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Open Access

Peer-reviewed

Research Article

Relationships between work ethic and motivation to work from the point of view of the self-determination theory

Contributed equally to this work with: Damian Grabowski, Agata Chudzicka-Czupała, Katarzyna Stapor

Roles Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Software, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation Faculty of Psychology, Department of Social and Organizational Behavior, SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Katowice, Poland

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Investigation, Project administration, Validation, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Roles Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Resources, Validation, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliation Faculty of Automatic Control, Electronics and Computer Science, Silesian University of Technology, Gliwice, Poland

• Damian Grabowski, 
• Agata Chudzicka-Czupała, 
• Katarzyna Stapor

• Published: July 1, 2021
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145
• Reader Comments

Most studies on motivation to work concentrate on its environmental and situational antecedents. Individual values are not the point of interest of empirical analyses. The aim of the research described in the paper was to seek possible relationships between work ethic and motivation to work. A hypothesis was put forward that work ethic, in the classical Weberian approach, is connected with motivation to work, from the point of view of Ryan’s and Deci’s self-determination theory. The study on a sample of 405 Polish employees was conducted with use of the Polish version of Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile MWEP-PL and Work Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation Scale , in the Polish adaptation WEIMS-PL. The Canonical Correlation Analysis was used to assess the simultaneous interrelationships between two sets of the variables measured. The results show that selected dimensions of work ethic, such as centrality of work, valuing hard work, perceiving work as an obligation, anti-leisure sentiment and delay of gratification are positively related to autonomous dimensions of motivation: intrinsic motivation, integration and identification, and non-autonomous introjection. Attributing a high value to hard work, including the conviction that it leads to success, aversion to wasting time and self-reliance correlate positively with taking up work for extrinsic rewards and with the desire to acquire a positive opinion about oneself as well as gain approval and recognition from others. Work ethic is connected on the one hand with autonomous motivation, including in particular intrinsic motivation, and on the other hand with extrinsic motivation, with the striving for success, which is the result of work. After empirical verification the findings could become a base for training programs and shape the way of influencing people’s motivation, morale, attitude towards work and job satisfaction. They can result in the way employees are managed and selected for different tasks.

Citation: Grabowski D, Chudzicka-Czupała A, Stapor K (2021) Relationships between work ethic and motivation to work from the point of view of the self-determination theory. PLoS ONE 16(7): e0253145. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145

Editor: Godfred O. Boateng, University of Texas at Arlington, UNITED STATES

Received: October 31, 2020; Accepted: May 31, 2021; Published: July 1, 2021

Copyright: © 2021 Grabowski et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All relevant data are within the manuscript and its Supporting Information files.

Funding: Authors AC, DG, and KS received funding for Open access from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education in Poland under the 2019-2022 program „Regional Initiative of Excellence", project number 012 / RID / 2018/19. Authors AC and DG received funding from the SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Warsaw, Poland, project No. 1571-BST/WZK/2018/A/06 entitled “Development of standards for the assessment of social and ethical aspects of employees’ way of functioning”, https://www.swps.pl/ . The funder had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Most empirical studies on work motivation and occupational behavior focus on the importance of environmental and situational characteristics such as working conditions and pay, organizational structure, job characteristics, task characteristics, working time flexibility, role of the manager and being subject to the latter’s control, as well as organizational climate [ 1 – 4 ]. Research also relates motivation to stressful environmental factors [ 1 ]. Some researchers point out that the external context in which an individual performs a task influences the intrinsic motivation to perform it, which may contribute to creative achievements [ 5 ]. Research was also conducted on motivational potential of meaningful work [ 6 ]. Some studies show how work-related and individual factors are related to psychological work ability and job mobility motivation in specific age, e.g. in later adulthood [ 7 ]. The relationships between motivation to work on the one hand and satisfaction with its performance and occupational burnout on the other hand was subject of studies as well [ 8 ].

Our review shows that research is still lacking that would connect individual predisposition or values subscribed to with motivation to work. The few empirical analyses carried out in this area prove the existence of relationships between affective organizational attachment, interest in work, acceptance of risk connected with its performance, perceived own competences and motivation to work [ 9 ], as well as between locus of control and motivation [ 10 ], and between agreeableness, conscientiousness, commitment to work, including attributing a high value to work, and motivation to learn, supposed to improve the quality of work [ 11 ].

Although the number of studies linking beliefs and values to motivation is not large, many scholars clearly pointed to the existence of interrelationships. Rokeach [ 12 , 13 ] has already presented values and beliefs as an inseparable element of motivation. Similarly, Lewin [ 14 ] considered values to be an important “guides” of behavior, because they trigger the goals to which one aspires. The self-concordance model of motivation [ 15 ] suggests that people are more inclined to pursue goals consistent with their autonomous values. The authors of this model, which measures intrinsic motivation, are guided by the assumption that people are intrinsically motivated by goals that result from the values they hold in high regard.

Studying motivation to work in the context of work-related values and work-related beliefs is rare [ 11 ]. There is a particular lack of research on the relationships between work ethic, understood as a multidimensional attitude towards work, which is a value in itself, and intrinsic and extrinsic motivation described by the self-determination theory. Few analyses point to the existence of certain relationships between the components of work ethic and intrinsic motivation, although work ethic in this case was studied in an Islamic version. However, study by Hayati and Caniago [ 16 ] on the Islamic work ethic and its relation to intrinsic motivation treated work ethic and intrinsic motivation as single dimension. Many studies highlight the importance of work ethic in business and in the capitalist economy [ 17 – 19 ]. This study aimed to check for potential relationships between the motivation to work and the dimensions of work ethic, reflecting human beliefs concerning work, the attitude towards being rewarded for work, leisure time, or the ability to rely on oneself in various activities, was designed to fill the gap in research into the area. We believe it is important for both cognitive and practical reasons to find an answer to the question as to whether any relationships between the variables mentioned above exist. Finding out about the strength and direction of these relationships may help to make a more effective impact on employees, to increase their motivation enabling them to act effectively and to achieve self-satisfaction and job satisfaction. It may also make it possible to prepare professionals better for training interventions. Knowledge about the relationships between the different components of both variables makes it possible to obtain better insight into the meaning of an individual’s autonomous values, attitudes, beliefs and needs, as well as into the nature and sources of their motivation. The findings presented in this study are exploratory in nature and their effects may require the construction of a more extensive model of dependencies. In fact, we do not know if and how work ethic, understood as a syndrome of different attitudes and beliefs about work, is connected with motivation to work.

Work ethic as a system of attitudes and beliefs

Work ethic means attributing value to hard work and industriousness, stigmatizing idleness, fulfilling the obligations, and the belief that work should be done in the best possible way [ 20 ]. To fulfill the obligations means here a moral duty, while industriousness is considered a virtue, i.e. a desirable moral quality [ 21 ]. This term describes the cult of work, manifested in the respectful treatment of, or even reverence for work [ 22 ]. Work ethic involves perceiving and treating work as a duty or obligation and as a moral value. It consists of norms, prohibitions and orders, beliefs, attitudes and behaviors, both desirable and undesirable, connected with work valuation [ 20 , 23 ].

In the psychological sense, work ethic is a syndrome of attitudes and beliefs, with strongly outlined emotional-judgmental components. Miller [ 24 ] described seven dimensions of the syndrome, on the basis of analyses by Furnham [ 21 ]:

• Belief in the sense of hard work, the conviction that it leads to success and that it is a recipe for problems and difficulties in life;
• Centrality of work, the conviction that it is the basic activity in life–“but the most important thing was that even beyond that labor came to be considered in itself the end of life”;
• Distaste for wasting time, tendency to treat time as a valuable resource–“waste of time is thus the first and in principle the deadliest of sins”;
• Distaste for leisure, i.e. the conviction that free time activities are less valuable: “not leisure and enjoyment, but only activity serves to increase the glory of God”;
• Delay of gratification, recognizing the value of rewards one has to wait for “the idea of expectant waiting for the Spirit to descend”), with importance attached also to work without rewards–the assumption that work in itself is a reward;
• Independence, self-reliance at work, individualism;
• Morality and ethics, i.e. placing emphasis on honesty in relationships with others, the assumption that honest conduct should be the content of the work [ 20 ] (p. 96–105).

These components can be put in order and structured. The core of a high work ethic is the conviction that work is a central value in life, so it should be done in a perfect and honest manner. Doing work well means devoting a considerable amount of effort and sufficient time to it. Therefore, the components of work ethic are deemed to include the requirement to save time, reduce leisure time, as well as the precept not to consume rewards, as they change people’s attitude towards other values. Also, worth mentioning are new research results on studies regarding the relationship of ethical culture and leadership with employees’ innovation [ 25 , 26 ].

Work ethic and motivation to work. Self-determination theory

In the concept of work ethic, one can see descriptions of energy-related components, such as the requirement to increase effort and the high value given to it, i.e. emphasis on the importance of hard work. A job well done is also an efficient and effective action. The conceptualization and operationalization of work ethic performed by Mann [ 27 ] emphasize the importance of striving to improve oneself, looking after the quality of work and persistently pursuing of goals, i.e. factors which may be associated with motivation. Work ethic, by underscoring the importance and strengthening the training of independence, also triggers the motivation to achieve, conducive to economic development [ 21 ], and therefore these variables can be interrelated. Few studies also indicate the relationship between the work ethic syndrome and intrinsic motivation [ 16 ].

Cassidy and Lynn [ 28 ], in their conceptualization of achievement motivation, treat work ethic, defined as the performance of work for the sake of work itself, the desire to work hard and to derive satisfaction from such activity, as a component of motivation. Ethic understood in this way is placed here alongside other components of motivation, such as the desire to have and earn money, the need for dominance/power, the pursuit of perfection, the desire to achieve high standards, the tendency to compete and to perform better than others, as well as the desire to achieve a high status and prestige. Among the dimensions of motivation, the authors mentioned above also list the tendency to achieve mastery, which they understand as focusing on new challenges and situations that require one to master new skills.

Story and colleagues [ 29 ] suggested that work ethic, striving for perfection and mastery should be treated as components of the intrinsic motivation to achieve, while striving to have and to earn, the need for dominance, striving to compete and the desire to gain prestige should be treated as the extrinsic motivation to achieve. It should be noted, however, that in some samples an intrinsically motivating work ethic correlates with extrinsically motivating material needs, identified with earning money, the need for dominance and the need for prestige [ 28 ].

The division into intrinsic and extrinsic motivation has existed for a long time in the field of labor psychology, but only the emergence of a macro theory in the form of the self-determination theory [ 30 ] brought a new quality to research into work motivation. The self-determination theory, apart from the central division into autonomous and controlled motivation, postulates a multidimensional conceptualization of motivation. Ryan and Deci [ 30 ], assuming that each individual develops in relation to the actions he or she takes, and following many years of research, propose a macro theory which places emphasis mainly on the organic mechanisms of involving the internal resources of a human individual in his or her development, and more precisely in the development of personality and in self-regulation of behavior. According to these authors, the key process supporting the optimal functioning of people is their natural striving to improve and develop, manifested in the satisfaction of universal basic needs like social relationships and intimacy, competence and autonomy. They underline the role of behaviour in accordance with one’s own interests and values.

Autonomy understood in this way should not be confused with independence, although they may be interrelated. As a consequence, an individual satisfying such needs may feel pleasure and contentment. Research has shown that these needs are natural, but also that their properties are subject to situational influences that trigger intrinsic or extrinsic motivation, depending on the integrated orientation of the respective individual’s life goals [ 31 – 33 ].

The traditional conceptualization of intrinsic motivation assumes that this motivation refers to a situation in which behavior is triggered by different activities of the individual, interesting in themselves, causing spontaneous satisfaction and joy. At the same time, extrinsic motivation is clearly separated, as motivation triggering activities which are not interesting or satisfying in themselves for the individual, but which as a consequence lead to the valued effects. In this approach, extrinsic motivation is instrumental. In the context of work, however, extrinsic motivation has a dominant position and a wider range of types, contributing to the satisfaction of different needs, but according to Ryan and Deci [ 34 ], it is intrinsic, immanent motivation that represents the natural tendency an individual has to seek new challenges, learn and improve, based on enthusiasm, interests and passions. Intrinsic motivation understood in this way is a manifestation of a completely autonomous, self-determined, immanent motivation connected with the individual experiencing positive emotions [ 30 , 35 , 36 ]. The opposite of intrinsic motivation is extrinsic motivation in the form of external regulation, although in the self-determination theory there is also amotivation.

Amotivation is a state characteristic of non-autonomous behaviors, consisting in lack of regulation and reluctance to act. In the subject literature, it is compared to Seligman’s learned helplessness [ 37 ]. In the case of amotivation and external regulation, human behavior is completely independent of the individual, and it is controlled by external factors. Proper extrinsic motivation is a continuum of states regulated both extrinsically and intrinsically. It may vary in its intensity–from external regulation, through introjection and identification, to integration. Introjection is accompanied by involvement of the Ego, and behavior is partially controlled by the individual here, while in the case of identification and integration and of proper intrinsic motivation, the individual manifests fully autonomously regulated behavior. The differences in these three levels of motivation consist in the varying degree of internalization of values and goals underlying the behavior. Introjection is regulation consisting in taking action to gain self-approval and approval of those around the individual, for example by doing work to enhance one’s self-esteem, increase one’s prestige, and avoid shame. In the case of identification, the individual identifies with a set of values and meanings, accepting them as his or her own, while in the case of integration, the specific value or meaning becomes part of the system of definitions of the Self, creating the basis for autonomous regulation of behavior [ 38 , 39 ]. Therefore, identification and integration are still part of the system of extrinsic motivation, but one which is already regulated autonomously, and fully autonomous in the case of identification. The difference between autonomous regulation and integration, in the case of intrinsic motivation, boils down to activation of emotions, and in the case of integration–to cognitive activity [ 40 ].

Autonomous regulation, referring to intrinsic motivation, integration and identification, is associated with qualities such as resourcefulness and courage. Controlled regulation, i.e. introjection and external regulation mechanisms, provides the basis for industriousness, regularity, perseverance, strong will and prudence. Striving to improve oneself and implementing standards leading to an ideal image of the self represents the autonomous regulation perspective, while striving to achieve what should be achieved according to others is a manifestation of controlled regulation [ 33 ].

Work ethic involves both resourcefulness and industriousness, as well as prudence [ 21 ] and the realization of a perfect image of oneself [ 27 ]. Hence, it may be assumed that work ethic as a syndrome of beliefs which value work is associated both with autonomous motivation and with controlled, non-autonomous regulation. Traditionally, in line with the definition of work ethic, work means coercion and obligation. However, the definition of work ethic also implies the importance of individual independence, the need to rely on oneself and to strive to achieve [ 21 ]. Recent conceptualizations of work ethic also include the pursuit of excellence and mastery, which guarantee high-quality work [ 27 ].

The findings of the studies by Cassidy and Lynn [ 28 ] quoted above showed that intrinsically motivating work ethic correlates with extrinsically motivating needs, such as earning money and striving for dominance and prestige. These findings are also consistent with the research conducted by Wollack [ 41 ], in which it turned out that work ethic referred to the attitude towards pay, i.e. attributing a high value to earning money at work. The research also proved the existence of links between work ethic and social status, defining one’s position among the others and both self-perception of this status and the perception of that status by the social environment, friends, relatives and co-workers, which is associated with prestige. The work ethic conceptualization built by Wollack [ 41 ] also includes the pursuit of promotion. Status, prestige and pursuit of promotion are connected with introjection, and earning money is connected with external regulation.

Finally, some recent developments in SDT theory should be cited. In [ 42 ] the Authors studied public employee’s motivation for a public service career and developed a SDT-based measurement instrument that captures different motivations for it. A meta-analytic review [ 43 ] of almost 100 studies examining the antecedents and consequences of basic need satisfaction at work provides interesting and new contributions and challenges to the SDT literature. Through the lens of SDT in [ 44 ] the Authors tested the mediating effect of autonomy, how internal sources of innovations (i.e. emanating from an agency’s senior leadership/employee workgroups) affect employees’ job satisfaction.

Thus, if both work ethics and intrinsic motivation are associated with job satisfaction and innovation [ 21 , 25 , 44 ], it can be assumed that the work ethic and motivation also show significant relationships. The important question is which components of ethics are most strongly associated with intrinsic motivation and which are weaker.

Research questions and hypotheses.

We asked the research questions about the possible relationships between work ethic dimensions and the motivation to work, i.e. between autonomous and controlled regulation, and about the nature of them. Research questions were also put forward concerning the existence and strength of the relationship between work ethic dimensions and the individual methods of regulation, i.e. autonomous and non-autonomous regulation, as well as about whether and how work ethic dimensions correlate with amotivation.

On the basis of the considerations presented above, we hypothesize that:

H1. Positive relationships exist between the dimensions of work ethic (work as moral value and obligation, hard work, centrality of work, wasted time, anti-leisure sentiment, delay of gratification, self-reliance and morality/ethics) and autonomously regulated motivation (intrinsic motivation, integration, identification) as well as non-autonomous introjection.

H2. Positive relationships exist between the dimensions of work ethic that involve attributing value to success and to the ways of achieving it (work as moral value and obligation, wasted time and self-reliance) and non-autonomously regulated motivation (introjection and external regulation).

Materials and methods

Study sample and procedure.

A quota sampling [ 1 ] being a non-probabilistic version of stratified sampling was used to obtain a sample of participants for our study. A population was first segmented into 4 sub-groups according to the size of employment (micro-enterprises, small, medium and large businesses) based on the structure obtained from the Central Statistical Office in Poland. Samples of participants were then selected from each subgroup based on the specified proportion [ 45 ].

The sample consisted of 405 individuals working in various organizations in southern Poland. The sample included 227 women (56%) and 178 men (44%). The study covered a group of people aged 19 to 71. The average age of the respondents was over 35.23 ( SD = 12.05, Range = 19–71) years. The sample included people with different educational backgrounds. The largest number of respondents had secondary education (194 individuals, 48% of the sample), higher education (160 individuals, 39% of the sample) and vocational education (51 individuals, 13% of the sample). The study covered 90 individuals working in micro-enterprises (employing up to 9 people) (22% of the sample), 107 employees of small businesses, employing up to 49 people (26% of the sample), 84 employees of medium-sized businesses employing up to 249 people (21% of the sample), and 124 employees of large businesses (employing over 250 people) (31% of the sample).

The study subjects included individuals pursuing different professions (administrative support (105 individuals, 26% of the sample), accounting/financial (95 individuals, 23% of the sample), technology (105 individuals, 26% of the sample), health/safety (100 individuals, 25% of the sample)) and employed in various industries (manufacturing (150 individuals, 37% of the sample), services (130 individuals, 32% of the sample), retail (125 individuals, 31% of the sample)). The majority of the study subjects (283 individuals, 70% of the sample) worked under an employment contract, full-time, 57 individuals (14% of the sample) were self-employed, and 65 individuals (16% of the sample) worked under civil law contracts. The majority were employees of businesses with nationwide reach (302 individuals, 75% of the sample), while the remaining group of 103 individuals (25% of the sample) worked in companies with international reach. The average length of service being 12.94 ( SD = 11.64, Range = 0.5–45) years.

Efforts were made to examine people of different ages, both women and men, employees working for a given company for at least six months in various industries.

The research was conducted in 2018, from June to December. The respondents did not receive any remuneration for their participation in the survey and filled out a set of questionnaires using the paper and pencil form.

The research was conducted in compliance with the ethical standards in line with the provisions of the Declaration of Helsinki. The Departmental Research Ethics Committee of Faculty of Psychology at SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities (Katowice, Poland) (Ref. number: WKEB63/05/2020/Human participants, project title: Relationships between work ethic and motivation to work from the point of view of the self-determination theory) approved the research proposal and the consent procedure. The respondents agreed to participate voluntarily, they were informed about its purpose, assured about its complete anonymity, and obtained information about the possibility of withdrawing from it at any time.

To measure work ethic we used the Polish version of Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile (MWEP), an abridged version of the MWEP questionnaire created by Miller [ 24 ], adapted by Grabowski and Chudzicka-Czupała [ 23 , 46 ], and abridged by Grabowski [ 47 ]. The questionnaire is composed of 35 items and 7 scales (or 7 subscales) (with 5 items in each scale), which correspond with 7 dimensions of work ethic: belief in the sense of hard work (Hard work), Centrality of work, distaste for wasting time (Wasted time), distaste for leisure (Anti-leisure sentiment), Delay of gratification, Self-reliance and morality and ethics (Morality/Ethics). Five statements were added to the list of 35 items mentioned above, related to the conviction that work is a value and a moral obligation (Work as moral obligation—WMO scale).

Participants indicated their attitudes toward statements using a 1 (“I strongly disagree”) to 5 (“I strongly agree”) scale. Statistical analyses also used an index constituting the sum of all the seven subscales, i.e. MWEP-total, without the WMO scale.

To study motivation to work, the Work Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation Scale (WEIMS) was used, built by Canadian psychologists [ 48 ], in the Polish adaptation by Chrupała-Pniak and Grabowski [ 49 ]. Both the original tool and the Polish adaptation demonstrate satisfactory psychometric properties. The scale represents an operationalization of the individual regulations of motivation, taken into account in the self-determination theory, i.e. intrinsic motivation, integration, identification, introjection, external regulation and amotivation. The original tool consists of 18 items, with 3 scale items corresponding to each of the six regulations (six scales or subscales of WEIMS). A 24-item method was used in the study, with one statement added to each scale (subscale).

The respondents’ task was to take a position on the items using a seven-point scale from 1 to 7 (with 1 meaning “This statement doesn’t describe me at all”, 3 –“This statement describes me in rather moderately”, 7 –“This statement describes me absolutely accurately”).

The Work Self-Determination Index (WSDI) was also used in the calculations. This index is calculated using the following formula: -3*amotivation + -2* external regulation + -1*introjection + 1*identification + 2*integration + 3*intrinsic motivation; and it simply means the degree of self-determination of behavior at work [ 48 , 49 ].

Table 1 presents descriptive statistics and the reliability coefficients i.e. Cronbach’s alpha and McDonald’s omega of Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile (MWEP), Work Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation Scale (WEIMS) subscales and global indices (MWEP, the sum of 7 dimensions, Work Self-Determination Index WSDI).

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.t001

The amotivation scale obtained a lower Cronbach’s α value in these studies, just like in previous studies, by the way, both on Polish and on Canadian samples [ 48 ], and its revision should be considered in the future.

The validity of the modified WEIMS version, which includes 24 items, was also checked by means of confirmatory factor analysis. A confirmatory factor analysis demonstrated that the WEIMS scale achieved satisfactory measures of fit of the six-factor model to the data (comprising four positions in each scale): χ2 (df) = 789.49 (237), RMSEA = 0.076, CFI = 0.96, sRMR = 0.071, NFI = 0.95 [ 49 , 50 ].

Data analysis.

Descriptive statistics, reliability coefficients and correlations were calculated with JASP (v0.12.2), a Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) conducted using JASP (v0.12.2) and the Lisrel (v9.2) software, and Canonical Correlation Analysis (CCA) was conducted using STATISTICA (v12.0).

Canonical correlation analysis.

We used the multivariate statistical method, Canonical Correlation Analysis (CCA) [ 51 , 52 ] to verify the two hypothesis and to investigate the magnitude and sign of the relationships between two sets of variables, one comprising the dimensions of work ethic construct and referred to as independent variables, and the second composed of factors from work extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, considered here as dependent variables.

The main goal of CCA is an assessment of the simultaneous interrelationships between two sets of variables. CCA focuses on the correlation between two new synthetic variables, called canonical variates , one is a linear combination of variables from the first set and the other is a linear combination of the variables of the second set. CCA constructs a canonical function that maximizes the canonical correlation coefficient which measures the strength of the overall relationship (correlational) between the two canonical variates. CCA develops multiple canonical functions, each is independent from the other canonical functions so that they represent different relationships found among the sets of dependent and independent variables. Each canonical variate is interpreted with canonical loadings , the correlation of the individual variables and their respective variates. Redundancy index is an amount of variance in a canonical variate (dependent or independent) explained by the other/opposite canonical variate in the canonical function. These may be summed to reveal an overall redundancy index .

Preliminary analyses

Table 2 presents the correlation coefficients between individual dimensions of work ethic and motivation together with global indices (MWEP, the sum of 7 dimensions, Work Self-Determination Index WSDI).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.t002

It follows from the Table 2 , as expected, that dimensions of work ethic are positively correlated, weak (about 0.1), moderate (0.2 or 0.3) and average (0.4) with motivation that is regulated autonomously (identification, integration and intrinsic motivation) as well as the non-autonomous introjection. The strongest correlations of the mentioned regulations exist with the Centrality of work, the moderate—with the Work as moral obligation, Hard work and Anti-leisure. Amotivation is correlated with the dimensions of work ethic very weakly, rather negatively and not significant, except from Morality/ethics.

Results of Canonical Correlation Analysis (CCA)

Table 3 presents the results of the CCA. The results of tests of significance prove that only the first two canonical functions ((U1, V1), (U2, V2)) were statistically significant with p -values < 0.001 of the testing procedure of the canonical correlations (as implemented in STATISTICA package). The independent canonical variates U1, U2 are linear combinations of variables from the first set of variables defining work ethic construct, while the canonical variates V1, V2 are linear combinations of variables from the second set of variables defining work motivation (see Table 3 ).

Results of CCA for two canonical functions: canonical correlations, loadings, shared variance and redundancy analysis of independent and dependent canonical variates.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.t003

To assess the contributions of the variables defining work ethic and motivation canonical variates in the canonical correlation, we used canonical loadings (assuming here that a loading greater than 0.4 proves that correlation between a corresponding variable and a variate is significant).

The first canonical correlation between the independent variate U1, being a linear combination of work ethic variables and V1, the dependent variate—a linear combination of work motivation variables is quite strong and equals to 0.585.

In the dependent variate V1, the highest and positive canonical loadings had intrinsic motivation (0.931), integration (0.858), introjection (0.782) and identification (0.620). According to the self-determination theory, the intrinsic motivation, integration and identification constitute the components of an autonomous motivation. This fact supports naming the canonical variate V1 as the “ high autonomous motivation ”. Moreover, it should be seen a strong positive correlation of variate V1 with introjection (0.782), which means that autonomous motivation is associated with striving after self and other approbations, thereby being a sense of duty. It caused to name the variate V1 of the first canonical function, the “ high autonomous motivation and duty ”. It should be noted that an amotivation variable had low negative correlation with the variate V1 and an external regulation is not correlated with it. The corresponding to V1, dependent variate U1 we call “ centrality of work in life ” because its highest canonical loading is that of Centrality of work (0.920). The remaining variables from the first set of work ethic construct, except for Hard work (0.585), show almost half the correlations, although still high: Anti-leisure (0.448), Work as moral obligation (0.412), Delay of gratification (0.405).

The canonical variate U1 in the first canonical function, explains 25.3% of the variance in the set of work ethic variables, and the associated variate V1–43.6% of the variance in the set of work motivation variables (see Table 2 for the shared variances).The independent canonical variate U1 for work ethic in the first canonical correlation “ centrality of work in life ”->“ high autonomous motivation and duty ” explains almost 15% (14.9%) of the variance in the dependent set of variables from work motivation (see Table 3 for redundancy index in dependent set).

In summary, the results of this study allow for the conclusion that people with high autonomous motivation and conviction that work is a duty, treat the work as a central value in their life more often, while the remaining activities could be less important.

In the second canonical function, the correlation between the independent variate U2, being a linear combination of work ethic variables and the dependent variate V2—a linear combination of work motivation variables is somewhat weaker and equals to 0.362.

We call the canonical variate U2 “ hard work ” as the canonical loading of the variable hard work is the highest (0.619). Simultaneously, we observe quite strong canonical loadings from the following variables defining work ethic: self-reliance and wasted time (0.532 and 0.531, respectively). This is equivalent to a conviction that hard, intensive work, self-reliance and saving time lead to a success, or ensure a prosperity in life. The highest canonical loading in the second, dependent variate V2 had external regulation (0.807), which is equivalent to a regulation controlled by awards and penalties. Simultaneously, the lowest canonical loadings in the variate V2 come from intrinsic motivation (0.122) which is an evidence of an autonomous regulation. This fact allows to name the canonical variate V2 as “ external control ”. At the same time, there is quite strong correlation with the variable introjection (0.451), which means that hard work motivated by a wish to gain approval from others is connected with obtaining through a work such awards like money.

The canonical variate U2 in the second canonical function, explains 15.6% of the variance in the set of work ethic variables, and the associated variate U1–18.3% of the variance in the set of work motivation variables (see Table 2 for the shared variances). The independent canonical variate U2 for work ethic in the second canonical correlation “ hard work ” -> “ external control ” explains only 2.4% of the variance in the dependent set of variables from work motivation (see Table 3 for redundancy index in dependent set).

The overall redundancy of dependent set of variables is equal to 18.2%. This means that 18.2% of variance in work motivation variables can be explained by the whole set of independent work ethic variables (i.e. predictors).

Discussion and conclusions

The main aim of this exploratory research was to determine whether any relationships could be found between work ethic dimensions and motivation to work described by the self-determination theory, i.e. relationships with autonomous and controlled regulation. These regulations characterize human activity during the performance of work.

The research findings show that there are positive relationships between work ethic on the one hand and autonomous motivation and striving for recognition (including recognition from other people and self-satisfaction) on the other hand. There is a significant positive correlation between the dimension of centrality of work on the one hand and autonomous motivation and duty on the other hand. In other words, individuals who insist on the centrality of work, who value it highly, also in the moral sense, and who are convinced of the value of hard work, are at the same time highly motivated to do work they find exciting, as a component of their identity. At the same time, these individuals are also convinced that work should be done well and accurately. On the one hand, they find work exciting, interesting and challenging, on the other hand they believe that one should strive towards mastery when performing it, and treat this as a duty.

Individuals displaying autonomous motivation at work may treat good performance of the latter as a duty. This is one of the possible interpretations of the relationship between autonomous motivation and non-autonomous introjection. It can also be noted that high scores on the introjection scale do not have to indicate only actions resulting from the desire to gain recognition. It may also be a result of the fact that individuals motivated to perform work autonomously satisfy their general need to have positive relationships with other people [ 29 ]. Striving to be recognized and respected by others is a way of satisfying this need, and at the same time achieving this proves that the duty has been performed well. In other words, high scores on the introjection scale can mean that the individual motivated to a large extent intrinsically wants to win interest and approval from the environment because of the good performance of tasks.

Research has also shown that high value given to hard work, the conviction that it leads to success, combined with the belief that one needs to rely on oneself and avoid being dependent on others, is at the same time associated with the will to work for material rewards and with the pursuit of approval. These are extrinsic factors that are important for the performance of work. Although surprising, this result is consistent with the classical Protestant work ethic approach, in which we find both encouragement to do work out of duty, because work is an obligation, and affirmation of the pursuit of success, positive valuation of extrinsic indicators of success, such as the desire to earn money [ 21 ]. This result is also consistent with the research by Cassidy and Lynn [ 26 ] and the earlier studies by Wollack [ 41 ]. On the basis of the results obtained, hypotheses 1 and 2 can be accepted. The results also show that amotivation correlates negatively and weakly with the dimensions of work ethic.

To recapitulate, individuals with high autonomous motivation, a high need for recognition, and high intensity of introjection treat work much more often as a central value in their lives, while other activities are less important for them. Performance of interesting work which they like most probably makes it easy for them to value it highly, which co-occurs with their intrinsic need to take up and do work and their desire to maintain a good opinion of themselves as an employee and at the same time gain a positive opinion of their environment. Autonomous motivation co-occurs with introjection. An individual with autonomous motivation, having a high intrinsic motivation, treats good performance of work as his or her duty. Secondly, interesting work can be a source of high status and prestige, which is associated with activity being driven by the motivation to gain approval. This is also in line with earlier research results [ 22 , 28 ].

High scores on the introjection scale may generally indicate the fact that individuals autonomously motivated to work satisfy the need for positive relationships with others and for gaining recognition from others. According to the self-determination theory, controlled regulation, including introjection and external regulation, means striving to satisfy the need for positive relationships with others and for competence. Autonomous regulation, apart from satisfying these two needs, also makes it possible to satisfy the need for autonomy [ 31 ]. Intrinsic motivation combines all these motives, including those assigned to the other types of motivation, i.e. striving for integration, identification, introjection and external regulation. Only amotivation, or impersonal regulation, points to a lack of desire to satisfy these three needs. Amotivation also demonstrates a relationship with extrinsic control, i.e. controlled regulation. The results of the study described here show that activity based on extrinsic rewards may lead to amotivation. In the results of canonical analysis, this is proven by the weak positive correlation between amotivation and external regulation, and more precisely with the extrinsic control factor [ 35 , 36 , 53 ].

The study has a few limitations. First is the Polish context of our research. Work is less valued in Poland than, for example, in the United States [ 46 ], but more than in other countries [ 21 , 22 ]. It can therefore be assumed that Poles may have a lower work ethic than the inhabitants of post-Protestant countries. That is why our findings may not be generalized to other cultural settings, particularly outside of the Eastern Europe.Only the cross-cultural study would make it possible to compare Polish employees’ responses with the attitudes of representatives from other countries. Another limitation is that the study was based on self-assessment questionnaires. Their use resulted from the lack of other tools for measuring the studied variables as well as from the nature and definition of these variables, based on subjective judgment. However, these were accurate and reliable tools. Only the operationalization of specific regulation styles may be considered questionable due to the high correlations of introjection with identification, integration and intrinsic motivation [ 43 ]. It should be recalled, however, that within the self-determination theory itself, intrinsic (autonomous) motivation is based on mechanisms reserved for controlled regulation. Autonomous motivation leads to the satisfaction of three basic needs, while controlled motivation leads to the satisfaction of two needs [ 31 ].

Although the respondents were assured of anonymity, the responses might also be falsified due to the effect of the study subjects responding in accordance with what they imagine to be the socially desirable content, which in turn may have affected the final results of the study. However, an attempt was made to counteract this phenomenon by providing appropriate instructions and by assuring the respondents about the complete confidentiality of the data.

The research methodology could be improved and broadened by adding qualitative methods such as interviews and analyses based on interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). This would provide a deeper insight into the respondents’ feelings and into their experiences, and could definitely expand knowledge about the relationships between work ethic and motivation. Further research should also focus on the importance of other variables. It is worth checking the level of selected variables that may be relevant here, such as e.g. temperamental and personality determinants, other psychological characteristics, or characteristics related to morality. It may also be significant to take into account simultaneously the characteristics of the working environment and the organizational climate. Another significant development might involve controlling for the level of the respondents’ satisfaction with their professional work. It would be worth comparing in the future the dependencies existing within the group of managers, entrepreneurs and non-managers, as one may expect that the relationships between work ethic, attitude towards work and motivation might be more distinct in individuals with considerable autonomy, and that senior-level managers or entrepreneurs with considerable freedom of action are less likely to be forced to act under coercion.

In future research, it would be worthwhile controlling also for employee behavior that may be related to work ethic and result from motivation, or be connected to amotivation, such as civic organizational behavior, counterproductive behavior, and unethical pro-organizational behavior. Additionally, it could be interesting to consider the importance of work ethic and motivation to perform work in ethical or strategic decision-making within the company, e.g. in the way of implementing the CSR strategy, with simultaneous control for dispositional and environmental variables.

Research implications suggest that the findings may be important for the practice. We imagine workshops on work ethic and motivation, participation in which would let the individuals obtain better insight into the meaning of their own values, needs, and attitudes connected with work and into sources of their own motivation. It would be advisable to train individuals by focusing on the strengthening of their motivation, basing on their specific beliefs about work.

On the basis of the research findings, it can be assumed that a high work ethic characterizes more often individuals who display high intrinsic motivation, are motivated to perform interesting work, and strive to achieve high standards in it. The results may also point to the satisfaction of the need to have a positive opinion about oneself, as well as to the need for recognition and prestige, by individuals autonomously motivated to work. Attributing high value to hard work, the belief that it leads to success, and self-reliance are also related to the willingness to work for external, material rewards, and may result from the pursuit of positive relationships with others.

Research into the relationships between work ethic and motivation to work is in the exploratory phase, so both theoretical models and potential causal models require further empirical research. We firmly believe that despite these limitations and the lack of final theoretical conclusions, the research presented here contributes to a more complete understanding of human attitude towards work and points to important sources of motivation to work, as well as constitutes an important step towards building a more complete model of the interrelationships between the two variables.

Supporting information

S1 table. descriptive statistics and reliability coefficients of work ethic dimensions (mwep) and components of motivation to work (weims)..

M = Mean value, SD = Standard deviation, MWEP–Multidimensional work ethic profile, α = Cronbach’s α , ω = McDonald’s ω —reliability coefficients.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.s001

S2 Table. Correlations between dimensions of work ethic and components of motivation to work.

MWEP–Multidimensional work ethic profile, *** p < .001; ** p < .01; * p < .05.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.s002

S3 Table. Work ethic and motivation.

Results of CCA for two canonical functions: canonical correlations, loadings, shared variance and redundancy analysis of independent and dependent canonical variates. *** p < .001.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.s003

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253145.s004

Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge the cooperation and efforts of different organizations who assisted in data gathering. We would like to express our gratitude to all of the participants of the study and to all the persons managing the institutions where the research took place for their help.

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JITE v42n3 - Work Ethic and Employment Status: A Study of Jobseekers

Work Ethic and Employment Status: A Study of Jobseekers Roger B. Hill University of Georgia Susan Fouts Western Carolina University Although there have been numerous changes within the workplace during the past century, employers continue to search for employees with a strong work ethic. Employers often cite a strong work ethic as the most desired characteristic in a new employee ( Denka, 1994 ; Hill & Petty, 1995 ; Young, 1986, ). Work ethic can be described as a set of characteristics and attitudes in which an individual worker assigns importance and merit to work. Those with a strong work ethic place a positive value on doing a good job and describe work as having an intrinsic value of its own ( Cherrington, 1980 ; Yankelovich & Immerwahr, 1984). Employers seek employees who are dependable, have good interpersonal skills, and demonstrate initiative. Prior research has associated these characteristics with a high level of work ethic ( Hill & Petty ). Employers value a strong work ethic because of the economic benefits it provides to business ( Ali & Falcone, 1995 ). Businesses with employees who are committed to work have a market advantage. Furthermore, when a new hire does not have sufficient commitment to work and lacks dependability, interpersonal skills, or initiative the organization is at risk of losing productivity and profits. Even in good economic times many able-bodied people are unemployed ( Shimko, 1992 ). Many of the chronically long-term unemployed—that is, unemployed for three months or longer—include public assistance recipients, older homemakers entering the workforce, young black males, members of other minority groups, the handicapped, and individuals with criminal records. The cycle of the long-term unemployed includes periods of unemployment, short-term work, public assistance, and then a return to unemployment ( Blunt & Richards, 1998 ). Many see unemployment as a vice ( Beder, 2000 ), and those who do not work tend to be viewed as lazy and unmotivated by American society. Furthermore, there is a belief that there are plenty of jobs for the unemployed ( Sennett, 1998 ) and that those who are unemployed are not truly committed to seeking work. Employers sometimes assume that the long-termed unemployed are opposed to hard work or feel the unemployed lack the necessary work experience to develop a high level of work ethic ( Blunt & Richards, 1998 ). In addition, some employers believe that welfare recipients not only lack a work ethic, but also bring up children who fail to develop an adequate work ethic ( Beder, 2001 ). Not all unemployed persons are viewed the same, however, and the circumstances that led to the unemployment can have a significant impact on the employer's perceptions of an individual's work ethic. Those who are unemployed because of a plant closure or layoff are viewed differently from other unemployed people. Downsizing and plant closures are seen as changes in the economy that are unrelated to the individual's work ethic ( Sennett, 1998 ). Job loss in manufacturing is associated with the mechanization and computerization of the workplace ( Applebaum, 1998 ). Unemployment due to a plant closure or downsizing does not carry the negative stigma associated with unemployment of other types. These workers are not viewed as unemployed due to their lack of work ethic, but for reasons beyond their control. Employers also see distinctions in the work ethic of different age groups. One view, articulated by Filipczak (1994) , is that 18-35 year old employees are lazy and cynical. They are viewed as being uninterested in work as a way of life and as having no commitment to companies or organizations. Often referred to as Generation X, persons in this age group tend to be less loyal and change jobs more often ( Jurkiewicz & Brown, 1998 ). Managers often feel that they are parenting these workers ( Filipczak ), and many managers prefer not to work with this group. Tulgan (1996) offers another view: Generation X is not disloyal but, as a generation, has no experience of loyalty by companies toward workers. "X'ers" want to create valuable results, and their sense of loyalty is focused on adding value. Another feature of this generation is that of risk taking. The world of Generation X has been one of constant change; therefore, Generation X believes that nothing will last forever and change is inevitable. They are, therefore, less likely to adhere to a traditional concept of work ethic than prior generations of the work force. A second group of employees, those aged 36-50, are sometimes referred to as Boomers. When compared to employees in other age groups, Boomers are viewed as having a stronger work ethic, as placing a higher value on work, as valuing coworkers more, as missing fewer work days, as being more dedicated, and as having lower accident rates ( Jurkiewicz & Brown, 1998 ). A third age group, those over age 50 and known as Matures, are said to exhibit employer loyalty, to value comfort and security, and to be better team players than Boomers or "X'ers" ( Jurkiewicz & Brown ). Employers view Matures as hard working and conformist. Matures have more absences than Boomers, but less absenteeism than "X'ers" ( Manz & Grothe, 1991 ). There is speculation that these absences are a product of the health status of this group. Furnham (1987) found that this group was more likely to be characterized by a strong work ethic, while at the same time they looked forward toward leisure activities and retirement. Prior research has also indicated differences in work ethic between men and women. Cherrington (1980) reported women scored higher than men on pride in doing a job well and on working hard. Other studies also supported differences in work ethic between men and women. Hill (1992) reported women scored higher than men on all the subscales of the Occupational Work Ethic Inventory (OWEI) in a workplace study. Wentworth and Chell (1997) studied work ethic and college students and found female students had higher Protestant Work Ethic (PWE) scores than male students. While the work ethic literature has reported work ethic differences by age and gender within the general population, research focused on the work ethic attitudes of unemployed persons is sparse. This is a significant problem from a practical perspective because workforce education professionals whose clientele are the unemployed lack the necessary data to make informed decisions about how work ethic should be addressed within their programs. Work ethic beliefs are an important topic for any workforce education program ( Hill & Petty, 1995 ), since understanding the tendencies and attitudes within a particular clientele group can assist in planning and developing effective interventions. This study addressed the work ethic beliefs of unemployed workers in order to contribute information to the field of workforce education. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to examine differences in work ethic as measured by the OWEI for respondent jobseekers grouped by employment status, age, and gender of jobseekers. Levels of the first independent variable, employment status, were (a) unemployed (both long and short term), (b) employed full-time, and (c) employed part-time. The second independent variable, age, included groupings for (a) 16-29 year olds, (b) 30-39 year olds, (c) 40-49 year olds, and (d) those 50 years old and older. The dependent variable was work ethic, operationally characterized by (a) dependability, (b) interpersonal skills, and (c) initiative. This study examined the following research questions: Are there differences in work ethic attributes of dependability, initiative, and interpersonal skills among jobseekers grouped by employment status? Are there differences in work ethic attributes of dependability, initiative, and interpersonal skills among jobseeker grouped by age? Are there differences in work ethic attributes of dependability, initiative, and interpersonal skills among jobseekers grouped by gender? Method The research design was ex-post facto and involved the use of a Web-based survey. The sampling unit consisted of jobseekers who utilized the services of a county employment center in a southeastern state. At the employment center, a publicly funded program matched employers with qualified employees and prepared workers to meet employer qualifications. Employment counselors asked all jobseekers using the center to complete an online version of the OWEI. To collect the data for this study, the researcher who initiated the study contacted the Webmaster for The Work Ethic Site ( http://www.coe.uga.edu/workethic ) for advice and assistance with online administration of the OWEI. The Webmaster had worked with school systems and other researchers since developing this Web site as part of a research project funded in 1996 and had facilitated data collection using Common Gateway Interface (CGI) scripts on the Web site. For purposes of this study, a special entry section was provided and hyperlinked from the research Web page. The entry section was password-protected and provided instructions and human subjects' information prior to displaying the online OWEI. As the online instruments were completed and submitted, data was complied in a file on the Web server. This data file was then shared with the researchers involved with the project and used for data analysis. Computers for use by participants in the study were provided on site at the employment center. No special software was required other than a Web browser. Participants were given guidance as needed to navigate to the online instrument and provided with the password necessary to enter the site. They were assured that there were no inherent risks or threats involved in the process and encouraged to be honest in responding to the items on the OWEI. With each administration of the survey instrument, a participant began by entering the demographic data corresponding to the independent variables for the study and then responded to the 50 items on the OWEI. Only minimal computer skills were needed to complete the Web-based version of the OWEI, such as clicking radio buttons to indicate selected responses, and assistance was available during the adminis-tration of the instrument if participants had questions about computer operation or other aspects of completing the process. Population and Sample This study took place in a growing county with approximately 54,000 citizens located in a southeastern state. The county population increased by 15% between 1990 and 2000 ( U.S. Census Bureau, 2000 ). Approximately 44% of the population was active in the labor force, and over 51% of the workforce was employed in the service or retail industry. The mean per-capita personal income was $22,407 annually. At the time of this study there were 24,101 individuals employed, with approximately 4,600 of these working part-time. During 2000 approximately 1,500 individuals in this county were laid off from work ( North Carolina Employment Security Commission, 2002 ). The employment center was the first operational unit of its type in the state. From July 1, 2000, to June 30, 2001, approximately 5,500 people used the center to look for work. The individuals using this employment center could be divided into five groups: (a) employed full-time, (b) employed part-time, (c) unemployed for reason other than layoff (less than 90 days), (d) unemployed for reason other than layoff (more than 90 days), and (e) unemployed due to layoff. The study sample consisted of 373 jobseekers who used the employment center from May 1, 2003 until September 1, 2003. The sample size was determined by the method described by Cohen (1988) . For purposes of analysis of the data, statistical power was set at .90 with an effect size of .25 and the level of significance at .05. A minimum sample size of 58 subjects within each employment category was required to meet these criteria. Research Instrument The OWEI developed by Gregory C. Petty at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville was used for this study (Petty, 1991 , 1993 ). The OWEI has been used in previous studies by Hatcher (1993) , Hill ( 1992 , 1997 ), Hill and Rojewski (1999) , Petty and Hill (1994) , Petty (1995) , Hill and Petty (1995) , Sullivan (1999) , and Tydings (2003) . The instrument poses the stem, "As a worker I can describe myself as", followed by a seven-point Likert-type scale for rating each item with 1 ( never ); 2 ( almost never ); 3 ( seldom ); 4 ( sometimes ); 5 ( usually ); 6 ( almost always ); and 7 ( always ). Instrument items consist of 50 one- or two-word descriptors that represent key work ethic and work attitude concepts identified from previous work ethic research. To provide an interpretation of the OWEI for comparative purposes, previously established subscales were used in analysis of the data ( Hill & Petty, 1995 ). These subscales were labeled interpersonal skills , initiative , and being dependable . Additional studies focusing on the validity of the OWEI have been reported ( Dawson, 1999 ; Brauchle & Azam, 2004 ). In the most recent of these, Brauchle and Azam (2004) concluded that the OWEI "factors are replicable in different populations and that evidence exists for construct validity of this instrument" (p. 128). Their work also included a comparison between a self-reported response set using the OWEI and a data set collected from industrial supervisors using the OWEI to rate the workers who provided the self-report data. The results of this study led them to conclude that "irrespective of evaluation method, the constructs of the OWEI are replicable" ( Brauchle & Azam, 2004 , p. 129). Internal reliability for each of the OWEI factors was examined by computing Cronbach's coefficient alpha statistics for participant responses. These reliability coefficients are indicators of error variance in a scale or test. The internal consistency of responses gathered in this study was acceptable for interpersonal skills ( r = .90), initiative ( r = .88), and being dependable ( r = .78). Data Analysis For purposes of this study, the subscales on the OWEI were treated as distinct measures. Hill and Petty (1995) identified the factors of dependability, interpersonal skills, and initiative as distinct facets of the overall construct of work ethic. The data were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). For each OWEI subscale an analysis of variance was performed to determine significance at an alpha of 0.05. If significant F -tests were computed, a Tukey test was performed to determine specific group differences where more than two groupings were used for the independent variable. Results Table 1 presents frequency counts and percentages for the 373 study participants grouped by employment status. All categories of the independent variable met the criteria for sample size and power calculations. Part-time workers comprised the smallest group within the sample, while other categories were relatively equal in size. Frequency counts and percentages for respondents grouped by age are provided in Table 2. More participants in the 16-29 age group contributed to the study, but the overall distribution across age categories was well dispersed. Table 1 Frequency Count and Percentage of Respondents by Employment Status Employment Status Frequency Percentage Employed full-time 77 20.6 Employed part-time 59 15.8 Unemployed less than 3 months 86 23.1 Unemployed 3 months or more 70 18.8 Unemployed due to layoff 81 21.7 Table 2 Frequency Count and Percentage of Respondents by Age Category Age Frequency Percentage 16-29 131 35.1 30-39 93 24.9 40-49 74 19.8 50 and over 75 20.1 Distribution by gender was fairly balanced with 195 (52.3%) female respondents and 178 (47.7%) male respondents. All predetermined criteria for the study sample were met, and the respondents' demographic characteristics were well distributed across all attributes of interest. To test the first research question, statistical tests were computed to examine differences in work ethic attributes of dependability, initiative, and interpersonal skills among jobseekers grouped by employment status. Table 3 provides the results of the Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) calculations for each of the three dependent variables comprising the OWEI subscales. Results of the ANOVA used to investigate these responses indicated significant differences for dependability ( F = 5.2; p < .000), interpersonal skills ( F = 4.4; p < .002), and initiative ( F = 4.6; p < .001). Table 3 Univariate Analysis of Variance Results for OWEI Subscale Responses for the Factor of Employment Status Source df SS-Between F ρ ETA squared Dependable 4 11.25 5.2 000* .054 Interpersonal 4 7.03 4.4 .002* .046 Initiative 4 11.25 4.6 .001* .047 * p < .05 Since there were more than two levels on the independent variable, a follow-up pair wise comparison test was needed to determine the source of significant differences detected by the ANOVA. There were five levels of the independent variable employment status, but significant results on the ANOVA should not be interpreted as meaning each level was significantly different from the other. Table 4 presents the results of a Tukey test used to identify how mean scores differed across the five levels of this independent variable. Mean scores sharing a common subscript in a row of this table were not significantly different at the .05 level. Table 4 Work Ethic among Jobseekers Grouped by Employment Status Work Ethic Unemployed Scale Employment Status Employed full-time Employed part-time Unemployed < 3 months Unemployed >3 months due to layoff Dependability 5.237 a 5.512 ab 5.637 b 5.434 ab 5.699 b Interpersonal Skills 4.641 a 4.901 ab 5.024 b 4.834 ab 4.971 b Initiative 5.027 a 5.290 ab 5.496 b 5.224 ab 5.550 b Note: Means in the same row that do not share the same subscripts differ at p < .05 in the Tukey honestly significant difference comparison. Jobseeking individuals employed full-time had significantly lower work ethic scores than jobseekers unemployed less than 3 months and jobseekers unemployed due to layoff. These results were consistent for each of the subscale scores–dependability, interpersonal skills, and initiative. Mean scores for full-time employed workers were numerically less than mean scores for each of the other four categories of workers on each of the three OWEI subscales. Differences between employed part-time and unemployed more than 3 months were not verified as significant by the Tukey test. ANOVA statistics were also computed for respondent data grouped by age and gender but no statistically significant differences were detected. The ANOVA for data grouped by age produced the following results: F = 1.71, p < .150 for dependability, F = .42, p < .790 for interpersonal skills, and F = 2.20, p < .070 for initiative. For data grouped to compare women respondents to men respondents, the ANOVA results were as follows: F = .50, p < .450 for dependability, F = .10, p < .750 for interpersonal skills, and F = .09, p < .763 for initiative. Since no significant differences were indicated for response data grouped by age or gender, follow-up statistical analyses were not necessary. Discussion Since this study was limited to a single employment center, the findings may not be representative of all jobseekers. However, this study provided data on the work ethic of a previously unexamined group and established a basis for future research. The small geographic area of the study provided a homogenous economy, and the study participants faced a uniform scarcity of employment. Given the paucity of research on work ethic attributes of unemployed persons, this study was significant, but each reader will have to determine the extent to which the results might be relevant to the characteristics of their own clientele. The key finding revealed by this study was that jobseeking individuals employed full-time had significantly lower work ethic scores than jobseekers unemployed less than 3 months and than jobseekers unemployed due to layoff. Variance was not so great as to be deemed significantly different between workers who had part-time employment and those who had been unemployed for more than 3 months. This reveals an interesting dynamic for those seeking to assist jobseekers in their search for new employment opportunities. First of all, for the jobseeker who is employed, tendencies toward lower levels of dependability, interpersonal skills, and initiative could have a negative impact on the search for a new job. The source of this pattern was not determined by data analyzed for this study, but it is likely caused by a combination of dissatisfaction with a current work situation and some level of disillusionment with work in general. Work experiences of individuals strongly influence development of work ethic ( Mulligan, 1997 ). Persons who have successfully negotiated finding employment and fulfilling job responsibilities tend to view work more favorably than those who have had disappointments related to work. It might, then, also be concluded that persons who had acquired employment but were in a work situation that was somehow undesirable would experience negative feelings towards work ethic. In the case of jobseekers unemployed less than 3 months or who were unemployed due to layoff, work ethic measured higher in this study. These workers were likely exhibiting work ethic attributes influenced by favorable work experiences. Even though no longer employed, their work experiences were recent enough to influence their attitudes, and they maintained work ethic attributes that would be an asset as they pursued new employment opportunities. Phenomena explained by expectancy theory might also be reflected in this finding. Expectancy theory ( Vroom, 1994 ) describes how people are motivated to seek an outcome based on anticipated second-order outcomes or rewards. Behaviors are influenced by a combination of expectancy, instrumentality, and valence (strength of desirability). In the case of jobseekers who were recently unemployed or laid off from their jobs, the strength of their responses on the OWEI might have been influenced by favorable expectations for future employment, confidence that employment was possible, and assurance that they could manage job requirements as well as personal and family responsibilities related to employment. Another explanation for the higher scores recorded for those unemployed less than three months and those unemployed due to layoff might be that they self-reported positive attributes to impress those who might see the OWEI results. Two points should be considered, however, with respect to this interpretation of the results. First, the OWEI results were not made available to job center personnel and it was evident from the data collection procedures that data would not be associated with individuals once it was submitted using the Web interface. In addition, the work by Brauchle and Azam (2004) cited previously provided evidence that the self-report data provided by the OWEI was consistent with supervisor report data in their investigation of this instrument. The lack of significant work ethic differences found when jobseekers were grouped by age and gender also contributes to the knowledge base of work-related research. Prior studies have detected work ethic differences for both of these variables for a broad cross-section of employed workers ( Hill, 1997 ), particularly for gender and, to a lesser degree, for age. The current study, however, suggests that the process of seeking employment involves dynamics that override or filter age or gender-related differences in work ethic. Recommendations A prospective employee's work ethic can influence his or her success in obtaining for new employment. Because the current study was conducted within the context of a county employment center, it is appropriate to consider ramifications of the study for job skills counselors and career educators. The key finding of significant differences in work ethic between employed jobseekers and recently unemployed or laid off workers contradicts some natural assumptions. It might be assumed that anyone who has a job would exhibit higher work ethic attributes than persons not presently employed, but for participants in this study that was not the case. Awareness of this finding would be beneficial to persons designing employment education as well as those involved in placement activities. For jobseekers exhibiting lower work ethic attributes, interventions that would raise their awareness of the tendencies revealed by this study as well as the ramifications reported in prior research studies could be beneficial. Employed jobseekers should be encouraged to monitor their own work performance. While they might be in job situations in which they do not plan to remain, job responsibilities should be fulfilled in ways that do not jeopardize future opportunities. Counselors should highlight employed jobseekers successes in order to provide them encouragement and enhance their self-confidence. Counselors should remind those jobseekers who have successfully arranged transportation, childcare, and other critical family factors to accommodate a work schedule that they have fulfilled some of the key requirements for successful employment. Likewise they should inform individuals who have failed to make these arrangements that they have additional tasks to consider as jobseekers. Employment programs should provide developmental activities for all participants in order to help them address problem-solving skills associated with managing the multiple priorities associated with working. Without these skills, work ethic attributes of dependability, interpersonal skills, and initiative can be subrogated by concerns for family members needing care or practical issues that impede work success. Findings in this study also provide insights for employers and supervisors. Good supervision plays a role in encouraging or suppressing behaviors associated with a strong work ethic ( Cherrington, 1980, ). By praising workers' expressions of positive work ethic attributes, supervisors can encourage productive work in their employees and at the same time help accomplish organizational goals. When seeking new hires, employers should keep in mind that jobseekers recently unemployed or recently laid off have likely resolved challenges associated with family and personal responsibilities, and combined with a strong work ethic, they are prime candidates for employment. Employers should be on the lookout for recently unemployed or laid off jobseekers, and supervisors should encourage and support these persons when they are hired. Employers and supervisors should also be aware when they have workers who are seeking other employment. Although it would be inappropriate to generalize the findings of the current study to all persons, this study provides evidence that employed jobseekers can exhibit lower levels of work ethic. Because a poor work ethic can affect productivity, supervisors should keep a close eye on jobseeking employees, particularly when these employees bear mission-critical responsibilities. In instances where it would benefit the organization to retain the employment of a jobseeker, supervisors should take steps to encourage and affirm the jobseeker. Increased levels of support could result in retention of a valued employee whom the organization might otherwise lose. At the same time, supervisors should take care to avoid negative overreactions to lower levels of work ethic that they might observe in workers seeking other employment, particularly when they wish to retain that worker. It is possible that employed jobseekers are unaware of a reduction in their own work ethic, in which case an overly critical approach by an employer or supervisor could elicit a further negative reaction. Although this study reveals that a lessening of the work ethic may occur in jobseeking employees, further research is needed to fully understand this dynamic. The data analyzed for this research project were not directed toward revealing the causes for the phenomena observed. Regardless of the underlying causes for the work ethic differences detected by this study, work ethic will continue to play a vital role in the success of people at work in a technological world. Employers continue to seek employees who have strong attributes related to dependability, interpersonal skills, and initiative. The importance of these work ethic factors will continue to grow as technology creates autonomy in the workplace and teamwork and participatory management styles are implemented. Technical competence will never be sufficient to assure successful job performance, and all workforce preparation programs should include comprehensive content that includes a work ethic component. References Ali, A., & Falcone, T. (1995). Work ethic in the United States and Canada. Journal of Management Development, 14 (6), 26-35. Applebaum, H. A. (1998). The American work ethic and the changing work force: An historical perspective . Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Beder, S. (2000). Selling the work ethic: From Puritan pulpit to corporate PR . Carlton North, Victoria, Australia: Scribe Publications. Beder, S. (2001, March 16). Welfare, the work ethic and propaganda. Illawarra Mercury , Retrieved October 4, 2002, from http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/sts/sbeder/mercury.html Blunt, A., & Richards, G. (1998). The work values of marginalized adult learners. Adult Basic Education, 8 (3), 157-176. Brauchle, P. E. & Azam, M. S. (2004) . Factorial invariance of the occupational work ethic inventory (OWEI). Journal of Vocational Education Research , 29(2) . Cherrington, D. J. (1980). The work ethic: Working values and values that work . New York: American Management Association. Cohen, J. (1988). Statistical power analysis for the behavioral sciences . Hillsdale, NJ: L. Eribaum Associates. Dawson, M. (1999). A construct validity assessment of the occupational work ethic inventory . (Doctoral dissertation, University of Tennessee-Knoxville, 1999) Denka, A. (1994). Work ethic top job skill. CPA Journal, 64 (9), 9-10. Filipczak, B. (1994). It's just a job: Generation X at work. Training, 31 (4), 21-30. Furnham, A. (1987). Work related beliefs and human values. Personality and Individual Difference, 18 (5), 627-637. Hatcher, T. G. (1993). The work ethic of apprentices and instructors in a trade union apprenticeship training program (Doctoral dissertation, University of Tennessee-Knoxville, 1993). Hill, R. B. (1992). The work ethic as determined by occupation, education, age, gender, work experience and empowerment (Doctoral dissertation, University of Tennessee-Knoxville, 1992). Dissertation Abstracts International, 53 -07A, 2343. Hill, R. B. (1997). Demographic differences in selected work ethic attributes. Journal of Career Development, 24 (1), 3-23. Hill, R. B., & Petty, G. C. (1995). A new look at selected employability skills: A factor analysis of the occupational work ethic. Journal of Vocational Education Research , 20 (4), 59-73. Hill, R. B. & Rojewski, J. W. (1999). Double jeopardy: Work ethic differences in youth at-risk of school failure. Career Development Quarterly, 47 , 267-279. Jurkiewicz, C. L., & Brown, R. G. (1998). GenXers vs. boomers vs. matures: Generational comparisons of public employee motivation. Review of Public Personnel Administration, 18 (4), 18-37. Manz, C. C., & Grothe, R. (1991). Is the work force vanguard to the 21st century a quality of work life deficient prone generation? Journal of Business Research , 23(1), 67-82. Mulligan, C. B. (1997). Work ethic and family background . University of Chicago, IL: Employment Policies Institute. North Carolina Employment Security Commission. (2002). Retrieved January 5, 2003, from http://eslimi12.esc.state.nc.us.websaras/frame_it.asp?theproductname2websaras Note: : The url provided above returned invalid results. Relevant information may be found at the following link: http://www.ncesc.com/ Petty, G. C. (1991). Development of the occupational work ethic inventory . Unpublished manuscript, The University of Tennessee-Knoxville, TN Petty, G. C. (1993). Occupational work ethic inventory [Online]. Retrieved December 26, 2002, from http://www.coe.uga.edu/workethic.html Petty, G. C. (1995) . Vocational-technical education and the occupational work ethic. Journal of Industrial Teacher Education , 32(3) . Petty, G. C. & Hill, R. B. (1994). Are women and men different? A study of the occupational work ethic . Journal of Vocational Education Research , 19 (1), 71-89. Sennett, R. (1998). The corrosion of character: The personal consequences of work in the new capitalism . New York: W. W. Norton. Shimko, B. (1992). Pre-hire assessment of the new workforce: Finding wheat (and work ethic) among the chaff. Business Horizons, 35 (3), 60-66. Sullivan, I. D. (1999). A comparison of work ethic between post-secondary trade and industry program graduates . (Doctoral dissertation, Universityof Georgia, 1999). Tulgan, B. (1996). Common misconceptions about Generation X. Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly, 37 (6), 46-54. Tydings, F. W. (2003). A comparison of work ethic descriptors among technical college advisory committee members, instructors, and students . (Doctoral dissertation, University of Georgia, 2003). U.S. Census Bureau. (2000). Summary file 3: Haywood County . Retrieved September 5, 2002, from http://www.census.state.nc.us Vroom, V. H. (1994). Work and motivation . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Wentworth, D. K., & Chell, R. M. (1997). American college students and the Protestant work ethic. Journal of Social Psychology, 137 (3), 284-297. Yankelovich, D., & Immerwahr, J. (1984). Putting the work ethic to work. Society, 21 (2), 58-76. Young, J. L. (1986). What competencies do employees really need? A review of three studies. Journal of Career Development, 12 (3), 240-249.

The Effect of Work Ethics of Employees on Their Work Performance

Research in Management and Humanities DWIJMH VOL 1 NO 1 (2022), 58-82

25 Pages Posted: 20 Dec 2022

Damianus Abun

Divine word college of laoag, fredolin p. julian, jose vallente a. ballesteros.

Date Written: December 6, 2022

Employees with strong work ethics present themselves as professionals in every sense of the word. The study determined the effect of the work ethics of employees on their work performance. The literature review was undertaken to deepen the concept and establish the theories of the study. Descriptive assessment and correlational research design were applied. It used research questionnaires to gather the data from the respondents consisting of the employees of the Divine Word College of Laoag. The study found that the work ethics of employees along three components (the attitude toward the work itself, moral attitude toward the work, and intrinsic motivation) are considered high. Their work performance along with task and contextual performance is high, while counterproductive behavior is low. In terms of the correlation between work ethics and individual work performance, the results manifested a significant correlation between work ethics and individual work performance. But taking the dimensions of work ethics separately, only the attitude toward the work itself and intrinsic motivation affect the individual work performance along with task and contextual performance. Moreover, a moral attitude toward the work affects counterproductive behavior.

Keywords: Work ethics, task performance, contextual performance, counterproductive behaviour.

JEL Classification: LM

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

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The Relationship between Work Ethics and Job Performance

Work ethics are normally associated with the way employees do their work which may be perceived as ethical or unethical. This study discusses the relationship between work ethics and job performance. A structural model was constructed to test the effects of work ethics on job performance. 157 respondents from randomly selected SMEs involved in retail trade textile service located in Selangor, Kuala Lumpur and Johor were given self-administered questionnaires using a six-point Likert response scale. Multidimensional work ethics profile (MWEP) was use as the instrument to measure work ethics. The study found that the structural model is acceptable in terms of validity and reliability, and thus, can be used to measure the relationship between the two variables. The study also found that work ethics affects job performance significantly. It highlights the importance of work ethics in improving job performance. Keywords: Work ethics multidimensional work ethics profile job performance SMEs

Introduction

Ethics are one of the most critical issues in business and specifically in human resource management. The good ethical culture in an organization will provide direction and guidance in various areas in order to build united, harmonious and ethical employees. However, there is no ethics guidance or standard that is absolute, appropriate and applicable to every company. The code of ethics is a good indicator of organization commitment in accepting the need for ethical behaviors and implementing it ( Wood, 2000 ).

Work ethics can be referred to as a cultural norm that advocates people to hold accountable and responsible for the work they done based on the belief that work has intrinsic value to the individual ( Cherington, 1980 ; Yankelovich & Immerwahr, 1984 ). A corporate code of ethics is a statement of corporate principles, ethics, rules of conduct, code of practice or company philosophy regarding responsibility to employees, shareholders, consumers, the environment or any other aspects of society external to the company ( Langlois & Schlegelmilch, 1990 ).

Employees’ perception of their organization’s ethical climate is found to be related to job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and organizational performance ( Kim & Miller, 2008 ; Pettijohn, Pettijohn & Taylor, 2008 ). Performance ratings by supervisor and peer is one of the method in measuring job performance in which performance is mostly viewed from human behavior with evaluative aspects ( Newman, Kinney & Farr, 2004 ). Employee’s behavior displayed at work is not necessarily related to job specific aspects but mostly on how well someone performs at their work ( Jex, 2002 ). This is consistent with the definition of work ethics where individual are accountable to the work they done according to the acceptable ethical behavior.

In order to study work ethic within the context of Max Weber’s original ideas, it must be disentangled from other work-related concepts. The measure, Multidimensional Work Ethic Profile (MWEP), has seven Weber-associated dimensions: Self-Reliance, Morality/Ethics, Leisure, Hard Work, Work Centrality, Wasted Time, and Delay of Gratification ( Miller et. al., 2001 ). The Self-Reliance dimension consists of striving for independence in one’s daily work. Second is Morality/Ethics dimension consists of believing in a just and moral existence. Third, Leisure dimension consists of premeasure attitudes and beliefs in the importance of no work activities. Fourth, Hard Work dimension consists of belief in the virtues of hard work. Fifth, Work Centrality dimension consists of belief in work for work’s sake and the importance of work. Sixth, Wasted Time dimension consists of attitudes and beliefs reflecting active and productive use of time. And lastly, Delay of Gratification dimension consists of orientation toward the future; the postponement of rewards.

Problem Statement

Globalization has caused a very competitive market which is one of the issues in the increased concern of ethics in business ( Berenbeim, 2000 ). According to KPMG survey on fraud, bribery and corruption 2013 in Malaysia, half of the respondent who experience fraud are from SMEs (KPMG, 2013). It is important to note that SMEs are accounted for 99 per cent of all the establishments in the services output, 25.8 per cent to value added production, own 27.6 per cent of fixed assets, and employ 38.9 per cent of the country’s workforce ( SMIDEC, 2002 ; Saleh and Ndubisi, 2006 ). The value added products from this section expected to be worth RM 120 billion in services sector by 2020. Thus, it becomes an important matter to put ethics as one of the most prominent aspect in SMEs companies.

Research Objective

The purpose of this study is to study the relationship between work ethics and job performance in the SMEs industries.

Research Methods

The study is an exploratory study conducted among 289,798 employees in SMEs located in three major states; Selangor, Kuala Lumpur and Johor. Based on the population, 384 self-administered questionnaires were distributed and collected using convenience sampling method. 157 collected questionnaires were used as part of the analysis with the response rate of 40.9 per cents. The instrument for Work Ethics was adopted from Multidimensional Work Ethics Profile, MWEP ( Miller et. al., 2001 ). MWEP includes 64 questions of 7 dimensions of work ethics; self-reliance, morality/ethics, wasted time, leisure, hard work, centrality of work, and delay of gratification. This study also utilized 5-items instrument by Neyman, Kinney & Farr ( 2004 ) for job performance. All instruments were measured using 6-point Likert scale ( 1 = strongly disagree, disagree, natural, agree and 6 = strongly agree).

Confirmatory Factor Analysis

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was used to establish the measurement model. Model 1 assessed the relationship between two latent construct, work ethic and job performance. Unidimensionality of the measurement model were achieved through the item-deletion of low factor loading and through setting the parameter estimate. Table 1 below shows the fitness index for both models. Fitness of the model was assessed using the following indices: chisquare/df, Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and Root Mean Square of Approximation (RMSEA). The model has adequate fit when chisquare/df is less than 5.0, CFI equal to or greater than 0.90 ( Bentler, 1990 ) and RMSEA less than 0.08 ( Browne & Cudeck, 1993 ). According to Holmes-Smith ( 2001 ), three fit indexes with at least one index from each category of model fit must be above level of acceptance to reflect good fit. From the result, the structural model satisfied absolute fit, incremental fit and parsimonious fit.

The internal reliability was achieved as the Cronbach Alpha of each scale was found to be more than 0.6, thus can be accepted ( Hair et. al., 2010 ). In order to measure the reliability and internal consistency of the measured variables, construct reliability (CR) was calculated. Bagozzi and Yi ( 1988 ) suggested that the value of CR should be more than 0.60 to be accepted. Meanwhile, the average percentage of variation explained by the items in the construct is represented by Average Variance Extracted (AVE) in which must be equal to 0.50 or more to be accepted ( Zainudin, 2012 ). Based on table 1 , the model is reliable in measuring the intended constructs.

In term of validity, the measurement model 1 satisfied convergent, construct and discriminant validity. The convergent validity was verified through the value of Average Variance Extracted (AVE) in which it is more than 0.5, as stated in Table 1 . The construct validity of measurement model was achieved when the fitness indexes fulfill the required measurement. As seen in Table 3 , the discriminant validity was achieved as the square root of AVE (0.759 and 0.712) between work ethics and job performance is higher than the correlation value (0.320). Thus, the measurement model 1 can be said to be able to measure the relationship between two construct work ethics and job performance.

Structural Equation Modelling

The structural equation modelling (SEM) were used to test the hypothesis. The results of SEM analysis are presented in fig. 1 . The loading of the manifest indicators onto their respective latent variables were all statistically significant, ranging from 0.55 to 0.890. Standardized regression weights indicate the relative contribution of each predictor variable to the dependent variable.

The current findings indicate that the scale is multidimensional. All items loaded significantly to the seven factors (self-reliance, morality/ethics, wasted time, hard work, centrality of work, and delay of gratification) except for leisure (p = 0.198). Based on the regression path coefficient and its significance in Table 3 , work ethics has a direct effect on Job performance significantly different from zero at the 0.05 level (two-tailed).

The study shows that there is a significant relationship between Work ethics and Job performance. Work ethics proved to be a good predictor of employee performance. The result is consistent with previous research by Hunt (1994), Miller et. al., (2001) and Fiorito et. al. ( 2007 ). It proves that work ethics will resulting high in employee’s performance and indicates that the implementation of work ethics can help organization to achieve great performance in overall. However, the factor loading shows that the causal effect of work ethics in job performance is low and in moderate relationship. This is due to the other variables that may affect job performance such as job satisfaction, job involvement and organization commitment ( Van Ness et. al., 2010 ). This research has significant on SMEs. It imparts the important of suitable code of ethics for employees as guidance, and encourages them to practice good work ethics for the sake of improving their performance. Thus, the efforts on improving employee performance will no longer rely on compensation and reward system but instead focusing on work ethics too.

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Business, management, behavioural management, macroeconomics, behavioural science, behavioural sales, behavioural marketing

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bin Salahudin, S. N., bin Alwi, M. N. R., binti Baharuddin, S. S., & binti Halimat, S. S. (2016). The Relationship between Work Ethics and Job Performance. In R. X. Thambusamy, M. Y. Minas, & Z. Bekirogullari (Eds.), Business & Economics - BE-ci 2016, vol 17. European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences (pp. 465-471). Future Academy. https://doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2016.11.02.43

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How to Develop a Strong Work Ethic

• Tutti Taygerly

Hiring managers want to see your motivation, can-do attitude, and dedication.

In our early career years, it can be challenging to figure out what behaviors are and are not acceptable in different professional environments. Employers are now expecting more of entry-level workers and they want to see that you have good work ethic. So what is work ethic?

• Work ethic refers to a set of moral principles, values, and attitudes around how to act at work. It often surrounds what behaviors are commonly acceptable and appropriate (or not).
• Qualities like reliability, productivity, ownership and team support all demonstrate professional integrity, or a strong commitment to ethical behavior at work. In contrast, low-quality work, tardiness, or lack of attention to details demonstrates bad work ethic.
• If you’re new to the workplace, a good way to start is by observing. Pay attention to how your coworkers behave in meetings to gain a better understanding of their “etiquette,” as well as the communication styles of different people and teams. Another essential part of building good work ethic is adopting a “do it like you own it” attitude. You can do this by being proactive in small, but powerful, ways.

Where your work meets your life. See more from Ascend here .

Have you ever wondered about how to behave appropriately at work? Throughout your career, and especially in the early years, it’s challenging to figure out what behaviors and attitudes are and are not acceptable in different professional environments. The more you traverse companies and industries, the clearer your understanding will become. When you’re just starting out, though, it can be hard to pin down these behaviors.

• Tutti Taygerly is an executive coach and speaker with 20+ years of product design experience in Silicon Valley. Her book Make Space to Lead: Break Patterns to Find Flow and Focus on What Matters Most (Taygerly Labs, 2021) shows high achievers how to reframe their relationship to work.

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What is work ethic and why is it important for success?

Work ethic is a set of values guiding professional behavior, encompassing integrity, responsibility, quality, discipline, and teamwork. It's crucial for success as it drives productivity, fosters employee satisfaction, and enhances a company's reputation, thereby contributing to individual and organizational achievements.

HR content specialist at Workable, delivering in-depth, data-driven articles to offer insights into industry and tech trends.

As HR professionals and SMB employers, you are often faced with the challenge of fostering a culture that values and promotes strong work ethic.

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This article aims to shed light on the concept of work ethic, its importance, and how it can be cultivated and maintained in the workplace.

What is work ethic?

The concept of work ethic involves a set of principles, values, and beliefs that influence how individuals behave and make decisions in their professional lives. It directly affects productivity, job satisfaction, and the overall reputation of a company.

According to a recent survey conducted by ZipDo, an astonishing 83% of employees view work ethic as a highly important trait in their coworkers. This data highlights the significance of work ethic in today’s work environment.

The 5 pillars of work ethics

Work ethic is built on five key elements, from integrity to discipline and teamwork. Work ethic sets the way for a proper and successful work environment. Check the list below:

1. Integrity

This involves being honest, ethical, and reliable in all professional dealings. It’s about doing the right thing, even when no one is watching.

How to achieve it: Be honest and ethical in all your dealings. Keep your promises and be reliable.

2. Responsibility

This involves taking ownership of one’s actions and decisions, and being accountable for the outcomes.

How to achieve it: Take ownership of your actions and decisions. Be accountable for the outcomes.

This involves striving for excellence and taking pride in one’s work.

How to achieve it: Strive for excellence in your work. Take pride in what you do.

4. Discipline

This involves showing commitment, perseverance, and self-control in achieving one’s goals.

How to achieve it: Show commitment and perseverance in achieving your goals. Exercise self-control.

5. Teamwork

This involves working effectively with others to achieve common goals.

How to achieve it: Work effectively with others. Be cooperative and supportive.

These elements are not just theoretical constructs; they are values that have been endorsed by thought leaders and executives alike..

Top work ethic skills you need to look for

In the professional world, individuals with a strong work ethic possess certain qualities that set them apart. These characteristics, often referred to as the hallmarks of good work ethic, are highly valued by employers and contribute to long-term success.

Here are some key traits:

Reliability : Individuals with a strong set of values are known for their dependability. They consistently meet deadlines, fulfill commitments, and can be counted on to complete tasks efficiently and effectively. Their reliability instills trust and confidence in both colleagues and superiors.

Dedication : Those with a strong work ethic are deeply committed to their work. They go above and beyond to achieve excellence and are willing to put in the extra effort when needed. They are motivated by their passion for their profession and take pride in producing high-quality results.

Initiative : Individuals with a strong work ethic are proactive and take initiative in their roles. They don’t wait for instructions or guidance but instead actively seek out opportunities to contribute and make a difference. They are self-starters who are always looking for ways to improve and take on new challenges.

Professionalism : Strong work ethic is often associated with professionalism. Individuals with this trait conduct themselves in a manner that reflects well on their organization. They maintain a positive attitude, communicate effectively, and treat others with respect and courtesy. They understand the importance of representing their company in a positive light.

Adaptability : Those with a strong work ethic are adaptable and flexible in their approach to work. They can easily adjust to changing circumstances, handle unexpected challenges, and embrace new technologies or processes. Their willingness to adapt ensures they can continue to perform at a high level regardless of the circumstances.

Accountability : Individuals with a strong work ethic take responsibility for their actions and outcomes. They don’t make excuses or shift blame onto others. Instead, they own up to their mistakes, learn from them, and strive to improve. They understand that accountability is essential for personal and professional growth.

Time management: Those with a strong work ethic are skilled in managing their time effectively. They prioritize tasks, set realistic goals, and are able to meet deadlines without sacrificing quality. They understand the value of time and strive to maximize productivity in their workday.

Benefits of solid work ethics

A strong set of values benefits organizations in several ways. It leads to increased productivity, as employees with a strong work ethic are more likely to be dedicated and committed to their work.

According to a Taylor & Francis paper employees with a strong work ethic identify better themselves and even influence sick days and return to office issues. This not only boosts productivity but also reduces costs for the organization.

A strong work ethic also improves employee morale. When employees see that their efforts are recognized and valued, they are more likely to feel satisfied and motivated.

Moreover, a company with a strong work ethic is likely to enjoy a better reputation, which can attract top talent and customers.

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177 Interesting Ethics Paper Topics For Your Thesis

Ethics is a branch of study in philosophy that studies the concept of morality—what is good or bad, what is acceptable or unacceptable. It’s a philosophical theory that looks into moral rules and codes, principles, value systems, and other related concepts.

In academia, an ethical theory is used as one of the analytical tools in drawing analysis on several socio-cultural topics. Ethics can be applied to any particular subject matter in human society. And, on this, so many compelling, controversial or interesting ethical topics for academic essays and research papers have continued to spring up.

For students writing either an essay or a research paper on ethics, there are some relevant things to note about a good essay/research topic and writing a dissertation. They include:

Brainstorm on different topics Always go for a topic you are familiar with Choose a topic that has enough “flesh”. This is important as interesting topics will help you develop your essay/research Define your subject of interest. It makes the writing easier Properly researching for topics that serve contemporary social relevance Outlining is important for your research topic

What following some of these processes does for your essay/research/thesis is that it enriches your work and affords you the ability to communicate ideas clearly to readers. Here are some topics in ethics you can use for your essay/research.

Interesting Top Level Ethics Paper Topics for All Students

Writing a paper on ethics makes for an interesting writing experience because they usually require that the writer make a case for a particular subject based on whether the subject is right or wrong. There are so many ethical topics for papers. As a student, there are several ethical questions to debate, and you can choose to model your topic using some of these samples:

• Discuss what should be done concerning the rise in the ban on safe abortion
• Is the right to safe abortion practice unethical?
• Should abortion practice be promoted or championed for women in society?
• Are humans truly the root source for the issues of climate change and global warming the world is currently experiencing?
• Is it right to discriminate against the sexes?
• Is there a defining difference between sexes and gender?
• Is the practice of gender-based violence ethical?
• Should safe sexual practices be promoted?
• Sex: A Study of the growing practice of sexual relationships outside marriage
• Domestic Violence and how it can be combated
• Marijuana: The distinction to its health roles and health challenges it poses on individuals
• Is it unethical to promote capitalism and capitalist concepts?
• A Study of Racism and measures to ensure its decline
• Is it ethical to be a millionaire while there are so many less privileged people?
• A study of the ethical challenges that come with being in the academia
• Is war an ethical practice?
• Why LGBTQ+ people should not be discriminated against
• What are the ways workplace ethics can address issues of homophobia and internalized sexism?
• Is sexism in the workplace an ethical practice?
• The issue of microaggression and how it can be addressed
• A study of why workplaces need ethical conduct that monitors issues of workplace harassment
• Should salaries be uneven?
• How unethical are uneven salary payment structures?
• Should start-up tech companies hire more men for starters?
• How people can prioritize online privacy
• Is bridging online privacy unethical?
• Is the right to privacy unethical?

Engaging Ethical Dilemma Topics

As ethics deals with the debate on morals, one of the ways topics on ethics manifests is in the subject of dilemma. Topics like this focus on trying to find a suitable justification for one idea over another. There are several ethics topics to write about on this subject. Some of them include:

• Should students be allowed to bring their phones to school?
• Should parents police every social activity of their children?
• Should teachers use the cane on students as a disciplinary measure?
• Is flogging a good correctional practice?
• Should you leave your partner if they are of opposing political views?
• Should opposing religious beliefs be a deal-breaker in relationships?
• Should capitalism be abolished completely?
• Should a teacher maintain some level of friendship with their students?
• Is there any lingering importance of capitalism to society?
• Is revenge a viable option in a relationship if your partner cheats on you?
• Is sharing your experiences online the same as showing off a lifestyle?
• Should people from different religious beliefs and backgrounds partner?
• Is checking the DNA of your children important or necessary?
• Should parents enforce their children on behaviors to take up?
• Can discipline properly correct the attitudes of a child?
• Should eating junk foods be avoided completely?
• Should Halloween Trick or Treat and Costume be prioritized over Thanksgiving Dinners?
• Should children hold different religious beliefs from their parents while still young?
• Does strict parenting serve as the best way to raise a child?
• Is it important to reveal a secret to a friend or to keep one’s peace?
• Should cooking at home be prioritized over eating out?
• Is socialism a more suitable social practice than capitalism?
• Is accepting financial assistance from your parents acceptable after a certain age?
• Should school authorities seize phones brought to school?
• Is sending a child to a mixed school better than same-sex schools?
• Can afforestation alone save the world from global warming and the general climate change condition?
• Does being educated equate with being intelligent?

Ethical Issues to Write about in Your College Essay

One important thing to note about ethical topics is that they touch across so many different subjects. As a college student preparing to write an essay on ethics, rest assured as there are so many ethics ideas to write about. Here are some ethical topics to write about:

• Does Hiring female employees cover a company’s sexist motives?
• Should Actors be paid more than teachers?
• Taking medical decisions for a patient without their consent
• How ethical is the interference of the judiciary by the legislative arm of government?
• Is it ethical to fire someone due to their dress code?
• Is it unethical to wear colored hair to work?
• Is censorship ethical?
• Where does media censorship draw the line?
• Is it ethical for religious figureheads to meddle in state politics?
• Should gender be the reason why a person is restricted access to certain social privileges?
• Should sexuality be a discriminatory factor in society?
• Should companies and places of work provide counseling and therapy services for their employees?
• Can Children wear makeup on special occasions?
• Is it unethical to make medical decisions for a patient without any recognizable relatives?
• Does dress code need to affect how you are addressed?
• Should implementing ethics in sports be recommended?
• Is police brutality an ethical practice?
• The impacts of the excessive consumption of media content?
• Is the excessive use of social media healthy?
• How can companies ensure paid maternal and paternal leave?
• How can the inclusion of non-binary people in company policies promote growth?
• Is exclusion on the grounds of sexuality ethical?
• Is exclusion due to political beliefs unethical?
• How to promote ethical work culture?
• How can a company ensure that ethical practices are promoted in their companies?

Ethical Argument Topics to Write About

The best part about writing an ethical essay is that it is about anything that is of interest. An important aspect of the ethical argument topic is that it is supported with evidence. There are so many ethical topics to write about that fall within this category, and they include:

• Is the having of ethical codes and conducts important in an organization?
• Should people only implement progressive ideas to meet societal needs?
• Why LGBTQ+ should not be discriminated against
• Is it unethical to come to work late?
• Is government-sanctioned execution an ethical practice?
• Is the American incarceration system an effective corrective system?
• Is corrective rape an ethical practice?
• Should the issue of internalized homophobia be addressed?
• Internalized patriarchy and internalized homophobia, which one births one
• Should smoking weed be made legal?
• Why do the less privileged need free healthcare services
• A study of the effects of colonialism and internalized slavery
• Must aspiring journalists only focus on journalism courses?
• Addressing what it means to be of ethical behavior
• Should students be given a take-home assignment?
• Is there any academic relevance to assignments?
• Is access to free healthcare important?
• Does following the ethics code have abt social relevance?
• What role should developed countries play for developing countries?
• Is analysis writing an important aspect of literature?
• What role does ethics play in schools
• Should the address of global warming be continuous?
• Is there room for possible positive developments in global warming?
• Is the practice of ethics the same as moral teaching
• Should schools create sex education into their education curriculum

Comprehensive Ethics Debate Topics for Anyone

Just like the argumentative ethics topic, a debate topic on ethics centers majorly on choosing a part to argue for or against. This argument also is wrapped with evidence to support it. Your ethic topics can be on any subject. You can choose moral topics or any other topic with relevance. Here are some lists of ethical debate topics anyone can write on:

• Should the use of Contraceptives be promoted?
• Does legalizing weed make it any healthier?
• Should school children bring phones into school settings?
• The health impact of excessive engagement on social media
• Social relevance and importance of having ethical conducts
• Do companies with ethical conduct grow ahead
• Does ethics make a workplace safer?
• Are there importance on why sex education should be added to student’s
• Why safe abortion rights should be legalized
• Why the discrimination based on sexuality is harmful
• Why the practice of hedonism is important
• Sexual pleasure: Is it morally good?
• Is happiness dependent on an external factor?
• Why Institutionalized racism is the root cause of racism and racist beliefs
• Should the use of drugs be legalized?
• Is there any progressive importance to having a conservative view on things?
• Should social media apps allow explicit sexual content?
• Should social app builders have access to individual account
• Can homeschool match formal school training?
• Should the government ensure censorship measures?
• Is voting during elections the only form of patriotism?
• Is voting a patriotic display
• Are families allowed to have contradicting religious beliefs?
• Should state governments have any interference with the federal government?
• Should teenagers have access to contraceptives?

Good Ethical Research Papers for your Thesis or Dissertation

Writing either a thesis or a dissertation is a necessary part of academia. As a university student, you can’t graduate from only writing essays withiut writing your graduating thesis. There are so many areas your research paper about ethics can focus on. Here is a list of ethical topics:

• The contemporary relevance of applied ethics
• The psychological impacts of the proliferation of technology
• A Case Study of the legality of weed
• A multi-dimensional approach to the subject of marriage
• An ethical approach to the killing of animals
• A case study of the critical ethical debates on the use of contraception
• An analytical study of the relevance of ethical conduct in the workplace
• An investigation into the social relevance and importance of the beauty pageantry culture
• A critical study of normative ethics
• The role of applied ethics in the building of a healthy work culture
• An overview of the barriers associated with good leadership practice
• A Study of the importance of ethical practice in the healthcare system
• The study of ethics in business social responsibility
• An Overview on how Ethics promotes a saner working culture
• A look into how ethics promotes healthy social relationships
• The ethical relevance for Doctor and Patient Confidentiality
• Malpractice and Negligence an ethically challenging issue within the healthcare system
• The social and health relevance to access to free healthcare insurance
• A Study of the social relevance of ethics
• Violence: violence against animals is still abuse
• A look into strategic approaches to managing cyber crimes
• Ethic reasons for the separation of the church from politics
• Ethical Conduct: How Organizations with practicable ethics produces a toxic work environment
• A look into how Social media negatively impacts the IQ of a student
• The role of self-awareness and professional responsibility impacts social ethics in the workplace

Good Ethical Questions for Discussion

Primarily, ethics asks and answers the question of wrong or good. There are so many social issues that will make for good ethical questions for discussion. Here is a list of ethical questions for students to form insights from:

• How does ethics help to promote healthy workplace awareness?
• Does the practice of abortion negate morality?
• Is it right for a rape victim to be denied access to safe and free abortion?
• How do homophobia, racism, misogyny, and ableist practices hinder social growth?
• Should there be free access to condoms and contraceptive pills?
• Is free access to contraceptives better than the provision of menstrual materials
• How can racism be dismantled in an organization without consideration to institutionalized racism?
• How does the continuous promotion of capitalist concepts hinder societal progress?
• Does capitalism truly hinder social growth?
• Why should there be free access to contraceptive materials especially for women?
• What are the possible feasible solutions to the issue of climate change?
• Is it unethical not to share the wealth?
• Is engaging in warfare the right way to bring solutions?
• Does the use of makeup contradict the concept of beauty?
• Why are LGBTQ+ rights human rights?
• Is the legalization of cannabis ethical?
• Does the way you dress need to be the reason you are addressed a certain way?
• Are there moral problems that come with job automation?
• What can be done to combat the use of harmful substances
• Why should companies stop discriminating based on sex?
• What is the social relevance of providing workplace access?
• Why should parents and teachers stop flogging students?
• What is the distinction between discipline and strictness?
• Should religious beliefs be a dealbreaker in any relationship?

Are you a student who needs awesome essay writing help or thesis help and will require the professional services of writers in any particular field that will assist you with your write my thesis issues? We have expert 24/7 available online writers who are PhD holders, teachers, and professors in various fields that provide high quality custom thesis and essay materials that will not just help you pass your semester course but also gain you top grades, all at an affordable rate.

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Gods of the Marketplace: The “Work Ethic” from Max Weber to Universal Basic Income

Matthew taylor.

Matthew Taylor Kinjo Gakuin University Nagoya, Japan [email protected]  

Christian asceticism, at first fleeing from the world into solitude, had already ruled the world which it had renounced from the monastery and through the Church. But it had, on the whole, left the naturally spontaneous character of daily life in the world untouched. Now it strode into the market-place of life, slammed the door of the monastery behind it, and undertook to penetrate just that daily routine of life with its methodicalness, to fashion it into a life in the world, but neither of nor for this world. [1]

Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

The passage above captures the essence of Max Weber’s famous and controversial essay, as well a deep paradox of capitalism itself. It emerged from Christianity but is, at least in explicit form, antithetical to core Christian values. Now, more than 100 years after the essay first appeared, Weber’s characterization seems more apt than ever. The enigmatic description of daily life in the market system being, like monasticism, “in the world but neither of nor for this world” makes a great deal of sense if we consider enterprises like convenience stores, which know no Sabbath rests or even sleep cycles; convenience store clerks, like monks in a monastery, will reliably be awake at 3 a.m. Weber’s essay seems ever fresh, continually vindicated if not by every intellectual defense, then certainly by the otherworldly ways of the contemporary world.

Weber’s thesis is very amenable to the perspective of generative anthropology (GA), of the human scene with center and periphery. Weber saw work (and accumulating and investing capital) as deeply entwined with a religious framework. For GA, exchange in general, and the market system specifically, are key concerns, as is of course religion, the sacred. [2] Yet it would be fair to say that GA’s key reference point to the market has been Francis Fukuyama’s “ End of History” thesis, at least to judge by the number of Chronicles Eric Gans has devoted to it. [3] In this reflection I propose, at a minimum, that engagement with Max Weber and “Weberians” (not excluding Francis Fukuyama himself, who took a Weberian turn in 1995) [4] might cast new light on Weber’s thesis and, reciprocally, extend the outlook of GA in relation to the market. [5]

Yet there also looms a larger question about the nature of work itself: how it defines, and is defined by, the human —the anthropology of work. That penetration “into just that daily routine” of life that Weber described above is entering a critical stage with increasing automation, the growing ubiquity of artificial intelligence, and now the proposal for a “Universal Basic Income” (UBI). On the one hand (so I will argue), these developments are quite consistent with Weber’s thesis on the “capitalist spirit”—the frenetic productivity ironically unleashed by what was originally the spirit of asceticism. On the other hand, the developments obviously undermine the premise of the famous “work ethic”—that civic virtue derived from Max Weber, though never articulated as such in his thesis. The “work ethic” is no longer self-evident or axiomatic, to say the least; what is the point of working when, it can be argued, there is no need for it?

This lingering question, the anthropological question about the nature and value of work, hovers over this outline and reflection, whether it is addressed indirectly or directly. In the next section I overview Weber’s thesis as well as its popularization in the “work ethic” meme. In the third section, I review a string of thinkers, most of whom came to different specific conclusions than Weber but all of whom, in one way or another, looked at religion and the market through a “Weberian” framework. In the concluding section, I consider the “work ethic” in light of automation, AI, and UBI, and return to the question of the anthropology of work.

Max Weber and the “Work Ethic”

Weber’s famous essay on Protestantism was part of a much larger project. Weber had examined Hinduism, Judaism, and Confucianism, and was planning (though never undertook) a similar study on Islam. [6] Weber was narrowing the focus in his search for the origins of the modern market system: Why the West? Why Christianity? Why especially Protestant Christianity? Why, even more specifically, Calvinism?

The first part of Weber’s answer involved Martin Luther, who (in Weber’s interpretation) introduced the idea of a “call” or “calling,” wherein one’s occupation in one’s station in life took on the dimension of a religious vocation. [7] However, the more important part of Weber’s thesis was Calvinism, specifically the practical consequences following from the doctrine of predestination. [8]

Devout Calvinists and puritans were concerned about the state of their souls, but according to doctrine could do nothing to affect their eternal destiny. The sacrament of confession was eliminated, and without cycles of repentance and absolution, believers developed a tortured private conscience (also consequential for the modern sense of individuality). How could they know that they were in a state of grace, that they were among the elect? [9]

Weber proposed that the solution for Calvinists and puritans was to look for signs of election . This meant, firstly, not engaging in sinful pleasures or selfish indulgences: Protestant asceticism. Secondly, it meant living a productive life, as in Luther’s sense of a “calling,” but now in a very augmented form. Paradoxically, for those who did not believe in works (this irony was not lost on critical Lutherans), [10] Calvinist striving became a signature trait. Enterprise and profit also became a religious virtue, a sign of election. Yet one did not enjoy the fruits of this heightened productivity. Because of the asceticism, much capital was available for productive use, and there followed mutually reinforcing effects: more capital feeding into ever more productive enterprises. [11]

The “Protestant ethic” is not an explicit doctrine or moral code but rather a habit of thought and behavior that arose in relation to economic activity. In fact, exactly what Weber meant by the “Protestant ethic” and the “spirit of capitalism” has been controversial, since he never explicitly defined them. However, if we consider them as mutually self-defining in the sense above, they seem clear enough. For Weber, the “Protestant ethic” is asceticism combined with extreme productivity; the “spirit of capitalism” is productivity and profit for its own sake, not for personal indulgence. The fact that economic actors were acting for profit but not greed tended over time to loosen strictures against economic practices that would previously have been understood as immoral. [12] The “Protestant ethic” thus morphed into the “spirit of capitalism.”

As the new spirit of enterprise unfolded historically, profitability, initially a sign of righteousness, became even more detached from morality. (This “value neutral” arena of the market remains a troubling paradox for Christians.) Weber’s illustrative example is John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress as compared to Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe . Christian in Pilgrim’s Progress is obsessed with his eternal destiny, while Robinson Crusoe is obsessed with enterprise —though he also does a little missionary work on the side. [13] As this “capitalist spirit” increasingly interpenetrated life and society, it took on a life of its own, disengaging even more from religion, and making its own rules. Weber called the completion of this process the “iron cage”: society became more rationalized, uniform, efficient, methodical, bureaucratic. [14] Exit was not an option.

It should go without saying that neither Luther nor Calvin had any notion of unleashing the secularized market system on the world, let alone the consumer ethos of the present day. Luther was an economic idealist who decried the “profit motive.” [15] The Reformation was, after all, initially a protest of monetary corruption in the Catholic Church. Calvin, going far beyond Luther, wanted more religion in society, not less. [16] Either would be appalled at the practical consequences Weber outlined. Nevertheless, Weber argued, both men, however unintentionally, let the genie out of the bottle.

Meanwhile, though Weber’s was a critical theory, the “Protestant ethic” has undergone its own mutation as the “Protestant work ethic,” or simply “work ethic.” This cultural meme denotes a civic virtue, rather than what Weber described: a religious neurosis. The “work ethic” is a staple of the cultural imagination, particularly in North America. It is a sign of character, of one’s capacity for integration into the market system, and this implies traits like hard work, discipline, and of course “delayed gratification.” Delayed gratification is surely a secularized version of the Calvinism’s heavenly rewards—an earthly rather than heavenly payoff promised, or at least suggested, for the future.

The idea of “delayed gratification” brings this overview around to GA and the originary scene. It is difficult to think of “delayed gratification” in this context without thinking of “deferred appropriation”; a proto-human reaches for an appetitive central object, then the gesture is halted when it becomes apparent that appropriation will unleash the violent resentment of others on the periphery. The “aborted gesture of appropriation” becomes the first sign, designating both the desirability of the object and the dire necessity of not reaching for it. Appropriation, and peaceful rending and distribution, must wait. The sign, in the meantime, becomes the first act of symbolic communication. It launches hominization, and introduces a sign system that transcends the dangerous, corruptible material world. [17]

The permanent deferral implied by Protestant asceticism—looking forward to transcendent heavenly rewards beyond time—connects, from the standpoint of GA, the private scene of the modern individual conscience to the scene of human origins. Just as important is the devolved bourgeois counterpart, “delayed gratification,” wherein one puts off (but does not abjure) enjoying the earthly fruits of one’s labors; one looks forward to the promise of the good life on earth. These two versions of deferral could be considered part of the continuing unfolding of the originary event as it shapes thought and behavior. Yet a different (and not mutually exclusive) way to look at it is that GA may itself be a product of the “Protestant ethic.” That is, “deferred appropriation” as described by GA projects a sensible bourgeois restraint back upon the scene of origin. This observation parallels the critiques of GA that it is a kind of “social contract” theory. Yet, as with that critique, this is really an opportunity for GA to clarify its self-description and sharpen its self-knowledge. [18]

Weber among “Weberians”

Weber’s essay is considered “one of the most influential and provocative ever written,” [19] and, unsurprisingly, has also faced unending objections. [20] In this section I review a string of thinkers that positively engaged Weber’s thesis: R. H. Tawney, Amintore Fanfani, Christopher Dawson, Michael Novak, Francis Fukuyama, Jean-Pierre Dupuy, and Venkatesh Rao. I call them “Weberian” for convenience; they usually disagreed with Weber’s specific conclusions. However, they all adopted a similar framework for looking at religion and the market system, and each contributed, in their way, complementary insights that deepen the overall effect of Weber’s approach. All of them are worth considering from a GA perspective. It goes without saying, considering the vast number of scholars who have taken up Weber’s thesis, that this selection is limited and selective.

R. H. Tawney

Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (1926) was written by the socialist historian R. H. Tawney. [21] It is in many ways a superior study to Weber’s and is the book to read for a single account of early capitalism’s complex relation to Christianity. Tawney did not focus, as Weber did, upon a single anthropological thesis and was much more comprehensive, yet also openly indebted to Weber. [22] Tawney’s detailed commentaries on Luther and especially Calvin are particularly valuable supplements to Weber. Tawney thought Luther quite naïve on economics, while Calvin was very much a man of the world, a revolutionary; Calvin was Lenin to Luther’s Marx. [23]

Tawney gave much more credit to the great commercial centers both before the Reformation (e.g., Florence) and during it (e.g., Antwerp). For Tawney, the relation between Calvinism and capitalism was more like chicken and egg. It was not so much that Calvinism produced capitalists as that Calvinism attracted certain kinds of people, specifically, a rising and dynamic new economic class. Calvin’s thorough, methodical, streamlined theological system appealed to these new players, who were “men of affairs,” like Calvin himself, movers and shakers. Calvinism took root precisely in areas, mostly urban centers, where this new class was gaining influence. [24]

From a GA perspective, then, the social and economic revolution described in Tawney’s account had less to do with the private scene of individual conscience as described by Weber, and more with the resentments of a rising class on the periphery against the aristocracy at the center, which stood in its way. Yet the religious significance was more than coincidental for Tawney; he saw that Calvinism and the new “capitalist spirit” had mutually reinforcing effects very much along the lines that Weber described, with truly transformative effects on the world.

Amintore Fanfani

Amintore Fanfani’s well-known Catholicism, Capitalism and Protestantism (1935) is considered a dissent from Weber, but in fact resonates with agreement, albeit from a reverse perspective. [25] For Fanfani, Weber’s thesis simply elucidated the fundamental flaws of capitalism and Protestantism. [26] Fanfani took more care than Weber to define what he meant by the “capitalist spirit.” For Fanfani, it was essentially cultural acceptance of profit for profit’s sake—a point which helps to clarify Weber’s thesis. [27]

Fanfani’s critique implied an idealistic call to return to the true faith (Catholicism), integrated within a just, humane, organic social order, and to systems like the Medieval guilds that would regulate economic activity. [28] Reiterated in GA terms, the sacred center of European life was to be restored in this vision, and everyone would have their rightful place on the periphery.

Fanfani was initially the progressive Catholic traditionalist represented by this book (based on his doctoral thesis). Later, Fanfani became a fascist sympathizer. Eventually, he became Italy’s prime minister and an influential Christian Democrat. [29] John F. Kennedy’s “Great Society” as well as the political tradition represented by politicians such as Angela Merkel could be considered part of Fanfani’s legacy.

Chistopher Dawson

The great but now neglected Catholic historian Christopher Dawson responded to Weber’s thesis much differently in his essay “Catholicism and the Bourgeois Mind” (1935). [30] Unlike Fanfani, Dawson had no idea of turning back the clock, but he did want to take stock of where we were, and where we had been.

For Dawson, this started by recognizing the universal triumph of the bourgeois ethos: “[I]t is no use hunting for the bourgeois. For we are all bourgeois and our civilization is bourgeois from top to bottom.” Instead of Marxist class struggle, “we have seen the bourgeois culture, the bourgeois mind, and even the bourgeois standard of life advancing and expanding until they became diffused throughout the whole social organism and dominated the whole spirit of modern civilization.” [31] Dawson’s characterization recalls the opening epigraph from Weber, and in a similar way remains uncannily accurate. Even North Korea, that rare bastion of communist totalitarianism, must showcase a bourgeois lifestyle among its citizens as a sign of success; even a “Potemkin village” must appear bourgeois.

But it was not always so. Dawson recalled the time, between the Reformation and the Revolution, when there was also a Counter-Reformation, and hence two views of life fighting for the soul of the West: the bourgeois spirit and the Baroque spirit. The latter “spent its capital lavishly, recklessly, and splendidly, whether to the glory of God or for the adornment of human life.” Baroque culture was

passionate and ecstatic, and finds its supreme expression in the art of music and in religious mysticism. We have only to compare Bernini with the brothers Adam, or St. Teresa with Hannah More to feel the difference in the spirit and rhythm of the two cultures. The bourgeois culture has the mechanical rhythm of a clock, the Baroque the musical rhythm of a fugue or sonata. [32]

Dawson elaborated,

The ideal of bourgeois culture is to maintain a respectable average standard. Its maxims are “honesty is the best policy,” “Do as you would be done by,” “The greatest happiness for the greatest number.” But the Baroque spirit lives in and for the triumphant moment of creative ecstasy. It will have all or nothing. [33]

Recalling this lost stream in Western civilization fills in important gaps in Weber’s thesis and has several implications. First, from the standpoint of GA and the originary scene, the “bourgeois spirit” emphasizes deferral (e.g. “delayed gratification”) and the equality of the sparagmos (“the greatest good for the greatest number”), while the “Baroque spirit” emphasizes appropriation and aesthetic differentiation (e.g. “all or nothing,” living for “the moment of creative ecstasy”). The two views of economic activity (and of life) thus replay the originary scene in very different ways. However, and to return to an earlier question, the emphasis on appropriation seems frankly inconsistent with the originary scene. GA can thus be seen in this context as a product of bourgeois culture, that is, of the “Protestant ethic.” Because deferral is so central, it is difficult to imagine how GA could have emerged from a Baroque culture.

Secondly, the lost world of the “Baroque spirit” is not actually lost but exists as a substratum of civilization. It continually pokes up its head in movements like Romanticism, the Pre-Raphaelites, or the Woodstock generation—for what are they if not a recrudescence of the Baroque spirit? There are even Japanese subcultures that idolize the Baroque ethos of Europe as the apex of self-expression, passion, and authenticity. [34] Since so much of GA’s historical and aesthetic analysis has focused on the Romantics—in GA, the adaptation of the scenic center of aesthetic uniqueness to the market system—it may be worthwhile to extend such analyses to the Baroque spirit and to the Counter-Reformation. [35] Or, to put it somewhat more abrasively, Romanticism was a way for the bourgeois spirit to co-opt the Baroque spirit—conversely, a way for the Baroque spirit to “sell out” while maintaining a posture of rebellion and personal uniqueness (e.g. like the rebel musicians of the Woodstock generation “selling out” to the record industry).

Finally, Dawson’s characterization flips cultural stereotypes about religion and secularism (though no doubt reinforcing others). For Dawson, it is bourgeois culture (secularized Protestantism) that is “uptight” and “repressed,” while Baroque culture (religious and mystical) is self-indulgent and ecstatic. Moreover, from an economic perspective, Dawson’s characterization wrecks another stereotype; Catholicism (in the standard Weberian view) idealizes poverty, hence Catholic regions have been under-developed. [36] In fact (according to Dawson) the Baroque ethos was not impoverished but spendthrift; Baroque culture flagrantly expended resources on cultural adornments like art, music and architecture. One cannot help but notice these profuse vestiges in the “impoverished” regions of the Counter-Reformation, not excluding the host country for the 2018 GA conference—the Baroque splendor of Western civilization. To appropriate Harry Lime’s quip in The Third Man , Baroque culture facilitated this great flourishing of human creativity, while bourgeois culture, however frenetic its economic activity, gave us the cuckoo clock. [37]

Michael Novak

Jumping ahead to the “end of history,” the collapse of communism in Europe obviously entailed a re-assessment of capitalism, often in the triumphalist mode typified by Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man (1992). [38] Michael Novak’s provocatively titled book The Catholic Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism was very much in this spirit, but his title framed it in explicitly in Weberian terms. [39] Novak considered the vindication of democracy and free markets in light both of Weber’s thesis and a century of Catholic social teaching culminating in John Paul II’s Centesimus Annus (1991). [40] Novak’s chief contribution here was to bring Catholic social teaching and John Paul II into this Weberian conversation, which typically proceeds as if neither existed. This is a serious deficit considering that John Paul II in particular was a major intellectual figure, had experienced both fascist and communist totalitarianism, and played no small role in the bloodless collapse of the latter.

However, interpreting John Paul II on capitalism is not a straightforward matter, and there is a tendency to see, particularly in Centesimus Annus , what one wants to see. [41] John Paul II appeared friendlier toward capitalism than his papal predecessors, and this encouraged Novak to enlist John Paul II’s teaching in support of “neo-conservative” political and economic policies. Novak’s Catholic perspective was, at any rate, quite different from Fanfani’s or Dawson’s.

Weber, Novak argued, was wrong: the capitalist spirit is both “Catholic” (in line with Catholic social teaching) and “catholic,” universal, e.g., as demonstrated by Japan’s astonishing economic success at the time. Novak’s strategy, and his apologia for the capitalist ethos, are exemplified in the following passage:

At the inmost heart of the capitalist system . . . is confidence in the creative capacity of the human person. As Catholic theology teaches, and as experience verifies, such confidence is well-placed. Each person is made in the image of God, the Creator. Each is called to be a co-creator and given the vocation to act creatively. Every co-creator is free, that is, expected both to assume responsibility and show initiative. [42]

Here Novak paraphrases John Paul II’s encyclical Laborem Exercens (1981). [43] On its own, the encyclical does indeed articulate a compelling Catholic “work ethic,” moreover one upon which many other religious traditions might find much common ground. From a GA perspective the formulation above could also be articulated in terms of center, periphery, and the originary scene. Even considering its implicit atheism, GA is friendly to the idea of “co-creation with God”—which is in a sense a direct paraphrase of GA’s originary hypothesis. [44] At any rate, like Dawson’s “Baroque spirit,” Laborem Exercens also puts human creativity in the foreground.

At the same time, by inserting “At the inmost heart of the capitalist system” at the head of the paragraph above, Novak attempted to stamp the Catholic social tradition as pro-capitalist, and conversely, to stamp capitalism as somehow magisterial. This was a highly problematic maneuver at best, since the Catholic social teaching has consistently condemned not just socialist collectivism, but the profit motive pursued for its own sake. [45] Novak wanted to argue that the core of capitalism is not the profit motive, but human creativity and resourcefulness. Here then was the real difference between Novak and Weber; it was less about sectarian distinctions than the nature of the capitalist enterprise itself. For Weber, the capitalist spirit was the profit motive. For Novak, it was the resourcefulness and creativity that drive it and are recognized and encouraged by it.

Twenty-five years later, Novak’s characterization seems strangely dated and almost touchingly naïve, while Weber’s thesis remains uncannily on target. As I argue further on, automatization, AI and Universal Basic Income are utterly consistent with the “spirit of capitalism” as Weber describes it, but these developments do not reflect “confidence in the creative capacity of the human person.” In short, Novak over-estimated capitalism’s capacity to reflect human creativity, and wildly under-estimated its capacity to obliterate it; Novak did not grasp the “spirit of capitalism.”

Francis Fukuyama

The universality of capitalism (the small “c” part of Novak’s thesis) was explored in another largely forgotten book from the same period, Francis Fukuyama’s own Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (1995). [46] In his enormously more influential The End of History , Fukuyama’s fundamental anthropology had been Hegel’s master-slave dialectic; Fukuyama had devoted an entire chapter to it. [47] In Trust , Fukuyama dropped Hegel almost completely and markedly shifted to a Weberian perspective. There were good reasons for this. As Fukuyama observed the center of gravity of capitalism shifting to Asia, he began asking the same sort of questions that Weber had asked about the West: Why Asia? Why East Asia? Why specifically Buddhist and Confucian societies?

Fukuyama’s observations do not date as badly as Novak’s, precisely because we are still seeing the momentum of capitalism shift to East Asia. However, the perpetual tussle of master and slave seems to fail in modelling the complex relation that labor and economic activity seemed to have with their cultural and religious context. The master-slave dialectic might be considered, like dueling twins in René Girard’s analyses, [48] a mythological construct, at least as far as the market is concerned.

Fukuyama’s shift to a Weberian framework is significant considering GA and the sustained attention Eric Gans has given to Fukuyama’s “end of history” thesis. [49] Gans has never accepted Fukyama’s “end of history” uncritically or without qualification, but it would also be fair to say that it has served as Gans’ default reference for the free market and liberal democracy after the Cold War. [50] To this extent, GA might be well-served by integrating Weber’s approach into its economic perspective, since Fukuyama himself felt compelled to move in that direction.

Specifically, we can consider the master-slave dialectic: while it has informed Gans in analyzing “victimary thinking” (identity politics), [51] this Hegelian element plays no part of Gans’ endorsement of Fukuyama’s “end of history”—that is, of the basic premises of liberal democracy and the market system. Yet for Fukuyama, they were inseparable from that dialectic in The End of History . However, within a few years, this Hegelian focus was abandoned in Trust , implying Fukuyama was distancing himself from the “end of history” thesis itself. Simply put, to suggest that GA move toward a Weberian perspective is to suggest that it move from the Fukuyama of the End of History to the Fukuyama of Trust .

Jean-Pierre Dupuy

In Economy and the Future: A Crisis of Faith (2014), Jean-Pierre Dupuy does develop a “victimary” model of the market, but one that is mimetic and sacrificial. [52] With like-minded students of René Girard, especially Paul Dumouchel and André Orléan, Dupuy has long focused on the market’s sacred nature. [53] The market is paradoxical and “irrational” (i.e., contra neoclassical economics and “rational choice” theory). The paradox is Girardian: Satan casts out Satan; sacrificial frenzy continually resolves to fix market value. The economy can be seen as a secularized scapegoat mechanism, or conversely as a sacralized secularism—in either case, a new scene of the sacred.

Dupuy, Orléan and Dumouchel approach the market in ways that should be of obvious interest to GA: they see the market as paradoxical; they see the paradox as “sacred” and generative; they see its resolution as the ongoing transformation of sacrificial dynamics into peaceful, albeit mimetically fraught, transactions. While there are obvious differences with GA, these parallels are quite striking. Dupuy’s book suggests that dialogue between GA and this “school” of mimetic thinkers may be long overdue, and Weber may provide the most favorable context for pursuing it.

Weber’s thesis is a centerpiece in Dupuy’s book, Dupuy being the most “Weberian” thinker so far considered. (He provides some of the most illuminating commentary on Weber I have encountered.) For Dupuy, Weber’s thesis articulates a generative, pragmatic paradox which many critics, somewhat understandably, fail to understand. [54] Dupuy argues that even Weber did not fully appreciate the potency of his thesis. [55] The archetypal Calvinist should choose fatalism but instead chooses striving; [56] the Calvinist “elects election,” chooses the future, from the present, to determine the past (predestination). [57] The apparent irrationality of this process, especially the religious self-contradiction vis-à-vis predestination, is indeed a stumbling block for critics.

Yet, Dupuy argues, making much use of psychological studies on “irrational” rewards, Weber’s archetypal Calvinist is making a rational choice, is being “rationally irrational .” [58] Making the future already true in the present, the Calvinist makes predestination “counterfactually” true in the past—making it true by acting as if it were true—despite the fact that “works” should not be able to influence such outcomes either way. Dupuy proposes that this “counterfactual” paradox in relation to past, present, and future underlies the market system itself. Activity in the market rests on faith in a future yet to come into being, which in turn requires that faith to be brought into being. [59] Without this secularized faith, a projection from the past of a present guarantee of future reward, the economy would collapse in an instant.

Venkatesh Rao

As the “work ethic”—the cultural meme—crawls into its terminal stages, Venkatesh Rao could be considered its prophet of doom. Rao’s blogged series “The Gervais Principle” (2009-2013) is a brilliant though excruciatingly cynical and self-consciously satirical anatomy of company hierarchies. [60] This extended commentary on Ricki Gervais’ television series The Office has only one direct reference to Weber, and that an ironic one, yet Rao’s religious intuition makes him a consummate Weberian, and his insider analysis is a kind of religious anthropology of the postmodern workplace.

In a sense, Rao reintroduces the master-slave dialectic and synthesizes it with a Weberian outlook, turning Fukuyama’s “end of history” thesis inside out. Despite the comic and irreverent nature his delivery, I believe that Rao should be taken seriously as a social thinker and self-described tragic realist. [61] The levels of his corporate pyramid have a direct bearing both on Weber’s “Protestant ethic” and the derivative cultural mythos about the “work ethic.”

Rao’s breakdown of the company hierarchy is adopted directly from a cartoon by Hugh MacLeod [62]

Reproduced with permission of gapingvoid Culture Design Group, https://www.gapingvoid.com/

Hugh MacLeod’s cartoon is a pitch-perfect symbol of an unorthodox school of management based on the axiom that organizations don’t suffer pathologies; they are intrinsically pathological constructs. Idealized organizations are not perfect. They are perfectly pathological. So while most management literature is about striving relentlessly towards an ideal by executing organization theories completely, this school . . . would recommend that you do the bare minimum organizing to prevent chaos, and then stop. Let a natural, if declawed, individualist Darwinism operate beyond that point. The result is the MacLeod hierarchy. It may be horrible, but like democracy, it is the best you can do. [63]

The last, devastating indictment of things as they are, combined with blithe acceptance of the same, is characteristic of Rao. It should be emphasized that Rao is speaking as a corporate insider, not as a denouncer of capitalism, and his series has been applauded by capitalist entrepreneurs. [64]

There is, of course, no good place to be on MacLeod’s pyramid, though the bottom seems to be the least horrible. In Rao’s analysis, its layers can be seen to correspond to Weber’s thesis and the commentators we have been considering. [65] The “loser” laity at the bottom are the equivalent of Weber’s and Dupuy’s “fatalists”—the rational non-strivers. They know the score but go through the motions. “Losers” in Rao analysis “are not social losers (as in the opposite of ‘cool’), but people who have struck bad bargains economically—giving up capitalist striving for steady paychecks.” They “mortgage their lives away, and hope to die before their money runs out.” [66]

It bears emphasis that being a “loser”—making enough to get by, not obsessing about work, though not being idle—would have been the normal way of understanding work in traditional Judeo-Christian civilization before Weber’s dynamic took hold. The so-called “losers” would have simply been ordinary, properly oriented, reasonably well-adjusted human beings, not demoralized and/or cynical wage slaves.

“Losers” have characteristically been the cultural antiheroes at the center of the narrative in movies and television. Gervais’ great innovation, for Rao, is that he moved the “clueless” to the narrative center. [67]

“Clueless” middle management in Rao’s analysis are the only individuals who still hold to a “work ethic.” More specifically, they are the only true believers in the company, while those on the other levels of the pyramid are functionally atheist. The “clueless” serve as a priestly class overseeing empty rituals. They could be considered the equivalent of pre-Calvinist reformers in Weber’s thesis, viewing the workplace as a “calling”—which for the “clueless” has become a secularized religion of its own. “Clueless” are promoted to middle management not on the merits of their overachievement but because their overachievement, which is pointless, demonstrates a cluelessness which serves specific ends for the sociopaths. [68]

“Cluelessness,” as embodied for instance in Steve Carell’s character Michael, gives Gervais’ series its signature cringeworthiness, but from the contorted and brittle perspective of middle management. This highlights a mistake that artistic or literary-minded critics make when they comment on the series. [69] For Rao, the cringeworthiness is not really the aesthetic aim but a secondary effect of cluelessness, which is the essential point. [70] While the “clueless” are true believers in the system, they are also the most vulnerable and helpless within it; they are tragicomic Kafkaesque figures. Further, the narrative frame of middle management, connecting, above and below, to the other levels of the company hierarchy, provides a revelatory perspective on the sociopathic nature of the whole organization and its interactions.

The deeper Rao gets into his analysis, the more explicitly religious he becomes. The “sociopath” gods at the top of the pyramid cap Rao’s analysis. “The Sociopath (capitalized) layer comprises the Darwinian/Protestant Ethic will-to-power types who drive an organization to function despite itself” (emphasis mine). [71] They

enter and exit organizations at will, at any stage, and do whatever it takes to come out on top. They contribute creativity in early stages of a[n] organization’s life, neurotic leadership in the middle stages, and cold-bloodedness in the later stages, where they drive decisions like mergers, acquisitions and layoffs that others are too scared or too compassionate to drive. [72]

Note that, in Rao’s sole reference to Weber, the “Protestant Ethic” type—the Calvinist striver—has devolved to the Darwinist, individualistic “will to power” type. Sociopaths, the elect, see past the delusions that operate at the lower levels of the company hierarchy. Yet, because they do see through it all, they sink into their own nihilistic existential dilemmas.

. . . what Sociopaths ultimately do with their lives . . . [is] generate amoral power from increasing inner emptiness, transforming themselves into forces of nature . . . .

As a side-effect, they also manufacture transient meanings to fuel the theaters of religiosity (including various secular religions) that lend meaning to lives of Losers and the Clueless . . . .

When Sociopath stories end, the Loser and Clueless stories that continue become bereft of meaning; sound and fury signifying nothing. When Sociopaths turn their attentions  en masse  to new frontiers, they leave behind complete cargo cults that continue to function for a while. [73]

In Rao’s surreally cynical vision, the “capitalist spirit,” having sprung from religion, now generates its own religious ecology, in the service of its (sociopath) gods. Much of Rao’s analysis could be restated—albeit in a warped and inside-out way—in terms of “recognition”–the master-slave dialectic that informed so much of Fukuyama’s End of History . [74]

Mechanization, AI, UBI, and the Anthropology of Work

Michael Novak’s critique of Weber fell short because he misunderstood the nature of the “capitalist spirit” in a way Weber did not. The accelerated automatization of human tasks, the increasingly ubiquitous presence of artificial intelligence (AI), and now the proposal for a Universal Basic Income (UBI), in which people would get a salary for doing nothing, press this point home. UBI may be denounced by some opponents as socialist, [75] but in fact it is swiftly gaining acceptance among free market advocates, [76] and could be reasonably be considered the triumph of the “capitalist spirit.” The insane energy generated from the “Protestant ethic”—productivity and profit as ends in themselves, pursued with religious zeal—generate an efficiency and surplus that make such developments rather inevitable. The issue in this context is not whether UBI would be a good or bad thing—it may turn out to be either, or both—but the fact that it is utterly consistent with Weber’s thesis on “the spirit of capitalism.” This is the insight of the animated movie WALL-E , which depicts universal sedentary leisure not as a socialist paradise but as a smoothly operating consumerist utopia/dystopia, populated by congenial, sedentary, perpetually distracted humans and their solicitous robot caretakers. [77]

Automatization, AI, and UBI are certainly game changers concerning the “work ethic”—not Weber’s thesis, but the cultural meme derived from it. “Delayed gratification” is based on expectation of future reward which, at least in principle and even from a very practical point of view, may soon be available anytime, for free. More plainly, a concerned parent or social commentator cannot realistically appeal to the “work ethic” in the face of these sweeping developments— unless he or she intuitively means something other about work than the “work ethic” ever spelled out, e.g., the intrinsic value of work in character building, creativity, socialization, mental or physical health, or the like. [78]

Yet this would be not a mythical “work ethic” but an anthropology of work , such as is articulated in the Catholic social encyclicals, particularly John Paul II’s Laborem Exercens . There is a good case to be made for abandoning the idea of a “work ethic” as a civic virtue, not just because it has become meaningless from a pragmatic point of view, but because it was always meaningless from an intellectual point of view: Weber, as pointed out earlier, was describing a religious neurosis , not a civic virtue.

This is not at all to say that work does not have ethical dimensions, but rather that these dimensions need to be articulated in an anthropologically coherent way. How does work give meaning to, or get meaning from, what GA calls “the human”? Weber’s thesis leads to but did make any pretense of answering this question. The burden of even formulating it as such seems to have fallen largely on Catholic social teaching. Yet the social encyclicals, especially since John Paul II, explicitly appeal to universality and include a call for others to take up such questions in good faith.

Sadly, with the Catholic Church currently engulfed yet again in abuse scandals and internal disarray, it has lost much credibility as a social voice and will need to, at best, focus inward to clean its own house. By the same token, however, there is so much untapped good in the social encyclicals that it becomes, perhaps, a special responsibility for sympathetic thinkers of other religious traditions, or of a secular perspective, to carry it forward. Weber and our “Weberians” have established that Christians specifically, for better and worse, birthed the “capitalist spirit”; Christian denominations have the onus of grappling with its anthropological consequences.

It should go without saying in this context that GA is uniquely positioned to articulate an anthropology of work—so essential in defining the human and the human scene. Given GA’s perspective on center and periphery, the communal dimensions of work come into especially sharp focus, going beyond even the great social encyclicals in this respect. In the GA literature, Andrew Bartlett’s Mad Scientist, Impossible Human has laid foundations for such a perspective on work, though his is ironically a literary analysis of non-human creations in canonical science fiction. [79] As I put it in a previous essay,

In addressing the objectification of the human vis-à-vis science and technology, Bartlett takes pains to articulate an alternate vision of the human as communally situated, both humanized and humanizing through participation in labor, consumption, and exchange, as well as social, romantic, family, and community life: the agony and horror of Mary Shelley’s monster is that he cannot share in any of this. [80]

René Girard’s mimetic theory, however profound and insightful, has a limited capacity for this anthropological task, because, as I also observed previously, “mimetic theory . . . cannot comprehend social cohesion as anything other than an effluence of sacrificial violence.” [81]

The anthropology of work is another reason for GA to adopt a more Weberian view. In The End of History , Fukuyama treated increasingly questionable assumptions about work as explicable via the “master-slave dialectic” (e.g., the overworked Japanese salaryman of the 1980s who got a sense of “recognition”). [82] Rao—to the extent that we should take his satiric vision seriously—has underscored the illusory nature of such “recognition.” It is in fact a concept which Fukuyama himself abandoned when he turned to a Weberian perspective in Trust . Fukuyama needed to take religion and culture into account, recognizing, at least intuitively, that work must be tethered to a sacred center, through which it derives most of its human value.

Acknowledgements

This study was supported by a research and travel grant from the Institute for the Study of Christianity and Culture of Kinjo Gakuin University. An earlier version of this essay appears in the proceedings volume for the 2018 GA conference. [83] Special thanks are due to Michael Cholewinski, Thomas Turner, and Eric Gans for invaluable comments and encouragement. All errors and viewpoints are of course my own. Thanks are also due to gapingvoid Culture Design Group (https://www.gapingvoid.com/) for permission to reproduce Hugh MacLeod’s cartoon.

[1] Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , trans. Talcott Parsons (London: Routledge, 2001), 101.

[2] See part 8 of Eric Gans’ “A Brief Introduction to Generative Anthropology,” http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/gaintro/

[3] Gans takes issue with elements of Fukuyama’s thesis, including the phrase “end of history” itself, but it often serves as a kind of descriptive shorthand for Gans when referring to liberal democracy and the market system in general. For a representative sample, see Eric Gans, “Ending History,”  Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 174, July 7, 1999, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw174.htm ; “ La mondialisation ,”  Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 227, February 3, 2001, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw227.htm ; “Obama and Fukuyama,”  Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 503, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw503.htm ; “The Realm of Freedom,”  Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 498, October 10, 2015, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw498.htm ; “Three Post Election Thoughts,”  Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 527, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw527.htm

[4] Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1995).

[5] Peter Goldman has explored the connection between Weber and GA. See especially the last portion of Goldman’s “John Milton on Ecclesiastical Free Markets and Weber’s Protestant Ethic,” Anthropoetics , 22, no. 2 (Spring 2017), http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/ap2202/2202goldman

[6] See Anthony Gidden’s introduction to Max Weber’s Ethic , xiii-xvi.

[7] Weber, 39-50.

[8] Ibid., 51-101.

[9] Ibid., 60-65.

[10] Ibid, 70.

[11] Ibid, 115-116.

[12] As will also be noted further on, this point in Weber’s thesis, the “spirit of capitalism” defined as cultural acceptance of capitalism, was probably best worked out by Amintore Fanfani in Catholicism, Capitalism and Protestantism (London: Sheed and Ward, 1935), 122-153.

[13] Weber, 119.

[14] Ibid., 123.

[15] Weber, 42-43.

[16] R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: A Historical Study (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1948), 118.

[17] See Eric Gans, “The Originary Hypothesis (Stanford Version),” paragraphs 6-11, Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 402, November 20, 2010, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw402/

[18] Ibid., paragraphs 2-4. Gans faced that critique squarely and as a result extended the interpretive reach of GA, mainly by refuting the critique while at the same time refusing to dismiss the “social contract”—a great originary intuition of the Enlightenment. One fruit of Gans’ response was his sweeping study The Scenic Imagination (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2008).

[19] David S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: W.W. Norton, 1998), 174.

[20] Giddens, xviii-xxiii.

[21] Tawney (note 16).

[22] Tawney, xii-xv.

[23] Ibid., 102.

[24] Ibid., 104-105.

[25] Fanfani (note 12).

[26] Ibid, note 12.

[27] Ibid., 28-29.

[28] See for instance, ibid., 158-159.

[29] “Amintore Fanfani,” Obituary, The Guardian , November 22, 1999, https://www.theguardian.com/news/1999/nov/22/guardianobituaries1

[30] Republished in Dawson, The Dynamics of World History , ed. John J. Mulloy (Wilmington, Delaware: ISI Books, 2002), 211-223.

[31] Ibid., 211.

[32] Ibid., 218.

[33] Ibid., 218.

[34] See my “Subculture, Conformity, and Sacrifice: Kamikaze Girls through a Mimetic Lens,” Apocalypse Deferred: Girard and Japan , ed. Jeremiah L. Alberg (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2017), 149-168.

[35] See Eric Gans, Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 216-217. See also chapters 10 and 11, “The Romantic Esthetic” and “The Modernist Esthetic” (164-206), which usefully parallel and complement Dawson’s observations.

[36] Data on comparative economic development strikingly corroborates Weber’s thesis over more than four centuries. Reformation countries, particularly Calvinist ones, consistently out-performed Counter-Reformation countries economically, producing 80% of the wealth from the time of the reformation even up to 1980. The data is summarized by historian Pierre Chaunu and quoted by Jean-Pierre Dupuy in Economy and the Future: A Crisis of Faith , trans. M. B. DeBevoise (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2014), 91-92.

[37] Orson Welles, chapter 14, The Third Man , directed by Carol Reed, screenplay by Graham Greene (London: London Film Productions, 1949). It can be noted that Harry’s “entrepreneurial spirit” belies this psychopathic grandiosity—associating his criminal atrocities with Renaissance genius. Harry is no Machiavelli, but a bourgeois aberration.

[38] The End of History and the Last Man (New York: The Free Press, 1992).

[39] The Catholic Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: The Free Press, 1993).

[40] Centesimus Annus (Vatican: The Holy See, 1991), http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_01051991_centesimus-annus.html

[41] See for instance the commentary on Centesimus Annus by Thomas Storck, Appendix II, “What Does Centesimus Annus Really Teach?”, An Economics of Justice and Charity: Catholic Social Teaching, Its Development and Contemporary Relevance (Kettering, Ohio: Angelico Press, 2017), 130-142.

[42] Novak, preface, xv.

[43] Laborem Exercens (Vatican: The Holy See, 1981), http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_14091981_laborem-exercens.html

[44] This is typically stated in the paradoxical form, “God creates man, man creates God.” For a fuller explication see part 2 of Eric Gans’ plenary address for the 2018 GA conference in Warsaw, “In the beginning was the word: GA as a religious anthropology—Part 2,” Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 591 (July 21, 2018), http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw591/ . Parts 1 and 2 were republished together in the conference volume, Generative Anthropology and Transdisciplinary Inquiry: Religion, Science, Language, Culture , ed. Magdalena Złocka-Dąbrowska (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie, 2018), 21-34.

[45] See Storck, 145-146.

[46] Trust (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1995).

[47] End of History , 143-152.

[48] A notable example is Girard’s discussion of Romulus and Remus and founding myth in The Scapegoat , trans. Yvonne Freccero (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 88-94.

[49] See note 3.

[50] See for instance Gans’ “Liberal Democracy Today,” Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 609, February 16, 2019, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw609/ For my own summary and commentary on Fukuyama’s “End of History” thesis, including a review of Gans’ frequent yet qualified and nuanced endorsement of it, see “Scenes of Distress: Reflections on Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History,’” Anthropoetics , 22, no. 2 (Spring, 2017), http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/ap2202/2202taylor/

[51] For but one example see Eric Gans, “The Crisis of Christianity,” Chronicles of Love and Resentment , no. 491, July 18, 2015, http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/views/vw491/

[52] Dupuy, note 36.

[53] See for instance Dupuy’s “Panic and the Paradoxes of the Social Order,” Passions in Economy, Politics, and the Media: In Discussion with Christian Theology , ed. Wolfgang Palaver and Petra Steinmair-Posel (Vienna: LIT Verlag, 2005), 215-234; Paul Dumouchel’s, The Ambivalence of Scarcity and Other Essays (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2014), 3-138; André Orléan’s “Money and Mimetic Speculation,” Violence and Truth: On the Work of René Girard , ed. Paul Dumouchel (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988), 101-112; Orléan’s The Empire of Value: A New Foundation for Economics (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2014).

[54] Economy and the Future , 91.

[55] Ibid., 99.

[56] Ibid., 92-93.

[57] Ibid., 108-111.

[58] Ibid., 106-109.

[59] Ibid, 110-125.

[60] The Gervais Principle, Part I-VI, ribbonfarm (October 7, 2009-May 16, 2013), https://www.ribbonfarm.com/the-gervais-principle/

[61] See Rao’s short lecture sponsored by the Economist , “The Gervais Principle,” online video segment,  YouTube (May 5, 2017), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jJYa68AnECY

[62] Hugh MacLeod, “company hierarchy,” gapingvoid Culture Design Group (June 27, 2004), https://www.gapingvoid.com/blog/2004/06/27/company-hierarchy/

[63] Rao, Part I, par. 4.

[64] Note 61.

[65] Rao’s psychosocial analyses within and between the groups cannot be treated here but constitute perhaps the most brilliant element of his series. This would be a worthy subject of GA explication in itself; center, periphery, and generative paradox suffuse Rao’s analyses.

[66] Rao, Part I, par. 8.

[67] Ibid., par. 30.

[68] Ibid., par. 31.

[69] Ibid., par. 3. “Keep in mind that this is an interpretation of The Office as management science; the truth in the art. Literary/artistic critics don’t really seem to get it.”

[70] Rao, Part IV, par. 95-103 (“Empathy, or Why You Losers Cringe at Michael’s Actions”). The aesthetics of “cringeworthiness,” including in The Office , have been subjects of GA analysis. See Kyle Karthauser, “Popular Culture After Postmodernism: Borat , Family Guy , The Office , and the Awkwardness of Being Earnest,” Anthropoetics , 15, no. 2 (Spring 2010) http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/ap1502/1502karthauser/ . See also the paper by Marina Ludwigs for the 2018 GA conference, “Cringing and Other Desacralizing Affects in Post-Millennial Aesthetics,” appearing in Anthropoetics , 24, no. 1 (Fall 2018) http://anthropoetics.ucla.edu/ap2401/2401ludwigs/ Ludwigs’ essay was also published in print in the conference volume, ed. Złocka-Dąbrowska: “Faithless: Desacralization as an Aesthetic Strategy in Some Recent films,” 45-61. But again, from Rao’s perspective (and if he is right, from Gervais’), cringeworthiness in The Office is a secondary effect of “cluelessness” and its primary function is not the aesthetic affront to the audience.

[71] Rao, Part I, par. 5.

[72] Ibid., par. 9.

[73] Rao, Part VI, par. 12-14.

[74] Note 47. In this sense, Rao appropriates aspects of Fukuyama’s thesis that Gans has rejected.

[75] See for instance Sheldon Richman, “Universal Basic Income Proposal Still Fails to Pass Libertarian Scrutiny,” Reason (May 13, 2018), https://reason.com/archives/2018/05/13/universal-basic-income-still-fails

[76] UBI is central to the platform of presidential candidate Andrew Yang. See the interview segment with Joe Rogan, “Presidential Candidate Andrew Yang’s Case for UBI,” Youtube (February 12, 2019) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NAtyv8NpbFQ UBI has also been positively considered by Eric Weinstein as a response to automatization and economic dislocation. See his short lecture “Capitalism 2.0 Will Include a Heavy Dose of Socialism,” sponsored by Big Think, YouTube (June 4, 2017) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xzTmBnaiMdE

[77] WALL-E , directed by Andrew Stanton (Los Angeles: Disney Pixar, 2008).

[78] A review article for a recent book,  Men Without Work: America’s Invisible Crisis, by Nicholas Eberstadt (West Conshohocken, Pennsylvania: Templeton Press, 2016), describes the human toll of worklessness in recent years, especially among millions of men. See Michael Cook, “America’s Ghost Legions of Idle Men,” Intellectual Takeout (October 18, 2018), https://www.intellectualtakeout.org/blog/americas-ghost-legions-idle-men?fbclid=IwAR2F8VlM43oVXdT7csGgQJcaOqUjUE6e_9QI6w9ExcNZ_gip5bvnsfGuxdE

[79] Mad Scientist, Impossible Human: An Essay in Generative Anthropology (Aurora, Colorado: The Davies Group: 2014).

[80] See again “Scenes of Distress: Reflections on Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History,’” par. 44.

[81] Ibid., par. 43.

[82] Note 47.

[83] “Gods of the Marketplace: The Work Ethic from Max Weber to Venkatesh Rao.” Złocka-Dąbrowska, 77-100.