Essay on (CPEC) China Pakistan Economic Corridor for CSS & PMS
- July 25, 2021
- Essay for CSS PMS and Judiciary Exam
This is an essay on (CPEC) China Pakistan Economic Corridor for CSS & PMS. China and Pakistan have agreed to build the One Belt One Road project more commonly known as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is expected to bring about both peace and prosperity in South Asia. Find below the complete Essay on CPEC.
Introduction Development of Gwadar Previous project: Silk Road Projects Under CPEC The Concept of One Belt and One Road Different Routes in CPEC Geostrategic location of Gwadar Challenges for Pakistan Internal Challenges External Challenges Counter Indian influence Economic Gains from this Project Removal of Social Problems due to CPEC Effects of the CPEC Projects Conclusion
Essay on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
Introduction.
The CPEC is a 3,000-kilometre network of roads, railways, and pipelines to transport oil and gas from Gwadar Port to Kashgar city, northwestern China’s Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, China Daily reports. China and Pakistan have agreed to build the One Belt One Road project more commonly known as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is expected to bring about both peace and prosperity in South Asia. This corridor will link Kashgar in north-western China to Pakistan’s Gwadar port on the Arabian Sea near the border with Iran via roads, railways, and pipelines.
There are many internal and external challenges for the Pakistan government to implement this multi-dollars project. However, it is a game-changer project which will transforn1 the fate of Pakistan and will help Pakistan modernize. It will improve the economy and trade, enhance regional connectivity, overcome energy crises , develop infrastructure and establish people-to-people contacts in both countries.
Proposed by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang during his visit to Pakistan in May 2013, the CPEC will act as a bridge for the new Maritime Silk Route that envisages linking three billion people in Asia, Africa, and Europe.
Development of Gwadar
The project links China’s strategy to develop its western region with Pakistan’s focus on boosting its economy, including the infrastructure construction of Gwadar Port, together with some energy cooperation and investment programs. It also involves road and railway construction including an upgrade of the 1300-km Karakoram Highway, the highest paved international road in the world which connects China and Pakistan across the Karakoram mountains.
The CPEC will reduce China’s routes of oil and gas imports from Africa and the Middle East by thousands of kilometers, making Gwadar a potentially vital link in China’s supply chain.
Previous project: Silk Road
With the support of China, Pakistan has gained significant importance not only in the region but the entire world. In recent years, both China and Pakistan have been making concerted efforts to revive the historic Silk Road which is one of the oldest known trade routes in the world and will provide a route for trade from Kashgar (China) to Gwadar (Pakistan). China-Pakistan Economic Corridor plan will help Pakistan to become one of the most strategically important countries in the region.
It will also provide an opportunity for China to build a naval base on Gwadar port that will increase the influence of China in the region and also counter US influence in the Asia-Pacific region. CBS News quoted some Western diplomats on the Pakistan-China partnership. According to them, China’s increasing economic engagement with Pakistan should be seen in the context of Beijing’s “efforts to counter the US efforts to deepen alliances around the Asia-Pacific region.”
Projects Under CPEC
The “One Belt One Road” concept has international strategic importance. The One Belt One Road initiative covers countries and regions with a total population of 4.4 billion and a total economic the volume of US$ 21 trillion, 63 % and 29 %, respectively of the World.
According to the assessment of the Corridor, the plan is involved in laying the foundation for regional cooperation, improving economic growth, offering trade diversifications, investing in transportation, mining, and energy sectors, and creating political flexibility . It is a vision with world-changing implications, an unfolding plan that would weave much of Asia, Europe, Africa, Oceania, and the Middle East much more closely together through a patchwork of diplomacy, new infi\structure, and free trade zones.
The “One Belt One Road” Project consists of three routes, southern, central, and northern route. The southern corridor begins from Guangzhou, which is the third-largest city of China in South Central China. This route moves towards western parts of China and connects Kashgar with Pakistan at Kunjarab – a point from where China wants to link to Gwadar port in the Arabian Sea. It is the shortest and the most feasible option for China.
The second Chinese option is the Central Corridor that starts from Shanghai and links the country to Tashkent, Tehran, and onwards to Bandar Imam Khomeini Port of Iran on the Persian Gulf. One of its branches goes up towards Europe. This is the longer route but could be an option if Pakistan does not deliver on the timelines of completing its road network to become a beneficiary of the New Silk Road Economic Belt. The third Chinese option is the Northern Corridor that starts from Beijing, passes through Russia, and links it to European cities.
The Concept of One Belt and One Road
Recognizing the fact that regional integration is an inevitable measure to meet the demands of the economically globalized world, the notion of the Silk Road was reformulated and rephrased by China in 2013 under ‘one road, one belt’ initiative, i.e., economic belt along the Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Road.
Pakistan is a significant partner for China as it links China to Central Asia, the Southern Asian region, and the Middle East, and its major deep-sea port Gwadar offers direct access to the Indian Ocean and beyond. Both countries have been working on enhancing their coordination and strategic communication to safeguard common interests. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) represents a new model of Pakistan and China cooperation which will serve against the backdrop of complex and changing regional and international situations.
China and Pakistan have developed strong bilateral trade and economic ties and cooperation over the years. China has gradually emerged as Pakistan’s major trading partner both in terms of exports and imports. Bilateral trade and commercial links between the two countries were established in January 1963 when both signed the first bilateral long-term trade agreement. Both countries signed Free Trade Agreement (FTA) on November 24, 2006, and implemented it from July 1, 2007. Later on, both signed the FTA on Trade in Services on February 21, 2009, which became active from October 10 that year.
CPEC is an under-construction mega-project that will achieve the political and economic objectives through trade and development and will also strengthen the economic and trade cooperation between the two countries. This corridor will also be helpful in creating regional stability in South Asia.
Different Routes in CPEC
After completion of the corridor, it will function as a primary gateway for trade between China and Africa, and the Middle East. It is expected that this corridor will help cut the 12,000-kilometre the route which Middle East oil supplies must now take to reach the Chinese ports. This project will run through most of Pakistan starting from Gwadar in Balochistan and ending in Kashgar in western China while passing through parts of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces, and Gilgit-Baltistan in northern Pakistan to reach the Khunjrab Pass and beyond to China.
Pakistan has prepared a plan to construct three corridors after active consultation with the Chinese authorities; these are the eastern alignment, the central alignn1ent, and the western alignment.
Geostrategic location of Gwadar
The eastern alignment of the corridor originates from Gwadar, travels parallel to the Makran Coastal Highway eastwards (towards Karachi), and then after passing through parts of interior Sindh, and southern, central, and northern regions of Punjab, it reaches Islamabad. From Islamabad, it extends to Haripur, Abbottabad, and Mansehra districts of the relatively peaceful Hazara Division in KP this part of the corridor will also run through Muzaffarabad, the capital of Azad Jammu and Kashmir – and reaches Khunjrab after passing through Diamer and Gilgit areas in northern Pakistan.
The corridor will also run through the Pamir Plateau and Karakoram mountains. A link from Taxila through Peshawar and Torkhum will connect the eastern alignment of the corridor to Jalalabad in Afghanistan. Regional connectivity with India through the eastern alignment is designed to be provided through the Hyderabad-Mirpurkhas-Khokhrapar-Zero Point link and the Wagha border, Lahore.
Western alignment was the original alignment which the government says has been deferred until the eastern alignment of the corridor is completed. According to the western alignment plan, the economic corridor (highway and railway) starts from Gwadar and runs through some southern and eastern districts of Balochistan (Khuzdar and Dera Bugti, respectively), and some districts in south Punjab to reach D. I. Khan in KP.
From D. I. Khan, it further extends to Islamabad and Abbottabad, and from there onwards, the route is the same as in the eastern alignment. The western alignment will have an additional regional connectivity link to Afghanistan through Chaman and will connect with Iran through the Quetta-Kho-e-Taftan link.
Following are the challenges for Pakistan in fulfillment of CPEC.
Challenges for Pakistan
Pakistan faces several challenges in the implementation of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project. These challenges can be identified as external and internal. The Vice Director General of Policy Research Office at the International Department of the Central Committee Communist Party of China, Dr. Luan Jianzhang is of the view that political unrest, the security situation, and administrative issues are some of the greatest challenges in the way of successful completion of the corridor.
The construction of the corridor has been defined by many as a strategic moment such that Pakistan has assumed the position of economic pivot for the whole region. This paradigm shift in circumstances is a cause of great worry for the enemies of Pakistan both within and outside. India, Israel, and the US are unhappy. For India, CPEC is a thorn in its paw. They have put their heads together to work out new strategies to block the project forward march. RAW has opened a special office in Delhi and has been allotted $300 million to disrupt CPEC. Already one can notice a sudden upsurge in the acts of terror in the three restive regions and activation of certain NGOs and think tanks all trying to air misgivings and create a fear psychosis.
Internal Challenges for Pakistan
In Pakistan, some political parties like ANP, Baloch nationalists, PkMAP raised serious objections to the CPEC project. Even PT! and JUI (F) showed inclinations to climb the bandwagon of anti-CPEC forces. Objections were being raised despite assurances by the government that this project will provide equal opportunities to all the provinces.
Security concerns have been the most critical challenge to the CPEC and both Pakistan and China have been trying to meet these. An arc of militancy stretches from Xinjiang to Gwadar consisting of groups like the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Daesh (ISIS), Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) and the militant wings of some political parties. Most of these groups may not have an enn1ity with China itself but rather intend to attack the Chinese interests like the CPEC as a means to deal with the Pakistani state.
Gwadar is the tail of the Silk belt, which will connect at Kashgar through different communication networks. The security of the whole corridor and Gwadar is a real concern for China. After the military operation in different parts of Pakistan, the terrorist infrastructure still exists inside and outside of the borders which will continue to pose a threat.
The support of the American CIA, Israeli Mossad, and Indian RAW has continuously been assisting the militant groups and sub-nationalists in all the provinces to conduct subversive acts – and using terrorist elements in the whole country to threaten the Pak-Chinese plans of developing the CPEC. In the past few years, they kidnapped and killed many Chinese nationals in Pakistan despite Pakistan’s efforts to provide the best possible security.
The army has announced the creation of a 10,000 men special force for protecting the development projects. The new force, named the Special Security Division, will comprise nine army battalions and six wings of paramilitary forces, the Rangers and the Frontier Corps.
External Challenges for Pakistan
As an economic enterprise, for the CPEC, the greatest challenge comes from competitors. The most significant is the Iranian port of Chabahar. India intends to invest significantly ($85 million) in the development of Chabahar, which lies a few miles away from Gwadar and is part of its efforts for access to land-locked Afghanistan and Central Asia while bypassing rival Pakistan. Chabahar will effectively be a way station for energy imports coming from the Gulf region and destined for Afghanistan and Central Asia.
It will also be a gateway to the Middle East, and possibly Europe, for exports originating from Afghanistan and Central Asia. While the Chabahar project has not yet been started due to the ongoing talks on the Iranian nuclear issue, the Gwadar port has already become functional. However, there is no need for contention between these two ports. Iran has a stake in the CPEC through the proposal to link the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline with China, which has been described as a “common interest” between the three countries.
Counter Indian Influence
Indian involvement in Chabahar is linked to Pakistan’s refusal to allow India access to transit to and from Afghanistan, so India sees Iran as the next-best option. If Pakistan extends transit facilities to India, and then India may not be interested in building up Chabahar.
India is also not happy with the handing over of Gwadar Port development and its operations to China. There have long been reports that Delhi is fuelling insurgency in Balochistan, which is rich in oil and gas resources, but poor law and order conditions have halted work on exploration activities there. Experts believe the India-UAE nexus will try to fail the Gwadar Port development project and create hurdles in the way of exploration activities in Balochistan.
In recent years, India has been particularly active in engaging Central Asian states for the sake of pursuing energy deals. India can be easily accommodated via the CPEC itself through the eastern interface in Punjab and Sindh and transformed into a stakeholder in the success of both Gwadar and the CPEC.
The dice of connectivity loaded by China has left India confused and bewildered. India is also concerned about China’s huge investment in Pakistan, particularly its recent decision to fund for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. China is also helping Pakistan in producing plutonium at the Chinese-built Kyushu reactor and will also sell eight submarines worth $5 billion, which will give a quantum jump to Pak Navy’s sea capability.
Economic Gains from this Project
After the completion of CPEC, Pakistan may become a trade hub in the region after Gwadar Port starts functioning fully and duty-free economic zones are set up. Many Central Asian states have also expressed interest in becoming part of the corridor. This strategic partnership between Pakistan and China has upset India that openly voiced its opposition and even premier Narendra Modi pressed the president of China during his visit to Beijing to drop the plan of developing the corridor. However, China did not cave into the pressure and vowed to push ahead with work on the project.
With Chinese clout growing and Russia flexing muscles to regain control over Central Asia, India is struggling to make some headway and spread its sphere of influence in the region. Delhi has bet on Iran and Afghanistan to reach the Central Asian states via land route as Pakistan and China have control over many land links that provide access to the resource-rich region.
India hopes it will be able to reach Central Asia through the Iranian port of Chabahar and build a north-south corridor that will run to Afghanistan and eventually stretch to Central Asia.
Pakistan has been playing a significant role in South Asia. After the completion of the ChinaPakistan Economic Corridor economic, commercial as well as geostrategic environment will improve in Pakistan. It will help Pakistan in dealing with the problems of poverty, unemployment, and inequities of undeveloped provinces.
During his meeting with President Xi Jinping, President Mamnoon Hussain said, “the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor would prove to be a game-changer in the whole region by generating massive trade and economic activity and opening new vistas of progress and prosperity for the people of the two countries and about three billion people of the region” .
CPEC from all counts will prove a game-changer and will make China a real stakeholder in Pakistan’s stability and security. It is a win-win situation for both. It will greatly expand the scope for the sustainable and stable development of China’s economic development. Investments by China will boost Pakistan’s $274 billion GDP by over 15 %.
Corresponding progress and prosperity in Pakistan and China’s patronage will help Pakistan in getting rid of the decade-old labels of ‘epicenter of terrorism’, ‘most dangerous country, and a ‘failing state’.
Pakistan enjoys a more favorable financial situation compared to India by reducing its budget deficit to 4.7% of GDP in 2014 (as against India’s 7%) and Pakistan is both competitive and cheaper as an emerging market. China’s economic and military assistance will help Pakistan a great deal in narrowing its ever-widening gap in economic military-nuclear fields with India and in bettering its defense potential.
Ambassador of China to Pakistan Sun Weidong while talking about the corridor said that the setting up of energy, transport, infrastructure, and industrial projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) would benefit all the provinces of Pakistan. He said that the CPEC was not limited to just a road but it will connect the country with a number of motorways and infrastructure projects.
He explained that infrastructure projects included Gwadar port, the second phase of the upgrading project of Karakoram Highway, motorway project between Karachi and Lahore, Thakot-Havelian motorway, Gwadar port expressway, Gwadar international airport, and Karachi-Sukkur motorway, adding further that the project will increase collaboration in areas of energy, finance, commerce, banking, industry, and education.
Removal of Social Problem due to CPEC
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor will help build a robust and stable economy in Pakistan and will create a significant opportunity for Pakistan to revive its industry and advance its economic interests. It will also help in overcoming the psychological barriers to flows of foreign investment from other sources. Despite its restrictive economic regime, over 150 private equity funds, foreign and domestic, are active in India.
Only three or four such funds are dedicated to investing government, with the participation of the private sector, to encourage foreign direct investment in Pakistan is indispensable. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar said war phobia can also be defeated through economic development. Peace and prosperity can be achieved with economic advancement.
This project will go beyond regional ambits to bring about enormous changes not only to the national economies of the benefiting states but also to the economics of the people at the grassroots level.
Effects of CPEC Projects
CPEC is the crown jewel in the new Pakistan economic paradigm because Pakistan has the opportunity to act independently of the western influence especially the US influence as it has proved of late, an irritant factor. CPEC project will also bring an opportunity to Pakistan for normalization of ties with India, Iran, and Afghanistan which will keep balance, strengthen prospects of peace and improve the socio-economic status of the people of the region.
CPEC is a game-changer project which will lift millions of Pakistanis out of poverty and misery. The project embraces the construction of the textile garments, industrial park projects, construction of dams, the installation of nuclear reactors, and creating networks of road, railway lines that will generate employment, and people will also take ownership of these projects. Fully equipped hospitals, technical and vocational training institutes, water supply, and distribution in undeveloped areas will also improve the quality of life of people.
CPEC is not only the name of road, port, and railway system but a multi-dollars mega project which will bring peace and prosperity in all the provinces of Pakistan. The chairman of the Gwadar port, Dostain Khan Jamaldini said that the CPEC would not only benefit Balochistan but also prove beneficial for the country’s three other provinces.
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China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
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- Nature - The politics of the China―Pakistan economic corridor
- University of Denver - Digital Commons - The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: Regional effects and recommendations for sustainable development and trade
- OMICS International - China Pakistan Economic Corridor: Prospects and Challenges for Regional Integration
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- Council on Foreign Relations - The Benefits and Risks of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
- GlobalSecurity.org - China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
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- Indian Council of World Affairs - China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) , massive bilateral project to improve infrastructure within Pakistan for better trade with China and to further integrate the countries of South Asia . It is part of the larger Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to improve connectivity, trade, communication, and cooperation between the countries of Eurasia announced by China in 2013.
The project was launched on April 20, 2015, when Chinese Pres. Xi Jinping and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif signed 51 agreements and memorandums of understanding valued at $46 billion. The goal of the CPEC is both to transform Pakistan’s economy—by modernizing its road, rail, air, and energy transportation systems—and to connect the deep-sea Pakistani ports of Gwadar and Karachi to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in China and beyond by overland routes. (Xinjiang borders the countries of Mongolia , Russia , Kazakhstan , Kyrgyzstan , Tajikistan , Afghanistan , Pakistan, and India , and the ancient Silk Road ran through its territory.) This aims to reduce the time and cost of transporting goods and energy such as natural gas to China by circumventing the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea . The initiative was also set to open several special economic zones (SEZs), modeled on similar zones in China that offer incentives for investment and are intended to spur rapid economic growth . The announcement of joint space and satellite initiatives between Pakistan and China, spurred by the CPEC, followed in 2016.
By the end of the 2010s, the program had achieved a number of successes for Pakistan, particularly in terms of infrastructure . Hundreds of miles of highways and railways had been completed. Pakistan’s capacity for electric power generation had also increased dramatically; although renewable energy made up only a fraction of the new energy projects, the country’s first solar power plant was inaugurated in May 2015. The Orange Line Metro Train system in Lahore , launched in October 2020 and the first of its kind in the country, was the most lauded urban project to come out of the early CPEC program.
But the CPEC initiatives proved to be a significant burden on Pakistan’s already strained balance of payments . Five years into the program, debt owed to China made up more than one-fourth of Pakistan’s total debt as it struggled to make its external payments. The economic impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic also slowed progress on CPEC projects, exacerbated Pakistan’s economic crisis, and left China hesitant to grant leniency on debt payments. Although the project gave a boost to job creation in Pakistan, promises that it would bolster Pakistan’s industrial sector and increase exports remained largely unrealized into the early 2020s. And even though the CPEC had expanded energy infrastructure, the costs for fossil fuel and upgrading an aging power grid led to continued power shortages and failures throughout the country. Furthermore, some construction, especially in the province of Balochistan , faced setbacks from violence by local militants who were opposed to the CPEC projects in their area.
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The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Underway and Under Threat
John Calabrese
This essay is part of the series “All About China”—a journey into the history and diverse culture of China through essays that shed light on the lasting imprint of China’s past encounters with the Islamic world as well as an exploration of the increasingly vibrant and complex dynamics of contemporary Sino-Middle Eastern relations. Read more ...
A convoy of 150 Chinese trucks, carrying goods to be shipped abroad arrived at the newly-renovated port of Gwadar in Pakistan on November 12, after having travelled more than 2,000 kilometers from Kashgar in Xinjiang province. [1] At the completion of the run, the first consignment of cargo to traverse the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was loaded onto Chinese vessels bound for the Middle East and Africa. Three weeks later, a second CPEC route was inaugurated, when a freight train carrying 500 tonnes of commodities left Kunming, capital of Yunnan, for Karachi. [2]
China is already Pakistan’s largest trade and defense partner. But the coming into operation of the CPEC lends a new meaning to, and could transform the relationship between these two “all-weather allies,” including insofar as their ties to the Middle East are concerned — provided that the territorial and maritime security challenges associated with the completion and use of this corridor can be satisfactorily addressed.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
On April 20, 2015, China and Pakistan formalized plans for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement, laying the groundwork for one of the six main corridors comprising President Xi Jinping’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. [3] The CPEC, a bundle of projects — some agreed, several currently being implemented, and others still in the process of negotiation — consists of a 3,000 km network of roads, railway lines, energy pipelines and fibre optic cables.
Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the country’s media have called the CPEC a “game changer.” [4] Chinese officials have described it as the “flagship project” of a broader policy aimed at enhancing “regional economic connectivity.” [5] The CPEC offers several potential benefits for China. The corridor not only affords the possibility of faster transport of energy supplies from the Persian Gulf, but also provides another access route to the Indian Ocean, thereby allowing supplies to bypass the Malacca Straits that could be blocked in times of tension. [6] Second, the corridor could help spur economic development in the landlocked western interior of China. Third, having a physical “footprint” in Gilgit-Baltistan could enable China to disrupt the movement of Uighur militants. Finally, the Gwadar Port could become a new regional service point for Chinese warships, along the lines of its base in Djibouti.
For Pakistan, the CPEC is more than simply a “route” or a “corridor.” Indeed, Pakistan is counting on the CPEC to drive future growth. Nearly three times more than the estimated $12 billion cost of building the road and railway network will be required to develop the energy infrastructure envisioned under CPEC for the purpose of alleviating Pakistan’s chronic energy shortages. [7] In November, China announced an additional $8.5 billion investment in Pakistan to upgrade the country’s main railway line from Karachi to Peshawar and to support construction of a liquified natural gas (L.N.G.) terminal and transmission lines. [8]
Yet, notwithstanding the progress made on the ground, the CPEC has fuelled political controversy and infighting in Pakistan, with provincial leaders wrangling over the allocation of routes as well as the pace at which projects are being implemented. Furthermore, there remain many unanswered questions and apprehensions, including those related to the economic viability of many of the projects associated with the CPEC. [9] The International Monetary Fund’s (I.M.F.) June 2016 report on Pakistan noted that while the CPEC would likely succeed in boosting investment and growth in the short run, it would entail risks of repayment obligations and profit repatriation in the medium to long term. [10]
Arguably the most important issues regarding the CPEC are those related to security. For China, the CPEC is viewed not simply as a trade-enhancing vehicle but as “an international effort to deliver security through economic development.” [11] Paradoxically, however, local terrorism and other nagging asymmetrical security threats — the very problems that this ambitious initiative seeks to ameliorate — pose serious risks for Chinese workers and companies engaged in project implementation and to the CPEC itself.
Security Challenges and Responses
Building the corridor of roads, railways and pipelines from northwest China to Pakistan’s Arabian Sea coast is, and likely will remain exceedingly difficult in light of the attendant security risks. Pakistan’s security situation continues to be precarious despite the success of anti-terrorism operations. The CPEC passes through the restive province of Balochistan as well as through Gilgit-Baltistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).
Balochistan occupies a central place in the CPEC project. Priority was given to construction of the western route through the province in an effort to persuade residents that they would not be excluded. Nevertheless, Baloch nationalists still consider the corridor as “an occupation of Baloch territory.” [12] Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) spokesperson Jeehand Baloch referred to the CPEC as “the China-Pakistan nexus to loot Baloch resources.” [13] Likewise, BLF leader Allah Nazar Baloch called the CPEC an “imperialist scheme,” and vowed to target the corridor. [14] Similar threats have been issued in Sindh, where China has been portrayed by some as accomplices of the “Punjabi establishment.” [15]
In recent months, violence in Balochistan has surged. [16] The Frontier Works Organization, which is engaged in road-building projects, has suffered several dozen casualties. [17] Two Chinese engineers were killed in September. [18] On the very day that the truck convoy carrying Chinese cargo en route to Gwadar approached the Baloch capital of Quetta, a powerful bomb blast struck the Sufi Shah Noorani shrine in Khudzar district [19] — an attack that though not aimed at the CPEC is nonetheless a stark reminder of its vulnerability.
There is some evidence that the spike in violence in Balochistan has caused heightened concern in China. The official Chinese daily Global Times reported that, “the increasing cost of security is becoming a big problem in efficiently pushing forward the project.” [20] Pakistani officials have gone to extraordinary lengths to assuage their Chinese counterparts’ concerns. During the November inaugural Kashgar-Gwadar cargo run and subsequent transfer of the containers to the vessels awaiting them at the port, the Pakistan Navy deployed its ships and aircraft to provide security cover to ensure safe and secure transit.
To date, Pakistan has deployed nearly 15,000 security personnel to safeguard roughly 7,000 Chinese nationals working on the CPEC, most of whom are located in Punjab. [21] Hussain Sayed, who chairs the parliamentary committee on the CPEC, has recently stated that Pakistan plans to double the size of the Special Security Division (SSD) by the end of March 2017. [22] Chinese officials have publicly lauded the precautions that Pakistan has taken. [23] But deploying the SSD has been somewhat controversial in Pakistan, as civilian leaders have had strong reservations about the terms under which the army advises, guides, and ‘indirectly’ controls local law enforcement agencies. [24]
The success of the CPEC and the Gwadar Port project also depends on the safe and secure maritime environment in the Indian Ocean region in general, and in the Arabian Sea in particular. [25] Within the maritime domain, the challenges include piracy, human trafficking, and smuggling. These varied sources pose two types of threat. The first is the possibility that militant groups or insurgents might attack seaports and vessels. The second is through container shipments, which insurgents could use to smuggle weapons, drugs and conduct human trafficking operations to finance their activities.
Nearly all of Pakistan’s trade is through sea lines of communication (SLOC). It is therefore not surprising that Pakistani authorities regard the seaward security of the port and associated sea lanes a major vulnerability and, consequently, have have made maritime security a top priority. [26] Nor is it surprising that the role of Pakistan’s maritime forces has increased since Gwadar became operational. The Pakistan Navy has been assigned special responsibility to protect Gwadar seaport project from offshore threats and the more than 500 Chinese working there. In January 2016, the Navy decided to deploy two additional Marine Battalions to provide around the clock security at Gwadar. [27]
Pakistan’s efforts to bolster its maritime security capabilities are wide-ranging. They include the stepping up of security patrols and coastal exercises, which has been facilitated by the creation of Coastal Watch Stations and the Joint Maritime Information Coordination Centre (JMICC); the establishment of the Force Protection Battalion (FPBn) of the Pakistan Marines; and the enhancement of maritime domain awareness. [28] Additionally, Pakistan has sought to engage in more robust collaborative maritime security activities. Here, the relationship with China is noteworthy. The two allies appear fully committed to full-spectrum maritime security cooperation (i.e., the protection of ports, vessels, and seal lanes). The fourth joint naval exercise that took place in November, this time in the open sea, is illustrative of the widening ambit of China-Pakistan maritime collaboration. [29]
In fact, Chinese support for Pakistan’s efforts to bolster its maritime capabilities has greatly expanded from equipment, logistics and training support to technology transfer. Motivated partly by Pakistan’s difficulty procuring certain platforms from Western sources, China-Pakistan cooperation extends to joint in-country construction of the F-22P frigate; and production of Azmat and Jalalat class fast attack craft and corvettes for the Pakistan Maritime Security Agency. In June 2015, Pakistan’s Ministry of Defence Production signed a contract with M/s China Ship Trading Company (M/s CSTC) for construction of seven Maritime Patrol Ships, four of which are being built in China and the others at the Karachi Shipyard and Engineering Works. [30] The confirmation by the China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation (CSIC) of its involvement in a project to provide the Pakistan Navy with eight attack submarines marks yet another milestone in this cooperation. [31] During the recent visit of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) chief to Pakistan, both navies agreed to widen the scope of existing maritime exercises in order to improve interoperability. [32]
Limits and Liabilities
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) represents a new and exceedingly ambitious model of cooperation for these two all-weather partners. The realization of the many developmental and prospective benefits for each of the two countries depends upon the successful completion of the myriad projects designed to lay the infrastructural latticework for multifaceted bilateral economic cooperation and regional connectivity. The persistence of non-traditional security threats makes the progress that has already been achieved in developing this infrastructure within the relatively short span of time since its conceptualization all the more remarkable. Yet, given the extent to which terrorist and militant outfits have entrenched themselves in Pakistan, inoculating the CPEC against them seems unlikely.
To be sure, Pakistan has taken significant steps to develop and deploy — both on land and sea — the military assets deemed necessary to mitigate the risks associated with asymmetrical security threats to the CPEC. Indeed, China has supported these, and broader efforts by Pakistan to enhance its overall conventional military capabilities. However, increased China-Pakistan military cooperation is occurring against the backdrop of intensifying competition amongst the various regional states, including rising India-Pakistan tension and growing irritation between China and India. Thus, the very measures ostensibly aimed at tackling non-traditional security challenges could inadvertently heighten threat perceptions and fuel interstate rivalry, thereby accentuating the risks to the CPEC rather than ameliorating them.
[1] “Pakistan, China Jointly Open New International Trade Route,” Voice of America News, November 16, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, http://www.voanews.com/a/pakistan-china-jointly-open-new-international-… .
[2] “CPEC on track with first train from China to Pakistan,” Samaa.TV (Islamabad), December 1, 2016, accessed December 2, 2016, https://www.samaa.tv/economy/2016/12/cpec-on-track-with-first-train-fro… .
[3] Currently, there are two main land-to-sea arteries under construction: one going south from Kunming, in China’s Yunnan province, through Myanmar to the coast, and the other (CPEC) cutting south from Xinjiang through Pakistan to Gwadar port on the Indian Ocean. For details on the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative, see People’s Republic of China National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road,” March 28, 2015, accessed November 28, 2016, http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201503/t20150330_669367.html .
[4] See remarks by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, quoted in “CPEC ‘game-changer’ for Pakistan, ‘fate-changer’ for region: PM,” Associated Press of Pakista (APP), August 29, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, https://www.app.com.pk/cpec-game-changer-for-pakistan-entire-region-pm/ . See also Syed Hamza and Saleem Gilani, “CPEC: The game changer,” The Nation , July 12, 2016, http://nation.com.pk/columns/12-Jul-2016/cpec-the-game-changer .
[5] Jeremy Page, “China Readies $46 Billion for Pakistan Trade Route, Wall Street Journal , April 15, 2015, accessed December 1, 2016 (Available at Lexis/Nexis.)
[6] See, for example, Ian Storey, “China’s ‘Malacca Dilemma,’” China Brief 6,8 (2006), accessed December 1, 2016, https://jamestown.org/program/chinas-malacca-dilemma/#.VsleY5MrJE4 .
[7] Michael Kugelman, “Pakistan’s Other National Struggle: Its Energy Crisis,” The Wall Street Journal , July 9, 2015, accessed December 1, 2016, http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2015/07/09/pakistans-other-national-strug… .
[8] Karen Strohecker, “Pakistan says China to make extra $8.5 billion investments in rail, energy,” Reuters, November 23, 2016, accessed December 2, 2016, http://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-pakistan-economy-cpec-idUKKBN13I1Y2?il… .
[9] See, for example, Andrew Small, “CPEC: Road to the Future?” Herald , November 15, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://herald.dawn.com/news/1153559 ; Rafaello Pantucci, “China–Pakistan: With Great Investment Comes Some Responsibility,” RUSI Newsbrief, July 5, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, https://rusi.org/sites/default/files/2016_newsbrief_july_pantucci.pdf ; and Hanan Zaffar, “CPEC: Boon or Bane for Pakistan?” The Diplomat , November 16, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://thediplomat.com/2016/11/cpec-boon-or-bane-for-pakistan/ ; and D. Suba Chandran, “Pakistan’s corridor of uncertainty,” The Hindu , November 29, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/pakistan-cpec-china-and-ind… .
[10] International Monetary Fund (IMF), Pakistan Country Report, No. 16/207 (June 2016) 87, accessed December 16, 2016, https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2016/cr16207.pdf .
[11] Daniel Markey and James West, “Behind China’s Gambit in Pakistan,” Council on Foreign Relations Expert Brief, May 12, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://www.cfr.org/pakistan/behind-chinas-gambit-pakistan/p37855 .
[12] Syed Raza Hassan, “To protect Chinese investment, Pakistan military leaves little to chance,” Reuters, February 8, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://uk.reuters.com/article/pakistan-china-security-gwadar-idUKKCN0VH… .
[13] Quoted in Mayank Pratap Singh, “Baloch rebels attack Dudher project site, 2 Chinese engineers killed, many hurt,” India Today , September 28, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/baloch-rebels-attack-kills-two-engin… .
[14] Asad Hashim, “Pakistan: BLF chief Baloch says Indian help ‘welcome,’” Aljazeera, September 29, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/09/pakistan-blf-chief-baloch-indian-…
[15] Imtiaz Ali, “Chinese citizen targeted in Karachi blast,” Dawn , May 30, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1261600 .
[16] Sudha Ramachandran, “CPEC takes a step forward as violence surges in Balochistan,” Asia Times , November 16, 2016, access November 29, 2016, http://www.atimes.com/cpec-takes-step-forward-violence-surges-balochist… .
[17] Baqir Sajjad Syed, “Civil-military differences hold up CPEC security plan,” Dawn , September 19, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1284724 .
[18] “Baloch rebels attack Dudher project site, 2 Chinese engineers killed, many hurt,” Terrorism Watch, October 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.terrorismwatch.org/2016/10/baloch-rebels-attack-dudher-proje… .
[19] Syed Ali Shah, Imtiaz Ali, and Ismail Sasoli, “At least 52 killed, 102 injured in blast at Khuzdar shrine,” Dawn , November 13, 2016, accessed December 3, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1295928 .
[20] Hu Weijia, “Increased ties with Southeast Asia don’t detract from China’s goals in the CPEC,” Global Times , September 13, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1006157.shtml .
[21] Rajeev Deshpande, “15K Pakistanis guarding 7K Chinese working on China-Pakistan Economic Corridor,” The Times of India , September 12, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/pakistan/15K-Pakistanis-guardi… .
[22] Yuji Kurunuma, “Uighurs wary as China's vast aid influences Pakistan,” Nikkei Asian Review , November 16, 2016, accessed December 1, 2016, http://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/International-Relations/Uighurs… .
[23] See, for example, China Foreign Ministry Spokesperson press conference remarks, quoted in “China commends Pakistan for security and smooth implementation of CPEC,” The Nation , September 30, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://nation.com.pk/national/30-Sep-2016/china-commends-pakistan-for-s… .
[24] Baqir Sajjad Syed, “Civil-military differences hold up CPEC security plan,” Dawn , September 19, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1284724 .
[25] “Pakistan Navy Launches 3rd Fast Attack Craft Missile For Protection Of CPEC,” PakChinaNews.Pak, September 18, 2016, accessed September 29, 2016, http://pakchinanews.pk/pakistan-navy-launches-3rd-fast-attack-craft-mis… .
[26] “Pakistan Navy accords high priority to maritime security of CPEC,” Pakistan Today , November 16, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.cpecinfo.com/cpec-news-detail.php?id=NzU2 .
[27] S.C. Kohli, “Pakistan Navy's distinctive plans to protect Gwadar seaport and Chinese there,” Merinews, February 24, 2016, accessed December 4, 2016, http://www.merinews.com/article/pakistan-navys-distinctive-plans-to-pro… .
[28] Kaleem Kaushat, “CPEC -- Expanding Role of Pak Navy,” Pakistan Today , November 20, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2016/11/20/comment/cpec-expanding-role-of-pak-navy/ ; Rashid Mehmood Sheikh, “The Joint Maritime Information and Coordination Center,” in Andrew Forbes and Rowena Gaffney, Eds., Ionsphere , Edition V (Canberra: Sea Power Centre, 2015) 120-125, http://www.navy.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/IONSPHERE_Edition_V_December_2015.pdf ; CPEC ships being guarded by navy vessels,” Dawn, November 16, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1296678/cpec-ships-being-guarded-by-navy-vessels ; and “Maritime security of CPEC top priority: Pakistan Navy,” Daily Times , November 16, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, http://dailytimes.com.pk/pakistan/16-Nov-16/maritime-security-of-cpec-t… ; Mateen Haider, “Pakistan-China Sign Agreement for MSA Patrol Vessel,” Dawn , June 10, 2015, accessed November 26, 2016, www.dawn.com/news/1187352 ; and Anwar Saeed, “The Evolving China-Pakistan Maritime Economic Relationship in the Indian Ocean,” Soundings 13 (2016), accessed November 26, 2016, http://www.navy.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/Soundings_Paper_No… .
[29] Quoted in Shazia Hasan, “Navies of Pakistan, China begin their fourth joint exercise,” Dawn , November 18, 2016, accessed November 29, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1297067/navies-of-pakistan-china-begin-their-f… .
[30] Mateen Haidar, “Pakistan China sign agreement for MSA patrol vessels,” Pakistan Defence , June 10, 2015, accessed Novemer 29, 2016, http://defence.pk/threads/pakistan-china-sign-agreement-for-msa-patrol-vessels.380243/#ixzz4RRutteov ; and “PN, PMSA to provide foolproof security to Gwadar port, CPEC sea routes,” Daily Times , August 2, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, http://dailytimes.com.pk/sindh/02-Aug-16/pn-pmsa-to-provide-foolproof-s… .
[31] “China to export eight submarines to Pakistan,” NavalToday.com, October 17, 2016, accessed December 4, 2016, http://navaltoday.com/2016/10/17/china-to-export-eight-submarines-to-pa… .
[32] See, for example, Koh Swee Lean Collin, “China and Pakistan Join Forces Under the Sea,” The National Interest , January 7, 2016, accessed December 4, 2016, http://nationalinterest.org/feature/china-pakistan-join-forces-under-the-sea-14829?page=3 ; “Pak-China naval collaboration gains more importance due to CPEC,” Dawn , November 21, 2016, accessed December 4, 2016, http://www.dawn.com/news/1297739 ; and “China hails Pakistan Navy’s role in maritime security,” Dawn , May 19, 2016, accessed November 26, 2016, www.dawn.com/news/1259271 .
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This essay aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the economic, geopolitical, and social implications of the CPEC for Pakistan, shedding light on both its potential benefits and challenges...
The geopolitical implications of CPEC and IMEC have resonated throughout transatlantic relations in Europe, driving debates about global governance, economic integration, and strategic...
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China and Pakistan have agreed to build the One Belt One Road project more commonly known as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is expected to bring about both peace and prosperity in South Asia. Find below the complete Essay on CPEC. Outline: Introduction. Development of Gwadar.
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The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) On April 20, 2015, China and Pakistan formalized plans for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement, laying the groundwork for one of the six main corridors comprising President Xi Jinping’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative.
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