pakistan on the Kashmir issue, Mahatma Gandhi highlighted the importance of the United Nations in initiating a settlement between the two countries.

India had achieved independence but it was achievable through the hard work of many people and it came with a terrible price which the people of India are still paying. Mahatma Gandhi was a firm believer of nonviolence and peace among everyone but when he saw the communal riots happening in front of him, that broke him completely. The one thing which he believed and fought for was peace and a country where everyone is free but he was seeing a sight where people were fighting based on religion, he was devastated by it. Mahatma Gandhi was surrounded by sorrows and he started to fast to spread communal love, harmony, nonviolence, and respect to each other. In this speech, Mahatma Gandhi highlighted the importance of fast as a penalty and he also requested communal harmony between all the communities in India. He was very disappointed by the enmity shown by people belonging to different religions. The speech on the day before his fast was the last recorded speech of Mahatma Gandhi before he was assassinated.

Conclusion on Mahatma Gandhi Famous Speeches

It has been more than 70 years since Indian Independence from the British government and still, the Gandhi speeches are relevant in modern times. Mahatma Gandhi’s speeches are the best example of how words could change and inspire people to do the work. When Indians were tortured and discriminated against and were not given basic human rights, Mahatma Gandhi rose to the occasion and fought for those people. He taught us the concept of nonviolence and how it could win a war without even raising a sword. Mahatma Gandhi's famous speeches have inspired people all across the world to fight for their rights in a nonviolent way. Even to this day where everything is developing within a matter of days, there has been violence and crimes all across the world. Crime based on the name of religions, discrimination of people based on their colour. Gandhi showed us the way to fight all these discriminations and it was the way of ‘Ahimsa’ or nonviolence. The path that was shown by Mahatma Gandhi is very essential to make the world the best and peaceful.

FAQs on Famous Speeches of Mahatma Gandhi

1. List Out all the Important Mahatma Gandhi Famous Speeches?

Throughout his fight for independent India, Mahatma Gandhi has given six speeches that are considered to be the most important and they are

Benaras Hindu University Speech (February 04, 1916)

2. Which was the Last Gandhi Speech?

On the 12 th of January 1948, Mahatma Gandhi gave his last speech which is called the “Speech on the day before his last fast”. He was fasting to send a message to the people of India to stop killing each other in the name of religion. Gandhi was a firm believer in nonviolence and when he saw that his people were fighting and disturbing the peace and harmony of the country just because of religion, he decided to fast which he considered was a penalty for all the violence happening in the country, In his speech, he said that he did not fight for the country just to see its people fighting each other based and religion. This is considered to be his last speech before his assassination.

3. I would like to find more about Mahatma Gandhi, where can I find it?

In the year 1869, on the second of October Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born in a small city situated in the Kathiawar peninsula, called Porbandar. Mahatma Gandhi studied law at the inner temple, London, but at the age of 22 when he returned back to India for the practice, he could not find much employment. And hence went to South Africa in 1983, in order to represent the Indian merchant in a lawsuit. And after returning from there he joined the Indian freedom struggle.

4. Where can I find the best speeches of Mahatma Gandhi?

If you are looking for the famous and the best speeches on Mahatma Gandhi, then you do not have to go anywhere else, because you have already arrived at the right place, that is to say, you can find the best speeches of Mahatma Gandhi at Vedantu. Though all the speeches that Mahatma Gandhi has given are the best and great, Vedantu has selected six speeches out of many, and Vedantu provides the same to the students, and that too in English.

5. Why choose Vedantu for the best speeches of Mahatma Gandhi?

Throughout his entire life Mahatma Gandhi had given so many speeches and in each speech of Mahatma Gandhi teaches us something, but Vedantu has selected the six speeches given on the six most important time periods of Indian history and provides these speeches to the students to read and learn life lessons. Also, Vedantu provides all the speeches in English and hence for the students of English medium, it becomes really easy to understand and comprehend the same. And hence you must choose Vedantu for the best speeches of Mahatma Gandhi.

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Famous Speeches
The Quit India Speech

{Gandhiji addressed the A.I.C.C. at Bombay on 8-8-42 outlining his plan of action, in Hindustani, as follows;}

Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you one or two things, I want you to understand two things very clearly and to consider them from the same point of view from which I am placing them before you. I ask you to consider it from my point of view, because if you approve of it, you will be enjoined to carry out all I say. It will be a great responsibility. There are people who ask me whether I am the same man that I was in 1920, or whether there has been any change in me. You are right in asking that question.

Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to nonviolence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.

Occasions like the present do not occur in everybody's and but rarely in anybody's life. I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa in all that I am saying and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution.

Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Hims2 and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged unwrongly of the great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China are threatened.

Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a nonviolent fight for India's independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially nonviolent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard in the Congress today. It will not be for you then to object saying, "This community is microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedom's struggle; why should it have all the power?" Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly... I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana1 for the last twenty-two years.

I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyle's French Resolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by nonviolence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the two are one This hatred would even make them welcome the Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another. We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and velour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbour hatred against anybody.

[Gandhiji's address before the A.I.C.C. at Bombay on 8-8-'42 delivered in Hindustani:] I congratulate you on the resolution that you have just passed. I also congratulate the three comrades on the courage they have shown in pressing their amendments to a division, even though they knew that there was an overwhelming majority in favour of the resolution, and I congratulate the thirteen friends who voted against the resolution. In doing so, they had nothing to be ashamed of. For the last twenty years we have tried to learn not to lose courage even when we are in a hopeless minority and are laughed at. We have learned to hold on to our beliefs in the confidence that we are in the right. It behaves us to cultivate this courage of conviction, for it ennobles man and raises his moral stature.

I was, therefore, glad to see that these friends had imbibed the principle which I have tried to follow for the last fifty years and more.

Having congratulated them on their courage, let me say that what they asked this Committee to accept through their amendments was not the correct representation of the situation. These friends ought to have pondered over the appeal made to them by the Maulana to withdraw their amendments; they should have carefully followed the explanations given by Jawaharlal. Had they done so, it would have been clear to them that the right which they now want the Congress to concede has already been conceded by the Congress.

Time was when every Mussalman claimed the whole of India as his motherland. During the years that the Ali brothers were with me, the assumption underlying all their talks and discussions was that India belonged as much to the Mussalmans as to the Hindus. I can testify to the fact that this was their innermost conviction and nor a mask; I lived with them for years. I spent days and nights in their company. And I make bold to say that their utterances were the honest expression of their beliefs. I know there are some who say that I take things too readily at their face value, that I am gullible. I do not think I am such a simpleton, nor am I so gullible as these friends take me to be. But their criticism does not hurt me. I should prefer to be considered gullible rather deceitful.

What these Communist friends proposed through their amendments is nothing new. It has been repeated from thousands of platforms. Thousands of Mussalmans have told me, that if Hindu-Muslim question was to be solved satisfactorily, it must be done in my lifetime. I should feel flattered at this; but how can I agree to proposal which does not appeal to my reason? Hindu-Muslim unity is not a new thing. Millions of Hindus and Mussalmans have sought after it. I consciously strove for its achievement from my boyhood. While at school, I made it a point to cultivate the friendship of Muslims and Parsi co-students. I believed even at that tender age that the Hindus in India, if they wished to live in peace and amity with the other communities, should assiduously cultivate the virtue of neighbourliness. It did not matter, I felt, if I made no special effort to cultivate the friendship with Hindus, but I must make friends with at least a few Mussalmans. It was as counsel for a Mussalmans merchant that I went to South Africa. I made friends with other Mussalmans there, even with the opponents of my client, and gained a reputation for integrity and good faith. I had among my friends and co-workers Muslims as well as Parsis. I captured their hearts and when I left finally for India, I left them sad and shedding tears of grief at the separation.

In India too I continued my efforts and left no stone unturned to achieve that unity. It was my life-long aspiration for it that made me offer my fullest co-operation to the Mussalmans in the Khilafat movement. Muslims throughout the country accepted me as their true friend.

How then is it that I have now come to be regarded as so evil and detestable? Had I any axe to grind in supporting the Khilafat movement? True, I did in my heart of hearts cherish a hope that it might enable me to save the cow. I am a worshipper of the cow. I believe the cow and myself to be the creation of the same God, and I am prepared to sacrifice my life in order to save the cow. But, whatever my philosophy of life and my ultimate hopes, I joined the movement in no spirit of bargain. I co-operated in the struggle for the Khilafat solely on order to discharge my obligation to my neighbour who, I saw, was in distress. The Ali brothers, had they been alive today, would have testified to the truth of this assertion. And so would many others bear me out in that it was not a bargain on my part for saving the cow. The cow like the Khilafat. Stood on her own merits. As an honest man, a true neighbour and a faithful friend, it was incumbent on me to stand by the Mussalmans in the hour of their trial.

In those days, I shocked the Hindus by dinning time they have now got used to it. Maulana Bari told me, however, that through he would not allow me dine with him, lest some day he should be accused of a sinister motive. And so, whenever I had occasion to stay with him, he called a Brahmana cook and made social arrangements for separate cooking. Firangi ,Mahal, his residence, was an old-styled structure with limited accommodation; yet he cheerfully bore all hardships and carried out his resolve from which I could not dislodge him. It was the spirit of courtesy, dignity and nobility that inspired us in those days. They respected one another's religious feelings, and considered it a privilege to do so. Not a trace of suspicion lurked in anybody's heart. Where has all that dignity, that nobility of spirit, disappeared now? I should ask all Mussalmans, including Quaid-I-Azam Jinnah, to recall those glorious days and to find out what has brought us to the present impasse. Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah himself was at one time a Congressman. If today the Congress has incurred his wrath, it is because the canker of suspicion has entered his heart. May God bless him with long life, but when I am gone, he will realize and admit that I had no designs on Mussalmans and that I had never betrayed their interests. Where is the escape for me, if I injure their cause or betray their interests? My life is entirely at their disposal. They are free to put an end to it, whenever they wish to do so. Assaults have been made on my life in the past, but God has spared me till now, and the assailants have repented for their action. But if someone were to shoot me in the belief that he was getting rid of a rascal, he would kill not the real Gandhi, but the one that appeared to him a rascal.

To those who have been indulging in a campaign of a abuse and vilification I would say, "Islam enjoins you not to revile even an enemy. The Prophet treated even enemies with kindness and tried to win them over by his fairness and generosity. Are you followers of that Islam or of any other? If you are followers of the true Islam, does it behave you to distrust the words of one who makes a public declaration of his faith? You may take it from me that one day you will regret the fact that you distrusted and killed one who was a true and devoted friend of yours." It cuts me to the quick to see that the more I appeal and the more the Maulana importunes, the more intense does the campaign of vilification grow. To me, these abuses are like bullets. They can kill me, even as a bullet can put an end to my life. You may kill me. That will not hurt me. But what of those who indulge in abusing? They bring discredit to Islam. For the fair name of Islam, I appeal to you to resist this unceasing campaign of abuse and vilification.

Maulana Saheb is being made a target for the filthiest abuse. Why? Because he refuses to exert on me the pressure of his friendship. He realizes that it is a misuse of friendship to seek up to compel a friend to accept as truth what he knows is an untruth.

To the Quaid-Azam I would say: Whatever is true and valid in the claim for Pakistan is already in your hands. What is wrong and untenable is in nobody's gift, so that it can be made over to you. Even if someone were to succeed in imposing an untruth on others, he would not be able to enjoy for long the fruits of such a coercion. God dislikes pride and keeps away from it. God would not tolerate a forcible imposition of an untruth.

The Quaid-Azam says that he is compelled to say bitter things but that he cannot help giving expression to his thoughts and his feelings. Similarly I would say : "I consider myself a friend of Mussalmans. Why should I then not give expression to the things nearest to my heart, even at the cost of displeasing them? How can I conceal my innermost thoughts from them? I should congratulate the Quaid-i-Azam on his frankness in giving expression to his thoughts and feelings, even if they sound bitter to his hearers. But even so why should the Mussalmans sitting here be reviled, if they do not see eye to eye with him? If millions of Mussalmans are with you can you not afford to ignore the handful of Mussalmans who may appear to you to be misguided? Why should one with the following of several millions be afraid of a majority community, or of the minority being swamped by the majority? How did the Prophet work among the Arabs and the Mussalmans? How did he propagate Islam? Did he say he would propagate Islam only when he commanded a majority? I appeal to you for the sake of Islam to ponder over what I say. There is neither fair play nor justice in saying that the Congress must accept a thing, even if it does not believe in it and even if it goes counter to principles it holds dear.

Rajaji said:"I do not believe in Pakistan. But Mussalmans ask for it, Mr. Jinnah asks for it, and it has become an obsession with them. Why not then say, "yes" to them just now? The same Mr. Jinnah will later on realize the disadvantages of Pakistan and will forgo the demand." I said : "It is not fair to accept as true a thing which I hold to be untrue, and ask others to do say in the belief that the demand will not be pressed when the time comes for settling in finally. If I hold the demand to be just, I should concede it this very day. I should not agree to it merely in order to placate Jinnah Saheb. Many friends have come and asked me to agree to it for the time being to placate Mr. Jinnah, disarm his suspicious and to see how he reacts to it. But I cannot be party to a course of action with a false promise. At any rate, it is not my method."

The Congress as no sanction but the moral one for enforcing its decisions. It believes that true democracy can only be the outcome of non-violence. The structure of a world federation can be raised only on a foundation of non-violence, and violence will have to be totally abjured from world affairs. If this is true, the solution of Hindu-Muslim question, too, cannot be achieved by a resort to violence. If the Hindus tyrannize over the Mussalmans, with what face will they talk of a world federation? It is for the same reason that I do not believe in the possibility of establishing world peace through violence as the English and American statesmen propose to do. The Congress has agreed to submitting all the differences to an impartial international tribunal and to abide by its decisions. If even this fairest of proposals is unacceptable, the only course that remains open is that of the sword, of violence. How can I persuade myself to agree to an impossibility? To demand the vivisection of a living organism is to ask for its very life. It is a call to war. The Congress cannot be party to such a fratricidal war. Those Hindus who, like Dr. Moonje and Shri Savarkar, believe in the doctrine of the sword may seek to keep the Mussalmans under Hindus domination. I do not represent that section. I represent the Congress. You want to kill the Congress which is the goose that lays golden eggs. If you distrust the Congress, you may rest assured that there is to be perpetual war between the Hindus and the Mussalmans, and the country will be doomed to continue warfare and bloodshed. If such warfare is to be our lot, I shall not live to witness it.

It is for that reason that I say to Jinnah Saheb, "You may take it from me that whatever in your demand for Pakistan accords with considerations of justice and equity is lying in your pocket; whatever in the demand is contrary to justice and equity you can take only by the sword and in no other manner."

There is much in my heart that I would like to pour out before this assembly. One thing which was uppermost in my heart I have already dealt with. You may take it from me that it is with me a matter of life and death. If we Hindus and Mussalmans mean to achieve a heart unity, without the slightest mental reservation on the part of either, we must first unite in the effort to be free from the shackles of this empire. If Pakistan after all is to be a portion of India, what objection can there be for Mussalmans against joining this struggle for India's freedom? The Hindus and Mussalmans must, therefore, unite in the first instance on the issue of fighting for freedom. Jinnah Saheb thinks the war will last long. I do not agree with him. If the war goes on for six months more, how shall we able to save China?

I, therefore, want freedom immediately, this very night, before dawn, if it can be had. Freedom cannot now wait for the realization of communal unity. If that unity is not achieved, sacrifices necessary for it will have to be much greater than would have otherwise sufficed. But the Congress must win freedom or be wiped out in the effort. And forget not that the freedom which the Congress is struggling to achieve will not be for the Congressmen alone but for all the forty cores of the Indian people. Congressmen must for ever remain humble servants of the people.

The Quaid-i-Azam has said that the Muslim League is prepared to take over the rule from the Britishers if they are prepared to hand it over to the Muslim League, for the British took over the empire from the hands of the Muslims. This, however, will be Muslim Raj. The offer made by Maulana Saheb and by me does not imply establishment of Muslim Raj or Muslim domination. The Congress does not believe in the domination of any group or any community. It believes in democracy which includes in its orpit Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Parsis, Jews-every one of the communities inhabiting this vast country. If Muslim Raj is invetable, then let it be; but how can we give it the stamp of our assent? How can we agree to the domination of one community over the others?

Millions of Mussalmans in this country come from Hindu stock. How can their homeland be any other than India? My eldest son embraced Islam some years back. What would his homeland be-Porbandar or the Punjab? I ask the Mussalmans: "If India is not your homeland, what other country do you belong to? In what separate homeland would you put my son who embraced Islam?" His mother wrote him a letter after his conversion, asking him if he had on embracing Islam given up drinking which Islam forbids to its follower. To those who gloated over the conversion, she wrote to say: "I do not mind his becoming a Mussalmans, so much as his drinking. Will you, as pious Mussalmans, tolerate his drinking even after his conversion? He has reduced himself to the state of a rake by drinking. If you are going to make a man of him again, his conversion will have been turned to good account. You will, therefore, please see that he as a Mussalman abjures wine and woman. If that change does not come about, his conversion goes in vain and our non-co-operation with him will have to continue."

India is without doubt the homeland of all the Mussalmans inhabiting this country. Every Mussalman should therefore co-operate in the fight for India's freedom. The Congress does not belong to any one class or community; it belongs to the whole nation. It is open to Mussalmans to take possession of the Congress. They can, if they like, swamp the Congress by their numbers, and can steer it along the course which appeals to them. The Congress is fighting not on behalf of the Hindu but on behalf of the whole nation, including the minorities. It would hurt me to hear of a single instance of a Mussalman being killed by a Congressman. In the coming revolution, Congressmen will sacrifice their lives in order to protect the Mussalman against a Hindu's attack and vice versa. It is a part of their creed, and is one of the essentials of non-violence. You will be excepted on occasions like these not to lose your heads. Every Congressman, whether a Hindu or a Mussalman, owes this duty to the organization to which will render a service to Islam. Mutual trust is essential for success in the final nation-wide struggle that is to come.

I have said that much greater sacrifice will have to be made this time in the wake of our struggle because of the opposition from the Muslim League and from Englishmen. You have seen the secret circular issued by Sir Frederick Puckle. It is a suicidal course that he has taken. It contains an open incitement to organizations which crop up like mushrooms to combine to fight the Congress. We have thus to deal with an empire whose ways are crooked. Ours is a straight path which we can tread even with our eyes closed. That is the beauty of Satyagraha.

In Satyagraha, there is no place for fraud or falsehood, or any kind of untruth. Fraud and untruth today are stalking the world. I cannot be a helpless witness to such a situation. I have traveled all over India as perhaps nobody in the present age has. The voiceless millions of the land saw in me their friend and representative, and I identified myself with them to an extent it was possible for a human being to do. I saw trust in their eyes, which I now want to turn to good account in fighting this empire upheld on untruth and violence. However gigantic the preparations that the empire has made, we must get out of its clutches. How can I remain silent at this supreme hour and hide my light under the bushel? Shall I ask the Japanese to tarry awhile? If today I sit quite and inactive, God will take me to task for not using up the treasure He had given me, in the midst of the conflagration that is enveloping the whole world. Had the condition been different, I should have asked you to wait yet awhile. But the situation now has become intolerable, and the Congress has no other course left for it.

Nevertheless, the actual struggle does not commence this moment. You have only placed all your powers in my hands. I will now wait upon the Viceroy and plead with him for the acceptance of the Congress demand. That process is likely to take two or three weeks. What would you do in the meanwhile? What is the programme, for the interval, in which all can participate? As you know, the spinning wheel is the first thing that occurs to me. I made the same answer to the Maulana. He would have none of it, though he understood its import later. The fourteen fold constructive programme is, of course, there for you to carry out. What more should you do? I will tell you. Every one of you should, from this moment onwards, consider yourself a free man or woman, and acts as if you are free and are no longer under the heel of this imperialism.

It is not a make-believe that I am suggesting to you. It is the very essence of freedom. The bond of the slave is snapped the moment he consider himself to be a free being. He will plainly tell the master: "I was your bond slave till this moment, but I am a slave no longer. You may kill me if you like, but if you keep me alive, I wish to tell you that if you release me from the bondage, of your own accord, I will ask for nothing more from you. You used to feed and cloth me, though I could have provided food and clothing for myself by my labour. I hitherto depended on you instead of on God, for food and raiment. But God has now inspired me with an urge for freedom and I am to day a free man, and will no longer depend on you."

You may take it from me that I am not going to strike a bargain with the Viceroy for ministries and the like. I am not going to be satisfied with anything short of complete freedom. May be, he will propose the abolition of salt tax, the drink evil, etc. But I will say, "Nothing less than freedom."

Here is a mantra, a short one, that I give you. You may imprint it on your hearts and let every breath of yours give expression to it. The mantra is : 'Do or Die'. We shall either free India or die in the attempt; we shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery. Every true Congressman or woman will join the struggle with an inflexible determination not to remain alive to see the country in bondage and slavery. Let that be your pledge. Keep jails out of your consideration. If the Government keep me free, I will not put on the Government the strain of maintaining a large number of prisoners at a time, when it is in trouble. Let every man and woman live every moment of his or her life hereafter in the consciousness that he or she eats or lives for achieving freedom and will die, if need be, to attain that goal. Take a pledge, with God and your own conscience as witness, that you will no longer rest till freedom is achieved and will be prepared to lay down your lives in the attempt to achieve it. He who loses his life will gain it; he who will seek to save it shall lose it. Freedom is not for the coward or the faint-hearted.

A word to the journalists. I congratulate you on the support you have hitherto given to the national demand. I know the restrictions and handicaps under which you have to labour. But I would now ask you to snap the chains that bind you. It should be the proud privilege of the newspapers to lead and set an example in laying down one's life for freedom.

You have the pen which the Government can't suppress. I know you have large properties in the form of printing presses, etc., and you would be afraid lest the Government should attach them. I do not ask you to invite an attachment of the printing-press voluntarily. For myself, I would not suppress my pen, even if the press was to be attached. As you know my press was attached in the past and returned later on. But I do not ask from you that final sacrifice. I suggest a middle way. You should now wind up your standing committee, and you may declare that you will give up the pen only when India has won her freedom. You may tell Sir Frederick Puckle that he can't except from you a command performance, that his press notes are full of untruth, and that you will refuse to publish them. You will openly declare that you are wholeheartedly with the Congress. If you do this, you will have changed the atmosphere before the fight actually begins.

From the Princes I ask with all respect due to them a very small thing. I am a well-wisher of the Princes. I was born in a State. My grandfather refused to salute with his right hand any Prince other than his own. But he did not say to the Prince, as I fell he ought to have said, that even his own master could not compel him, his minister, to act against his conscience. I have eaten the Prince's salt and I would not be false to it. As a faithful servant, it is my duty to warn the Princes that if they will act while I am still alive, the Princes may come to occupy an honourable place in free India. In Jawaharlal's scheme of free India, no privileges or the privileged classes have a place. Jawaharlal considers all property to be State-owned. He wants planned economy. He wants to reconstruct India according to plan. He likes to fly; I do not. I have kept a place for the Princes and the Zamindars1 in India that I envisage. I would ask the Princes in all humility to enjoy through renunciation. The Princes may renounce ownership over their properties and become their trustees in the true sense of the term. I visualize God in the assemblage of people. The Princes may say to their people : "You are the owners and masters of the State and we are your servants." I would ask the Princes to become servants of the people and render to them an account of their own services. The empire too bestows power on the Princes, but they should prefer to derive power from their own people; and if they want to indulge in some innocent pleasures, they may seek to do so as servants of the people. I do not want the Princes to live as paupers. But I would ask them : "Do you want to remain slaves for all time? Why should you, instead of paying homage to a foreign power, not accept the sovereignty of your own people?" You may write to the Political Department : "The people are now awake. How are we to withstand an avalanche before which even the Large empire are crumbling? We, therefore, shall belong to the people from today onwards. We shall sink or swim with them." Believe me, there is nothing unconstitutional in the course I am suggesting. There are, so far as I know, no treaties enabling the empire to coerce the Princes. The people of the States will also declare that though they are the Princes' subjects, they arepart of the Indian nation and that they will accept the leadership of the Princes, if the latter cast their lot with the people, the latter will meet death bravely and unflinchingly, but will not go back on their word.

Nothing, however, should be done secretly. This is an open rebellion. In this struggle secrecy is a sin. A free man would not engage in a secret movement. It is likely that when you gain freedom you will have a C.I.D. of your own, in spite of my advice to the contrary. But in the present struggle, we have to work openly and to receive bullets on our chest, without taking to heels.

I have a word to say to Government servants also. They may not, if they like, resign their posts yet. The late Justice Ranade did not resign his post, but he openly declared that he belonged to the Congress. He said to the Government that though he was a judge, he was a Congressman and would openly attend the sessions of the Congress, but that at the same time he would not let his political views warp his impartiality on the bench. He held Social Reform Conference in the very Pandal1 of the Congress. I would ask all the Government servants to follow in the footsteps of Ranade and to declare their allegiance to the Congress as an answer to the secret circular issued by Sir Frederick Puckle.

This is all that I ask of you just now. I will now write to the Viceroy. You will be able to read the correspondence not just now but when I publish it with the Viceroy's consent. But you are free to aver that you support the demand to be put forth in my letter. A judge came to me and said : "We get secret circulars from high quarters. What are we to do?" I replied, "If I were in your place, I would ignore the circulars. You may openly say to the Government : 'I have received your secret circular. I am, however, with the Congress. Though I serve the Government for my livelihood, I am not going to obey these secret circulars or to employ underhand methods,'"

Soldiers too are covered by the present programme. I do not ask them just now to resign their posts and to leave the army. The soldiers come to me, Jawaharlal and the Maulana and say : "We are wholly with you. We are tired of the Governmental tyranny." To these soldiers I would say : You may say to the Government, "Our hearts are with the Congress. We are not going to leave our posts. We will serve you so long as we receive your salaries. We will obey your just orders, but will refuse to fire on our own people."

To those who lack the courage to do this much I have nothing to say. They will go their own way. But if you can do this much, you may take it from me that the whole atmosphere will be electrified. Let the Government then shower bombs, if they like. But no power on earth will then be able to keep you in bondage any longer.

If the students want to join the struggle only to go back to their studies after a while, I would not invite them to it. For the present, however, till the time that I frame a programme for the struggle, I would ask the students to say to their professors : "We belong to the Congress. Do you belong to the Congress, or to the Government? If you belong to the Congress, you need not vacate your posts. You will remain at your posts but teach us and lead us unto freedom." In all fights for freedom, the world over, the students have made very large contributions.

If in the interval that is left to us before the actual fight begins, you do even the little I have suggested to you, you will have changed the atmosphere and will have prepared the ground for the next step.

There is much I should et like to say. But my heart is heavy. I have already taken up much of your time. I have yet to say a few words in English also. I thank you for the patience and attention with which you have listened to me even at this late hour. It is just what true soldiers would do. For the last twenty-two years, I have controlled my speech and pen and have stored up my energy. He is a true Brahmacharri1 who does not fritter away his energy. He will, therefore, always control his speech. That has been my conscious effort all these years. But today the occasion has come when I had to unburden my heart before you. I have done so, even though it meant putting a strain on your patience; and I do not regret having done it. I have given you my message and through you I have delivered it to the whole of India.

I have taken such an inordinately long time over pouring out, what was agitating my soul, to those whom I had just now the privilege of serving. I have been called their leader or, in the military language, their commander. But I do not look at my position in that light. I have no weapon but love to wield my authority over any one. I do sport a stick which you can break into bits without the slightest exertion. It is simply my staff with the help of which I walk. Such a cripple is not elated, when he has been called upon to bear the greatest burden. You can share that burden only when I appear before you not as your commander but as a humble servant. And he who serves best is the chief among equals.

Therefore, I was bound to share with you such thoughts as were welling up in my breast and tell you, in as summary a manner as I can, what I except you to do as the first step.

Let me tell you at the outset that the real struggle does not commence today. I have yet to go through much ceremonial as I always do. The burden, I confess, would be almost unbearable. I have to continue to reason in those circles with whom I have lost my credit and who have no trust left in me. I know that in the course of the last few weeks I have forfeited my credit with a large number of friends, so much so, that they have begun to doubt not only my wisdom but even my honesty. Now I hold my wisdom is not such a treasure which I cannot afford to lose; but my honesty is a precious treasure to me and I can ill-afford to lose it. I seem however to have lost it for the time being.

Such occasions arise in the life of the man who is a pure seeker after truth and who would seek to serve the humanity and his country to the best of his lights without fear or hypocrisy. For the last fifty years I have known no other way. I have been a humble servant of humanity and have rendered on more than one occasion such services as I could to the Empire, and here let me say without fear of challenge that throughout my career never have I asked for any personal favour. I have enjoyed the privilege of friendship as I enjoy it today with Lord Linlithgow. It is a friendship which has outgrown official relationship. Whether Lord Linlithgow will bear me out, I do not know, but there is a personal bond between him and myself. He once introduced me to his daughter. His son-in law, the A.D.C. was drawn towards me. he fell in love with Mahadev more than with me and Lady Anna and he came to me. She is an obedient and favourite daughter. I take interest in their welfare. I take the liberty to give out these personal and sacred tit-bits only to give you an earnest of the personal bond will never interfere with the stubborn struggle on which, if it falls to my lot, I may have to launch against Lord Linlithgow, as the representative of the Empire. I will have to resist the might of that Empire with the might of the dumb millions with no limit but of nonviolence as policy confined to this struggle. It is a terrible job to have to offer resistance to a Viceroy with whom I enjoy such relations. He has more than once trusted my word, often about my people. I would love to repeat that experiment, as it stands to his credit. I mention this with great pride and pleasure. I mention it as an earnest of my desire to be true to the Empire when that Empire forfeited my trust and the Englishman who was its Viceroy came to know it.

Then there is the sacred memory of Charlie Andrews which wells up within me. At this moment the spirit of Andrews hovers about me. For me he sums up the brightest traditions of English culture. I enjoyed closer relations with him than with most Indians. I enjoyed his confidence. There were no secrets between us. We exchanged our hearts every day. Whatever was in his heart, he would blurt out without the slightest hesitation or reservation. It is true he was a friend of Gurudev1 but he looked upon Gurudev with awe. He had that peculiar humility. But with me he became the closest friend. Years ago he came to me with a note of introduction from Gokhale. Pearson and he were the first-rank specimens of Englishmen. I know that his spirit is listening to me.

Then I have got a warm letter of congratulations from the Metropolitan of Calcutta. I hold him to be a man of God. Today he is opposed to me.

With all this background, I want to declare to the world, although I may have forfeited the regard of many friends in the West and I must bow my head low; but even for their friendship or love I must not suppress the voice of conscience - promoting of my inner basic nature today. There is something within me impelling me to cry out my agony. I have known humanity. I have studied something of psychology. Such a man knows exactly what it is. I do not mind how you describe it. That voice within tells me, "You have to stand against the whole world although you may have to stand alone. You have to stare in the face the whole world although the world may look at you with bloodshot eyes. Do not fear. Trust the little voice residing within your heart." It says : "Forsake friends, wife and all; but testify to that for which you have lived and for which you have to die. I want to live my full span of life. And for me I put my span of life at 120 years. By that time India will be free, the world will be free.

Let me tell you that I do not regard England or for that matter America as free countries. They are free after their own fashion, free to hold in bondage coloured races of the earth. Are England and America fighting for the liberty of these races today? If not, do not ask me to wait until after the war. You shall not limit my concept of freedom. The English and American teachers, their history, their magnificent poetry have not said that you shall not broaden the interpretation of freedom. And according to my interpretation of that freedom I am constrained to say they are strangers to that freedom which their teachers and poets have described. If they will know the real freedom they should come to India. They have to come not with pride or arrogances but in the spite of real earnest seekers of truth. It is a fundamental truth which India has been experimenting with for 22 years.

Unconsciously from its very foundations long ago the Congress has been building on non-violence known as constitutional methods. Dadabhai and Pherozeshah who had held the Congress India in the palm of their hands became rebels. They were lovers of the Congress. They were its masters. But above all they were real servants. They never countenanced murder, secrecy and the like. I confess there are many black sheep amongst us Congressmen. But I trust the whole of India today to launch upon a non-violent struggle. I trust because of my nature to rely upon the innate goodness of human nature which perceives the truth and prevails during the crisis as if by instinct. But even if I am deceived in this I shall not swerve. I shall not flinch. From its very inception the Congress based its policy on peaceful methods, included Swaraj and the subsequent generations added non-violence. When Dadabhai entered the British Parliament, Salisbury dubbed him as a black man; but the English people defeated Salisbury and Dadabhai went to the Parliament by their vote. India was delirious with joy. These things however India has outgrown.

It is, however, with all these things as the background that I want Englishmen, Europeans and all the United Nations to examine in their hearts what crime had India committed in demanding Independence. I ask, is it right for you to distrust such an organization with all its background, tradition and record of over half a century and misrepresent its endeavours before all the world by every means at your command? Is it right that by hook or by crook, aided by the foreign press, aided by the President of the U.S.A., or even by the Generalissimo of China who has yet to win his laurels, you should present India's struggle in shocking caricature? I have met the Generalissimo. I have known him through Madame Shek who was my interpreter; and though he seemed inscrutable to me, not so Madame Shek; and he allowed me to read his mind through her. There is a chorus of disapproval and righteous protest all over the world against us. They say we are erring, the move is inopportune. I had great regard for British diplomacy which has enabled them to hold the Empire so long. Now it stinks in my nostrils, and others have studied that diplomacy and are putting it into practice. They may succeed in getting, through these methods, world opinion on their side for a time; but India will speak against that world opinion. She will raise her voice against all the organized propaganda. I will speak against it. Even if all the United Nations opposed me, even if the whole of India forsakes me, I will say, "You are wrong. India will wrench with non-violence her liberty from unwilling hands." I will go ahead not for India's sake alone, but for the sake of the world. Even if my eyes close before there is freedom, non-violence will not end. They will be dealing a mortal blow to China and to Russia if they oppose the freedom of non-violent India which is pleading with bended knees for the fulfillment of debt along overdue. Does a creditor ever go to debtor like that? And even when, India is met with such angry opposition, she says, "We won't hit below the belt, we have learnt sufficient gentlemanliness. We are pledged to non-violence." I have been the author of non-embarrassment policy of the Congress and yet today you find me talking this strong language. I say it is consistent with our honour. If a man holds me by the neck and wants to drawn me, may I not struggle to free myself directly? There is no inconsistency in our position today.

There are representatives of the foreign press assembled here today. Through them I wish to say to the world that the United Powers who somehow or other say that they have need for India, have the opportunity now to declare India free and prove their bona fides. If they miss it, they will be missing the opportunity of their lifetime, and history will record that they did not discharge their obligations to India in time, and lost the battle. I want the blessings of the whole world so that I may succeed with them. I do not want the United Powers to go beyond their obvious limitations. I do not want them to accept non-violence and disarm today. There is a fundamental difference between fascism and this imperialism which I am fighting. Do the British get from India which they hold in bondage. Think what difference it would make if India was to participate as a free ally. That freedom, if it is to come, must come today. It will have no taste left in it today you who have the power to help cannot exercise it. If you can exercise it, under the glow of freedom what seems impossible, today, will become possible tomorrow. If India feels that freedom, she will command that freedom for China. The road for running to Russia's help will be open. The Englishmen did not die in Malaya or on Burma soil. What shall enable us to retrieve the situation? Where shall I go, and where shall I take the forty crores of India? How is this vast mass of humanity to be aglow in the cause of world deliverance, unless and until it has touched and felt freedom. Today they have no touch of life left. It has been crushed out of them. It lustre is to be put into their eyes, freedom has to come not tomorrow, but today.

I have pledged the Congress and the Congress will do or die.

, pp. 183-205

Independence Day 2024: Powerful speech ideas for flag hoisting ceremony

The struggles and sacrifices of our freedom fighters

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Long and Short Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi
Mahatma Gandhi Speech in Hindi महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण
महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण
Mahatma Gandhi Quotes In Hindi: महात्मा गांधी के सुविचार..!
महात्मा गांधी पर निबंध
Mahatma Gandhi Speech In Hindi । Gandhi Jayanti Shayri । 2 अक्टूबर

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महात्मा गांधी
MAHATMA (In 8 Volumes) By: D. G. Tendulkar (First Edition : January 1954) [The Publications Division, govt. of India, New Delhi] MAHATMA GANDHI -(In 10 Volumes) { The Early Phase to Last Phase } - By Pyarelal & Sushila Nayar [Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad]
PDF महात्मा गाां क 8 विचार
2स्तक The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi का ह शहं अ 2वा हात्मा गां 1 क 125 वं जं 1 के अवस 2 अक्त 3 , 1994 को प्रकाश ISBN 81-237-0985-4 | हला संस्क : 1994
Download Free Gandhi eBooks in Hindi : Books On & By Gandhi
Download. » गाँधी मार्ग, वर्ष ६२, अंक ४, जुलाई-अगस्त २०२० (अहिंसा-संस्कृति का द्वैमासिक) Download. Vast collection of Mahatma Gandhi eBooks/PDFs, free to download in Hindi.
Category : Audio files of Hindi speeches by Mohandas K. Gandhi
Gv 19480128 46 01.ogg 16 min 31 s; 6.28 MB. Gv 19480129 46 02.ogg 15 min 57 s; 5.8 MB. M. K. Gandhi's Prayer Public Speech, 29 October 1947, 24 04.oga 16 min 22 s; 7.22 MB. Categories: Audio files of speeches by Mohandas K. Gandhi. Speeches by Mohandas K. Gandhi.
Speech Of Mahatma Gandhi On The Eve Of Dandi March (Salt Satyagraha)
It was one of the many residences (1917-30) of Mahatma Gandhi, located at Ahmedabad, Gujarat, India. Check out famous speech of Mahatma Gandhiji on the eve of historic Dandi March. On the 11th of March 1930, the crowd swelled to 10,000 at the evening prayer held on the Sabarmati sands at Ahmedabad. At the end, Gandhiji delivered a memorable speech.
महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (Mahatma Gandhi Speech Hindi)
यह वेब पढ़ें महात्मा गांधी जी के जीवन का परिचय और उनके व्यक्तित्व की विशेषताओ का वर्णन करता है। किसी विशेष अवसर पर महात्मा गांधी पर स्पीच (speech on Mahatma Gandhi in hindi) के लिए साथ-साथ एक प्रेरित स्पीच क
महात्मा गाँधी की जीवनी
जानिए महात्मा गाँधी के बारे में, महात्मा गाँधी की जीवनी, शिक्षा- दीक्षा तथा मोहनदास करमचन्द गाँधी का जीवन चक्र। Biography of Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi.
Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi
Speech on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi - स्टूडेंट्स के लिए 100, 200 और 300 शब्दों में. गांधी जयंती 2 अक्टूबर को मनाई जाती है, क्योंकि मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी का जन्म 2 ...
PDF Mahatma Gandhi and the Nationalist Movement
It introduces the student to the different kinds of sources that historians use in reconstructing the career of a leader and of the social movements that he was associated with. Fig. 13.1 People gather on the banks of the Sabarmati River to hear Mahatma Gandhi speak before starting out on the Salt March in 1930. 1. A Leader Announces Himself.
Mere_Sapno_Ka_ Bharat-MK_Gandhi : MK Gandhi
mahatma, gandhi, india of my dreams, mere sapno ka bharat Collection booksbylanguage_hindi; booksbylanguage ... Language Hindi Item Size 114968571. Mere Sapno Ka Bharat - MK Gandhi (Hindi translation of Gandhiji's "India of my dreams". Addeddate 2011-08-10 06:29:19 Identifier Mere_sapno_ka_Bharat-mk_gandhi ... PDF WITH TEXT download.
महात्मा गांधी के स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन
महात्मा गांधी के स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन - Freedom Movements of Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi, चंपारण सत्याग्रह, असहयोग आंदोलन, खेड़ा आंदोलन, आदि के बारे में जानें!
Mahatma Gandhi Speech Hindi PDF
All States School Holidays List. AP ECET CUTOFF Rank College Wise. AP Government Holiday List & Calendar 2021. [PDF] Mahatma Gandhi Speech PDF Hindi free download using direct link, download PDF of Mahatma Gandhi Speech Hindi instanty from the link available at pdfdrivefiles.files.wordpress.com or read online Mahatma Gandhi Speech.
महात्मा गांधी पर भाषण
India celebrated 75 years of independence on the occasion of Independence Day 2021. From Mangal Pandey to Bhagat Singh, many freedom fighters laid down their lives to see the new dawn of 15 August 1947. Mahatma Gandhi played the most important role among freedom fighters. Gandhiji's dream of a free India was realized by following the path of ...
PDF गांधी जीवन और विचार
ग ंधी जीवन और ववच र www.mkgandhi.org Page 4 . आÅ] वचंतन का एक वर्: . कw कलक³ा अवधवwिन ]§ ि{ववनन Ùटwटस की स सpा की चwतावनp
Mahatma Gandhi Speech for Students PDF
Size: 0.08 | Pages: 3 | Source (s)/Credits: pdffile.co.in | Language: Hindi. Gandhi Jyanti Speech in Hindi for Students PDF download using the link given below. Added on 01 Oct, 2021 by Pradeep ( 13.233.164.178) REPORT THIS If the purchase / download link of Mahatma Gandhi Speech for Students PDF is not working or you feel any other problem ...
महात्मा गांधी पर लघु निबंध Short Essay on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi
महात्मा गांधी पर लघु निबंध - Short Essay on Mahatma Gandhi in Hindi, 100 शब्दों में, कक्षा 1, 2, 3, 5 और बच्चों के लिए गांधीजी पर लघु निबंध यहां पाएं!
Simple, Easy Long and Short Independence Day Speech in English
Independence Day Speech in English 2024: Students get here engaging and informative 100 words, 200 words and 500 words speeches in English for the occasion of Independence Day 2024.
Famous Speeches of Mahatma Gandhi for Students in English
Mahatma Gandhi finally concluded the speech by saying the very famous slogan ''Do or die''. The slogan was a message to every Indian across the country that made sure to say that the fight for the independence of India is the endgame and no one will stop until and unless we get what we want.
Independence Day 2024: 10 rare pictures from India's struggle for
Today, January 9, 1915 is observed as Pravasi Bharatiya Divas to mark the return of Gandhi to the country. Mahatma Gandhi's role in India's freedom movement is the replica of exemplary leadership ...
Benaras Hindu University Speech
(At this point there was an interruption and a movement on the platform to leave. The speech, therefore, ended here abruptly.) Mahatma, pp. 179-84, Edn. 1960. Source: This speech is taken from The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Volume V, The Voice of Truth Part-I, Some Famous Speeches, p. 3 to 13
Independence Day of India, 15 August 2024: History, Significance, Facts
On August 15, 1947, India gained independence after 90 years of British rule. This day marks the culmination of a prolonged struggle led by freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi through peaceful ...
78+ Independence Day 2024 (15 August) Slogans, Captions, Lines ...
Mahatma Gandhi "We should have but one desire today - the desire to die so that India may live - the desire to face a martyr's death, so that the path to freedom may be paved with the martyr ...
The Quit India Speeches
It says : "Forsake friends, wife and all; but testify to that for which you have lived and for which you have to die. I want to live my full span of life. And for me I put my span of life at 120 years. By that time India will be free, the world will be free.
Independence Day 2024: Powerful speech ideas for flag hoisting ceremony
This speech idea centres around the courageous men and women who fought tirelessly for India's independence. Students can focus on key figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhagat ...