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Part of the 100-acre Hub RTP development in North Carolina’s Research Triangle Park, the two-block development of Horseshoe will transform the live-work-play experience. This mixed-use project features on-site restaurants, retail and creative office space with a “high tech meets nature” theme that’s reflected in Hub RTP’s location along creeks, trails and naturalized outdoor space.

  • Case Studies

How Mixed-Use Developments Can Ease Urban Density

Despite historic pandemic lows in population growth, the U.S. population is increasing , and urban centers face continued pressure to answer the demand for housing and mixed-use amenities through densification and adaptive reuse. Designers can bring multiple strategies to alleviate these challenges and promote more livable and climate-conscious solutions.

Rising Demand for Mixed-Use Development

The pandemic increased demand for workplace flexibility. By co-locating office, residential and mixed-use functions, designers can provide flexibility for individual working needs while transforming the commute and reducing car travel by facilitating walkability.

The 2023 commercial real estate market foresees a challenging year thanks to global, macroeconomic forces. However, projects that include or are adjacent to residential and other mixed-use functions are in high demand, as many metropolitan areas across the country are experiencing a housing shortage. With workforce housing especially lacking in many cities, the densification of urban areas is growing, and developers are focusing on projects with mixed-use amenities to create livable, 24/7 cities.

Fostering Healthy, Active Lifestyles in Cities Experiencing Rapid Growth

Public health researchers for many years have noted that unhealthy behaviors are the consequences of an unhealthy environment . One of the most critical factors in designing mixed-use developments and offices is providing options. Trends in design over the past decade include creating multiple places to go about the day’s tasks within any environment, whether you’re in the comfort of your home, in a collaborative office space or sitting at a table outdoors.

Providing options for collaboration, privacy, and working engenders a sense of comfort and control. At 301 Hillsborough at Raleigh Crossing, an amenity level shared by multiple tenants is centered on a hospitality-oriented approach to provide people a flexible space to suit their needs. They can catch up with a coworker over cold brew, organize an event with access to the outdoor terrace or simply have a quiet place for taking a break.

Transforming vacant or underutilized sites into public plazas and amenities can further connections to nature and allow city residents to enjoy fresh air, an alternative spot to work or attend community events. As the first phase of the 100-acre Hub RTP development, the two-block development of Horseshoe will transform the live-work-play experience. The innovative mixed-use project will redefine and reinvigorate Research Triangle Park, North Carolina, with on-site restaurants and retail and creative office space.

The “high tech meets nature” theme is reflected in Hub RTP’s location along a network of creeks, trails and naturalized outdoor space on the site’s western edge. Extensive access to the outdoors at the ground floor and via balconies and terraces for office levels distinguishes the Horseshoe development in this market.

Connecting new developments to existing cultural, natural and recreational resources can provide tenants with new opportunities for social and personal development. Walkable neighborhoods with restaurants, retail, workplaces and housing foster an active and balanced lifestyle. By orienting the office building and two retail pavilions in a U configuration, Horseshoe shapes a central landscaped plaza shared by neighboring residents. A small event lawn will host concerts and other performances. Artwork curated into niches in ground-level facades, along organic pathways and sunken terraces further enhance the complex as a public plaza. Open views offer easy navigation and encourage exploration.

Reimagining Parking Structures to Transform Neighborhoods

NCR Global Headquarters transformed an underutilized parking lot into a transparent and transformative work environment with two distinct towers and a multi-layered vertical program. Public review sessions with Midtown Alliance led to NCR being featured in the nonprofit’s design guidelines as an exemplary urban response.

NCR Global Headquarters transformed an underutilized parking lot into a transparent and transformative work environment with two distinct towers and a multi-layered vertical program. NCR’s visibility from HWY 75/85—traveled by a million people a day—and adjacency to innovative engineering and design programs at Georgia Tech and SCAD provides an urban environment rich with amenities for NCR’s employees.

Typically, city sites near interstate highways are considered development “dead zones.” Instead, this project’s smart building layout, sensitive site design, and visionary developer and design team reimagined a potentially undesirable location as a marquee urban headquarters. The Fortune 500 company’s relocation brought 3,600 jobs to Atlanta.

During NCR’s design, the project team engaged in public review sessions with Midtown Alliance—a non-profit organization dedicated to planning and developing buildings focused on the safety and quality of the physical environment in Midtown Atlanta. Extensive design materials, including physical models and drawings, were presented for comment and recommendation.

This collaboration led to NCR being featured in the Midtown Alliance Owner’s Manual design guidelines as an exemplary urban response. The case study highlighted the project’s creation of walkable blocks and open spaces, greater density, matching setbacks, compatible massing, unobtrusive driveways and attractive screening. Green design features specific to water quality, groundwater and rainwater harvesting systems, and low-flow fixtures contribute to the complex using 35% less water than a typical office building.

Connecting Mixed-Use Developments to Urban Greenways and Greenspaces

With increased awareness of the impacts of climate change, urban greenspace provides opportunities for key climate mitigation strategies including stormwater runoff control, sunshading, reducing the heat island effect, water filtration and air purification.

Human health is improved by access to greenspace and natural areas. Greenspaces in urban settings have been recognized as having great potential for protecting and promoting human health and well-being. The Republic, a 48-story office tower in Austin, Texas, is located on a full block next to Republic Square—a fully renovated urban park and one of Austin’s four original public squares. A 60-foot setback allows for an expansive covered entry courtyard and a public plaza that expands and complements the Republic Square Park as a destination for events, farmers markets and public art installations. Integrated ground-floor retail faces the plaza and is included on all four sides of the tower. The completed project is expected to be the city’s next landmark building, serving as a nexus point with direct connections to a future light rail serving the City of Austin.

Jay Smith serves as Principal and Design Director at Duda|Paine for diverse corporate, commercial and institutional building typologies. His leadership and strength in analysis and conceptual thinking has established award-winning projects at Duda|Paine including The Republic, NCR Global Headquarters, NC Central University Student Center, 301 Hillsborough at Raleigh Crossing and master plans for UNC Asheville and UNC Pembroke. 

Sanjeev Patel

Sanjeev Patel, who serves as Principal and Design Director at Duda|Paine, is motivated to make the built environment more meaningful and sustainable to inspire well-being and provide opportunities for building community. His expertise has facilitated a broad range of award-winning projects and diverse building typologies, including Horseshoe at Hub RTP, Stratus Midtown in Atlanta, Walton Family Whole Health & Fitness, Duke Student Wellness Center, and Cox Campus in Atlanta. 

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India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions

case study for mixed use building

The term ‘mixed-use’ developments in the context of a quintessential modern Indian city like Pune is a fittingly appropriate concept, as it advocates flexibility in space design and helps maximize the scope of sustainable development. 

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet1

Mixed-use properties cater to and comprise commercial, residential, cultural, and sometimes even industrial functions. These properties are often designed on compact pieces of land and deemed to be a resourceful way of utilizing and revitalizing certain underdeveloped areas. 

Set in a mixed urban fabric,  India House , one such remarkable mixed-use building designed by Christopher Charles Benninger (Principal Architect, CCBA), houses the firm’s corporate architecture studio, a guesthouse, an art gallery, public spaces, and even the architect’s residence. 

This article sheds light on the design philosophy , planning, concept, and highlights of this structure. 

Concept and Style 

Sitting on a modest urban plot of 1000 sqm, the design of India House is based on the concept of the Maharashtrian courtyard dwelling, also known as  wada . While most wadas today are being conserved or adaptively reused, Christopher Benninger has managed to keep their essence alive in India House by drawing inspiration from their design characteristics. 

The massing of this building is a well-ordered configuration of three almost equal-sized volumes, the middle volume acting as an atrium to admit sunlight and breezes. The atrium also acts as a unifying element in the anatomy of the structure, seamlessly tying together the various degrees of privacy of the spaces that surround it. 

It is especially noteworthy that, despite being a mixed-use establishment, the utmost care has been taken to ensure that none of the functions clash with the others. This means that the building can simultaneously function as a full-capacity architecture studio while entertaining an artists’ group in the art gallery equally efficiently without the functions of either being disrupted.

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet2

The planning of India House owes its flexibility to the wholesome and meticulous area program. Akin to the hierarchy of spaces followed in a  wada , the public, semi-public and private spaces in this building are organized clearly. 

Christopher Charles Benninger designed the central courtyard as the main public gathering space where many festivities, pujas, and community events are often held. It also serves as an inviting plaza for people who enter the space from the outside hustle of the city. The house also has assigned private spaces like offices that are subtly given a layer of privacy with the street area and the courtyard. 

The street forms a breakout space and adds character to the complex. Landscaping has been used as a tool with the dual purpose of beautification and also acts as a buffer space while establishing said hierarchy. The architect has used water liberally as an element in the form of lap pools and lotus ponds, which also help optimize the microclimate of the premises.  

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet4

Within the building, jack-arches with concrete frames coupled with double-height spaces advocate a level of porosity through the building. The elevation facing the approach road is solid and makes the composition look strikingly modern. The facades are either solid or are regulated with windows in granite frames to bring sunlight and ventilation into the spaces within. 

Christopher Charles Benninger has adopted the concept of traditional screens or  jaali , lining the internal elevations of the main courtyard with operable louvres, which help to cut off unnecessary glare and regulate north light. The jaali louvres also attribute a sense of privacy to the atrium space. 

Clad in sandstone, the external façade facing the arterial road is adorned with hand-carved emblems and motifs of all beliefs and religions as an ode to secularism and also to serve as a reminder of the dwindling crafts in the country. 

Additionally, the sandstone façade facilitates the blocking out of sound, making it an internal-reflecting space. A believer in critical regionalism, the architect has used locally sourced Indian stones like kadappa and marble extensively in the building. 

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet5

Noteworthy Characteristics

Entrance portal.

Christopher Benninger highlighted the entrance by providing a contrast to the sandstone façade, in the form of an eighteenth-century wooden door, or  Mahadwara , which was salvaged from an ancient haveli in north India. 

Upon entering the  Mahadwara , following the line of sight of the user, one’s gaze automatically becomes fixed upon a large bust of Shiva which was crafted in Madurai, Tamil Nadu.    

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet6

Local Arts and Crafts

The interior and exterior spaces are interspersed with bronze statues, paintings, and crafts from all over the sub-continent. Murals that bring out Indian values and sentiments also accent the spaces. Bhutanese prayer wheels introduced near the entrance portal with lush planting, flanked by a lotus pond, transport the user to a space that is significantly different from the chaos of the urban life outside. 

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet7

Internal spaces are adorned with many traditional and contemporary artworks and folk crafts by various artisans from around India. Some artisans also live in the residences for short periods to help revive the fading craftsmanship and skills of the traditional arts and further contribute to the ambience of the building. 

India House, Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger: Inspired by Traditions - Sheet1

A landscape architect with a great zeal for writing, Manali believes that spaces shape our behavior and our fundamental understanding of reality. She loves to travel and then paint her travels with watercolor and words. She is a hopeful realist who thinks sustainability is the answer to most issues.

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case study for mixed use building

case study for mixed use building

Under One Roof: The Evolution of the Mixed-Use Building

case study for mixed use building

Compounded by global issues such as resource scarcity, the migration to cities is placing great responsibility on urban buildings to do many things, and do them well. Mixed-use development, the physically integrated combination of residential, commercial, cultural, and transportation functions, consolidates activity within a structure or neighborhood. In our densifying cities, the adoption and thoughtful execution of mixed-use development is a necessity.

The mixed-use typology is not new; one of the first examples is Trajan’s Market (110 AD) of ancient Rome with both shops and apartments built in a multi-level structure. Historians believe that the building’s arcades were administrative offices of Emperor Trajan, and the remains of a library have been excavated. The rise of the automobile and telecommunication technologies in the 20th Century, meant dispersion. Sprawl prevailed. However, as the population has increasingly migrated into cities over the past thirty years, the mixed-use building has experienced a period of great experimentation and rebirth. At each period, KPF has been a major contributor to the evolution of the mixed-use building type.

case study for mixed use building

The completion of KPF’s 1989 900 North Michigan Avenue was one of the first buildings on Magnificent Mile with a vertical, varied program. The building combines five major uses: a shopping mall with Bloomingdales as an anchor tenant; a Four Seasons Hotel; office space in the tower’s lower section; condominiums on the higher floors; and one of the city’s largest parking garages. With four ‘lanterns’ forming a crown at 260 meters, the tower punctuates Chicago’s skyline with a sophisticated, unified expression. 900 North Michigan was the first of its kind for KPF, and remains the 8th tallest building in the city today.

case study for mixed use building

The value of each floor benefitted from the common desire among tenants and residents alike for a streetfront that invited the city in. It offered proof to the development industry that different uses, like architectural elements themselves, could be brought together to form a new kind of synergy, with a combined effect greater than the sum of its parts.

case study for mixed use building

From 900 North Michigan’s success, KPF was commissioned to design the Japan Rail Central Towers and Station , completed in 2000 in Nagoya, Japan that includes 1.1 million square feet of office space, a 700 + room hotel, 10 restaurants, and a 50,000-square-foot convention center. What made the JR Central Towers extraordinary was the fact that they were built over the largest train station in the world, Nagoya station. The station comprises two national and two private railway lines, four subway lines, Japan Rail and city bus lines, as well as the bullet train Tokaido Shinkansen. This project physically connects the subterranean to sweeping views of the city of Nagoya, with places to work, eat, sleep, and meet in between. It took the commercial synergies of 900 North Michigan and merged them seamlessly with an entire nation’s transportation infrastructure. The project was not only pioneer for vertical living, with public spaces and sky streets to located 10 and 15 stories in the air, but its link to public transportation makes it one of the first and most-successful transit-oriented developments.

case study for mixed use building

In the 2000s, KPF designed some of the most frequently cited mixed-use projects, including Roppongi Hills , completed 2003 in Tokyo, which remains the largest private-sector urban redevelopment in Japan’s history. Several projects in China followed, such as Plaza 66 of 2001, a premier shopping and office address in Shanghai. In Hong Kong, Landmark , also completed in 2006, included the renovation and extension of a retail development, and addition of a boutique hotel; the International Commerce Centre was completed in 2010, with offices, the world’s highest hotel, and a new transportation hub beneath; and Hysan Place followed in 2012 with 32 floors of offices and retail outlets, and a direct link to the Causeway Bay Station.

case study for mixed use building

It was during this period that the Shanghai World Financial Center , the tallest tower in Shanghai and second tallest in the world upon its completion, was completed in 2008. The 380,000 gross-square-meter structure tower houses a mix of office and retail uses, and the Park Hyatt Shanghai. The form, two arcing curves that gesture to the sky with a trapezoidal aperture at the 97th floor, offers a graceful moment of serenity amidst the frenetic environment of Pudong, Shanghai’s Central Business District. At the supertall scale, the responsibility of the architect extends beyond the boundaries of building envelope and project site. Similar to 900 North Michigan, the mixed-use typology took a visual and important place in the skyline. It became an instant symbol of the culture and commerce of the city.

case study for mixed use building

While the firm has continued to design high-rise buildings and supertalls, KPF’s formula for the pronounced vertical stacked tower influenced the firm’s work at the neighborhood level. How can the density of a skyscraper work within a communal town square? This answer is scale. An example is the Jing An Kerry Centre in Shanghai, the multi-use complex features two towers, podium retail, a 508-key hotel, an event center and office amenities arranged around the preserved house where Mao Zedong lived. Fusing the neighborhood’s historic character with modern Shanghai, Jing An Kerry Centre combines high density living with the city street experience. Open-air walkways lined with shops welcome pedestrian activity. Careful integration on the ground level using architectural elements in proportion to the human body – lighting, colors, and materials – connect the soaring towers to the street. Meanwhile, the tall buildings visually mend the skyline by connecting two existing office clusters in the city.

case study for mixed use building

The expertise gained in the creation of one mixed-use neighborhood led to the improvement of another. Covent Garden , with its first existing master plan dating back to 1609, is a renowned district with a culturally and architecturally rich history. In Covent Garden in London, this kind of mixed-use thinking was extended to fine-tune elements for the overall improvement of the neighborhood. Plagued by congestion, run-down facilities, and intensive tourism, Covent Garden had become an avoidable destination for Londoners. KPF’s expertise in mixed-use environments allowed the firm to believe in this historic section of London as a single functioning entity that could sponsor a great diversity of experience. Three major actions are proposed in the master plan: public realm improvements, conservation and re-positioning of the heritage assets, and the replacement of non-contributing outdated buildings with new architecture.

case study for mixed use building

The projects of the early 2000s represented a new approach to mixed-use design that coalesced at the scale of a building, but also at the scale of entire districts. The integration of cultural spaces, public parks, walkable shopping and entertainment areas, and seamless transit connections enriched the urban fabric in their cities. These districts attracted many visitors and lured blue-chip tenants to lease tower floors in order to secure a place at the most vibrant addresses in their cities. The cultural and financial success of the golden age of mixed-use development in Asia attracted the attention of ambitious developers in Europe and in the United States. KPF and many of our peers have since been commissioned for projects in these regions.

case study for mixed use building

The largest private real estate development in the history of the United States, the first phase of Hudson Yards covered 11,340,000 square feet of construction. Drawing on the experience gained over 20 years in complex, mixed-use construction, KPF led the design of the development. Hudson Yards’ defining characteristic is the humanistic design approach to seamlessly blending infrastructure with architectural designs. To complete Related’s ambitious master plan, two platforms bridge 30 active Long Island Rail Road train tracks. Two towers , at 52 stories and 90 stories respectively, completed construction atop the rail yards. The buildings extend through the platform and rise above, with caissons drilled deep into the bedrock between rail lines to support the structures. The combination of the public and private interests, transportation, retail, commerce, residences, and education makes Hudson Yards the most complex mixed-use project in New York since Rockefeller Center.

case study for mixed use building

The popularity of the mixed-use typology has traveled where it is needed. In Chicago, 900 North Michigan set a precedent from which Magnificent Mile grew. In Japan, Roppongi Hills and JR Central towers provided transportation infrastructure and tight-knit urban communities in the country’s most populous cities. Spreading to China, projects like the Shanghai World Financial Center and International Commerce Centre, implemented much-needed vertical density and cultural symbolism in Shanghai and Hong Kong. Now, in New York and throughout the USA, development is benefitting from KPF’s global experience in mixed-use architecture. As cities continue to grow, the mixed-use building will serve as an important tool to densify in a humanizing manner and will be critical to the success of the city in the future.

case study for mixed use building

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  • Collection: Social value of the built environment

The social value of public spaces in mixed-use high-rise buildings

  • Helen Barrie
  • Kelly McDougall
  • Katie Miller
  • Debbie Faulkner

A growing consensus recognises the impact of the built environment on creating thriving communities, particularly as societies face significant social challenges, including increasing population densification and diversification. This raises important questions about how buildings and neighbourhoods play a role in improving people’s lives; and the inherent social value of good building design. A social values framework is used to explore a unique Australian case study: U City in the City of Adelaide, an extreme mixed-use, high-rise building hosting retirement living, disability accommodation, services for some of the communities’ most vulnerable groups, commercial tenants, café/retail outlets and corporate conference facilities. Three public spaces in U City are examined for their role in fostering positive emotions and a sense of belonging among diverse groups of residents, workers and casual users. Qualitative data are gathered from regular focus groups, surveys, observations and innovative resident audits of building spaces. The focus here is on results showing that public spaces in U City are key to fostering ‘community’—expressed in ways that are dynamic, evolving and inclusive—where the successful generation of community is as much about championing the actors involved as it is about the provision and design of building spaces.

Practice relevance

What social outcomes can the creation of quality spaces for ‘public good’ provide? What social value can be placed on incorporating non-hierarchical, dynamic and flexible public spaces into high-rise building design, and what impact does it have on the appeal and functionality of the building? This case study reveals that the design and operation of public places can bring diverse groups of users together by providing opportunities for interaction, engagement, expression and community-building. This study supports improved design/project briefings and promotes new market opportunities for innovative, regenerative vertical urban villages that incorporate flexible, engaging public spaces for community to thrive. Providing end-user benefits for a more diverse community than is typically seen in traditional architectural brief formulation, U City showcases the versatility that can be incorporated into building design to create highly functional, multipurpose, socially engaging and highly valued collective spaces.

  • built environment
  • placemaking
  • social value
  • stakeholder engagement
  • urban design

1. Introduction

Urbanisation is one of the most significant global trends shaping the built environment in the twenty-first century, with most of the world’s population expected to be living in cities by 2035 ( UN-Habitat 2020 ). In lieu of ‘urban sprawl’ (associated with unsustainable environmental and infrastructure demands) there is now a trend in some cities for increasingly dense, high-rise buildings and precincts. Accompanying an increase in high-rise dwellings is the re-emergence of an associated typology: ‘mixed-use’ and, to a lesser degree (but not less significant), ‘extreme mixed-use’ settings, where planned developments incorporate some combination of residential, retail, office and social elements to create a work–live–play environment ( McDonald 2008 ). These evolving urban spaces must meet the needs of diverse population groups as well as usual business and commercial activities ( Frantzeskaki 2016 ; Coles et al . 2018 ). This requires serious consideration of how best to create spaces that enable thriving neighbourhoods and communities ( Samuel 2023 ; Coles et al . 2018 ; Blokland 2017 ).

Space matters to our everyday lives and personal interactions and it is inherent to human existence ( Tuan 1977 ). Spaces for human activity are not passive places but rather active environments that influence, and in turn, are influenced by, the interaction of people ( Gehl 2010 ). As such, where a person lives or works is more than merely a backdrop to their daily life. The design of that space is an important influencing element of how that life is lived and experienced; influencing our behaviour, our sense of wellbeing and our identity ( Peace et al . 2006 ; Gehl 2010 ).

There is growing consensus of the impact of architecture and design on wellbeing and placemaking and that buildings themselves have inherent social value in the way they influence social connectedness, healthier lifestyles, a sense of belonging and positive emotions ( Samuel & Hatleskog 2020 ; Social Value Portal 2019 ). Architects, planners and developers are challenged to demonstrate how wellbeing can be supported and/or enhanced through the planning and design of the urban built environment ( Tonkiss 2013 ; Montgomery 2013 ). Social value is an emerging lens through which to examine architecture, urban planning and development while seeking to understand how we can build for long-term wellbeing, a sense of belonging and stronger, more resilient communities ( Samuel 2023 ; Samuel & Hatleskog 2020 ; Coles et al . 2018 ).

The present paper is based on a three-year research project, ‘Determining the Social Value of Extreme, Mixed-Use Urban Developments’. This project uses Samuel’s ( 2020 ) Social Values Framework to investigate mixed-use vertical communities in the Australian urban context using a unique extreme mixed-use, high-rise building: U City, in the City of Adelaide, South Australia. The aims of the overall project are as follows:

  • To establish how extreme mixed-use building design impacts user behaviours, perceptions and practice of placemaking, and wellbeing.
  • To establish how U City performs in terms of indoor environmental quality, energy consumption and water use.
  • To establish how building performance intersects with user behaviours and wellbeing.
  • To develop a social values metrics relevant for the Australian building, planning and development industries.

This paper focuses on the first of these aims, in particular the role of planned public spaces in mixed-use, high-rise developments. Using data from surveys, focus groups, participant audits and researcher observations, three unique public spaces are examined. The paper showcases the versatility that can be incorporated into building design to create highly functional, multipurpose, socially engaging and highly valued collective spaces.

2. Background

2.1 community.

When considering inner urban, mixed-use buildings that include residential spaces, such as U City, the focus is very much on placemaking and community (spaces of belonging for residents and people working in the building). Defining community is a very subjective process, and increasingly the idea of community as merely a place-based notion has been contested, with increased attention on ‘communities of interest’, particularly with the advent of advanced communication technologies and a rise in individualisation ( Bauman 2001 ). Variables such as gender, culture, language, levels of mobility, location of kinship ties, levels of social interaction and spatial disparities (where people shop, work or access services) influence individual perceptions of community and belonging, particularly when considering placed-based communities ( Delanty 2003 ; Hopper 2003 ).

2.2 Wellbeing and urban places

Urban living has a range of implications for wellbeing and community-building. Positively, people can live closer to their work, education, services and/or entertainment opportunities while reducing travel time and private transport usage. Paradoxically, perceived loss of neighbourhood character and increased isolation are strongly associated with urban living ( Corcoran & Marshall 2017 ); with studies showing that high-density living can result in decreased contact with neighbours or social support systems, a reduced ‘sense of community’ ( Williams 2005 ) and a higher prevalence of mental health issues ( Evans et al . 2003 ; Gifford 2007 ). Research on several high-density living projects in London has found:

it is the interaction between density, design, build quality, location and people that creates a sense of place, and, the greater the density, the more important it is to get the other factors right. ( Blanc et al . 2020: 7 )

Thus, a shift away from the traditional village, town or suburban model of living raises a need to ask how the design of emerging high-density urban ‘lifestyles’ can positively impact our sense of community and neighbourhood, contributing to both collective and individual placemaking, belonging and wellbeing.

The New Economics Foundation’s (NEF) report Five Ways to Wellbeing ( Aked et al . 2011 ) describes wellbeing as having two main functions: feeling good and functioning well. This includes not only parameters of happiness, contentment, enjoyment and engagement, but also having a sense of autonomy, control and purpose. Aked et al . ( 2011 ) developed a set of evidence-based actions that can improve personal wellbeing: opportunities to connect with others; environments that enable individuals to be active ; opportunities to take notice or reflect ; creating chances to keep learning ; and finding ways to give to others and the community.

In more recent years, the literature on the built environment, particularly in relation to social value, has recognised wellbeing as a key element of good design, as seen in the Public Services (Social Value) Act 2012 ( UK Public General Acts 2012 ), RIBA’s ( 2019 ) Sustainable Outcomes Guide and RIBA’s Social Value Toolkit (SVT) ( Samuel 2020 ). The Social Value Act of 2012 has a clear directive aimed at encouraging design innovation to improve social, environmental and economic wellbeing in the built environment. RIBA’s SVT was established to inform the design and viability of new developments, with a framework of five core dimensions that includes ‘wellbeing generated by design’.

Samuel ( 2023 ) explores the relationship between housing, the built environment and wellbeing, placing a particular emphasis on housing and the built environment as influences of physical health, self-actualisation and community identity. Samuel highlights the need for design and the planning of urban spaces to include quality spaces that foster and enable social interactions (such as community centres, community gardens, cafes, etc .). Amenities for social interaction between neighbours are seen as particularly important in high-density locations.

2.3 From diverse neighbourhoods to mixed-use buildings

In the most fundamental sense, mixed-use is the concept of mixing a variety of (ideally, mutually supporting) land uses in close proximity. Typical of many historical villages and habitats, the revival of mixed-use was first seriously considered by Jacobs in her seminal The Death and Life of Great American Cities ( 1961 ) where she argues for the importance of a diversity of uses in city neighbourhoods. Increased interest in the mixed-use urban form has also come about because of growing environmental concerns and the detrimental effects of ‘urban sprawl’ ( Grant 2002 ).

Definitions of mixed-use development are diverse and varied ( Coupland 1997 ; Rowley 1996 ). One of the most widely referenced definitions of mixed-use comes from the US Urban Land Institute ( Schwanke 2003 ), which suggests mixed-use has three important factors: (1) three or more significant revenue-producing uses that are mutually supporting; (2) significant physical and functional integration of project components; and (3) development in conformance with a coherent plan. The UK definition ( Planning Portal 2009 ) describes mixed-use developments a little more simply as the provision of a mix of complementary uses, such as residential, community and leisure uses, on a site or within a particular area. The Property Council of Australia defines mixed-use as a:

single building or site accommodating three or more uses such as residential, hotel, commercial, industrial, entertainment, education, medical or recreation. ( McDonald 2008: 26 )

Some scholars ( Holl et al . 2014 ) have used the term ‘hybrid building’ to describe a higher level of integration that goes beyond simply having a range of facilities, users or outlets on-site; there is also a catalyst for integration across users and spaces within the building. Holl et al . ( 2014: 12 ) note the potential of hybrid buildings to ‘become localised “social condensers” for new communities’.

The increasing support for mixed-use development is viewed by many (perhaps misguidedly) as an automatic or easy solution for good urban form ( Rowley 1996 ), particularly as a key strategy to limit the adverse effects of urban sprawl ( Grant 2002 ; Frank 1994 ). Supporters of mixed-use maintain that city precincts or mixed-use developments will become more viable, attractive, sustainable and safer places in which to live and work ( Frank 1994 ; Coupland 1997 ). There is, however, little evidence to support these arguments. More work needs to be done, post-occupancy, to shore up these social value claims of mixed-use developments.

3. The U City case study

U City (an extreme mixed-use development) is located in the central business district of Adelaide, the capital city of South Australia. South Australia has a population of over 1.7 million, with more than 75% of the population (1.3 million) living in the metropolitan area. Despite being a small city, Adelaide’s population density ranks second in Australia, just after Melbourne, at 404 people/km 2 due to its compact planning.

Designed by world renowned global architecture firm Woods Bagot P/L, the 19-storey U City was completed in 2019. U City operates as a carbon neutral, 6-Star-rated building (according to the Australian Green Building Council) and was awarded the 2020 ‘Good Design Australia’ award in the category of Social Impact ( Good Design Australia 2020 ) ( Figure 1 ). U City is located in a diverse neighbourhood of cultural, entertainment and business activities.

U City, Adelaide: exterior

U City, Adelaide: exterior.

Source: Trevor Mein. Reproduced with the permission of Uniting Communities (UC).

The U City building was envisioned and developed by Uniting Communities (UC). UC, a not-for-profit service provider established in 1864 in South Australia, provides a broad range of community services for vulnerable and disenfranchised population groups. The brief for U City was to create a ‘vertical village’ housing UC’s head office and many of its services, but also as a place where all UC clients would feel they belonged. At the same time the building was expected to generate an income through commercial tenancies and ‘high end’ retirement accommodation. For a full breakdown of the building’s uses, see Figure 2 .

U City functions: exploded axonometric

U City functions: exploded axonometric.

Source: Katie Miller.

What makes this building unique is its extreme mixed-use architectural typology—a blend of public and private functions, diverse user groups with a broad consideration to local community, and broader neighbourhood needs (economic, social, environmental and cultural). Responding to the contemporary urban condition, it has been planned and concept designed with a unique ‘mix’ of functions (civic, culture, education, health, living, retail, etc .) brought together under one roof. It is Australia’s only example of an extreme mixed-use development and, to date, one of very few built in the world. U City aspires to be a socially sustainable building that improves the wellbeing of residents and users, making it an ideal case study through which to explore the social value of architecture.

4. Data and methods

4.1 research methodology.

The research uses a case study methodological approach as defined by Priya ( 2021 ), who, building on the work of Yin ( 2009 , 2014 ), asserts the case study is not simply a method of data collection. A case study methodology ‘involves a detailed study of the concerned unit of analysis within its natural setting’ ( Priya 2021: 95 ) and generally uses several techniques for data collection, and the unit of analysis of the case study can range from an individual to an organisation.

The overall project collects both quantitative and qualitative data from, and about, different user groups and about the physical performance of the building itself, a strategy common for case study research when trying to cover the case from many different angles ( Priya 2021 ; Yin 2009 , 2014 ). Triangulation of data is used to overcome biases from any single data-collection method, a well-recognised and longstanding approach to study social phenomena ( Denzin 1970 , 1989 ; Bryman 2008 ).

Figure 3 shows the participant groups and data-collection tools used in the overall project. Intensive users of U City, residents and workers, were invited to participate in several different forms of data collection, with some taking part in one, some or all the data-collection activities shown in the green section of Figure 3 . The items contained within the red circle of Figure 3 indicate the data sources synthesised and explored in this paper.

Participant groups and data-collection tools for the U City case study

Participant groups and data-collection tools for the U City case study.

Source: Kelly McDougall.

The following SVT indicators ( Samuel 2020 ) were used in building observations, user surveys, audits and focus groups to frame much of the data collection on wellbeing:

  • Positive emotions (a sense of belonging, feeling pride in where I live/work, feeling safe, sense of purpose).
  • Connecting ( e.g . people look out for each other, opportunities to interact, sense of social responsibility for this place).
  • Freedom and flexibility (autonomy, control about what I do and how I live my life or express myself, choices in life).
  • Participation (meaningful activities, purpose in life, opportunities to engage).

The research design involves inductive and deductive thematic analysis ( Braun & Clarke 2006 ). Thus, some themes, i.e . those related to the SVT and the selected public spaces explored in this paper, were predetermined, and qualitative data were mined for content fitting these themes. Additional themes ( e.g . ‘mixed-use building’, ‘barriers to engagement’ or ‘community-building’) were generated through interaction with the data ( Priya 2021: 106 ). Cross-thematic analyses of all qualitative data were conducted by the research team in MS Excel.

4.2 Data-collection tools

While data collection for this project is ongoing until the end of 2023, this paper examines data from building observations, resident and occupant surveys, participant building audits and focus groups at the mid-point of data collection (July 2022–March 2023) as it relates to three selected public spaces in U City:

  • The ground-floor lobby space
  • U City art studio

4.2.1 Focus groups

Focus groups are held monthly in a public space within U City, covering themes from the SVT and other topics relevant to user experience at U City. Each focus group lasts about 60–90 minutes, with at least 12 focus groups to be conducted over the life of the project. Focus group data are audio-recorded and then transcribed for thematic analysis. This paper includes analysis of data from the first three focus groups, with the following topics:

  • Your U City ‘journey’ . Why you chose U City as a place to live or work, and what the transition has been like? ( n = 7 participants, residents and staff).
  • What makes U City community? How do you feel about U City as a place to live or work? ( n = 15 participants, residents and staff).
  • Accessibility of U City and participation in U City’s design . What spaces in U City do you use? Can you access and adapt spaces to meet your needs? Have you provided input into the design of U City or its programmes? ( n = 12 participants, residents and staff).

4.2.2 Building and neighbourhood audits

The purpose of participant-generated audits is to proactively collect ‘real time’ data about building and neighbourhood use and perceptions (where they are, who they are with, how long they plan to be there and how they feel about different physical attributes of the space they are auditing). Audits generate quantitative and qualitative data, including optional photographs.

At the time of writing (July 2023), a total of n = 50 audits have been completed about spaces within U City; of these n = 14 audits were completed about the ground floor lobby area, n = 6 audits about the art studio and n = 2 audits about level 3 Inbari Ku. Only qualitative information from audit surveys about these spaces was included in the analysis for this paper.

4.2.3 Worker and resident survey

The U City worker and resident survey collects background demographic information about respondents, experiences, perceptions and usage of U City building spaces, and a series of qualitative open-ended questions at the end of each series of questions related to each of the four SVT themes. Survey data for this paper include n = 34 responses, made up of 50% U City staff/50% U City residents, 49% female respondents and representation across all five-year age groups from 18 to 85, with 41% aged 65 or over.

4.2.4 Researcher observations

Data from researcher observations are used in this paper to describe the identified spaces, their uses, layout and any key characteristics as triangulated data in conjunction with participant data from focus groups, audits and surveys. Observations of public spaces are two hours in duration, with information recorded at 30-minute intervals throughout the two-hour observation window on the following themes:

  • People’s use of the space (including numbers, flow of movement, any engagement with art/seating/soft and hard surfaces, and activities in the space).
  • Composition of people using the space.
  • What is the ‘vibe’ of the place/people using the space (including levels of interaction, noise and activity).

Researchers also record contextual information including time of day and weather conditions, and have the option to upload photos of the space during the observation period.

A total of n = 20 observations of the lobby space areas and n = 13 observations of the level-3 Inbari Ku space were included in the analysis for this paper. The art studio is not included as one of the regular observation zones for the study because its use is more programme based rather than a free-flow public space and it is located outside of the new build. However, researchers have experienced activities taking place in the art studio, explored descriptions of activities through focus groups and surveys, and have observed studio activities taking place in different public spaces at U City.

The following section provides a description of three selected public spaces in U City. These three spaces were selected for their unique nature within the building: they are non-commercial, publicly accessible spaces. For each space, relevant data were included to show how these spaces are used and perceived by the study participants. Examples of different forms of community-building are discussed, along with factors about the design and use of the space that encourage interaction and connection.

5.1 Ground floor lobby

The ground floor lobby is the first point of contact when entering U City through the main entrance. This large space is open and accessible to the public, U City visitors, residents and staff. This area houses a concierge desk staffed 24/7, lounge and table seating area, public artwork, retail shop (Goodwill charity store), a restaurant and a café, a throughfare to the building stairwell, lift bank, public toilets and ‘back of house’ facilities ( Figure 4 ). The lobby space is an activated, light-filled, double-height space with street frontage. It has a very open, ‘soft’ corporate feel, with lots of public artwork to add colour, personalisation and interest.

Architectural plan of U City: ground level, highlighting the main lobby space

Architectural plan of U City: ground level, highlighting the main lobby space.

Source: Woods Bagot. Reproduced with the permission of Uniting Communities (UC).

Observation data show that the lobby space is a key community space in the building. It is sometimes a transitory space, for visitors, residents and staff to pass through to get where they are going, but many other uses of this space have also been observed by the research team and noted by participants in focus groups and audits. For example, the artist-in-residence leads an ‘open to everyone’ art session every Friday morning here ( Figure 5 ). Public community events are also hosted here, and the tables are often rearranged to allow the restaurant seating to spill over into the open space.

U City lobby featuring the concierge (background) and lounge/dining area hosting a Friday morning art group session (foreground)

U City lobby featuring the concierge (background) and lounge/dining area hosting a Friday morning art group session (foreground).

Source: Helen Barrie.

At an individual level, the open seating arrangements in the lobby provide a comfortable space in which to sit independently and observe or meet with others. This aligns with the research findings of Blanc et al . ( 2020: 81 ) who noted: ‘Having somewhere pleasant to sit means people might linger, helping to animate the space.’ The authors also concluded that users should pass through these spaces as a regular part of their day to ensure common spaces within high-density developments are used and ‘feel welcoming’, and that in many cases it is best that amenities be open to the public rather than reserved for residents only. Participants at U City commented on their positive impressions of the lobby space in terms of both the design and ‘feel’ of the space:

helpful, friendly concierges, good cooperation from Luigi’s [restaurant] to service people in the general foyer area, good natural light, comfortable seating to meet different needs, attractive and interesting art decoration and [Lego] model of this unique community building, great mix of community and visitors in this space and good mix of ages. (U City resident) I think the foyer is one of the real strengths of this building and community […] such a lively place, there is so much colour and art. (U City resident)

The concierge staff are seen as having a pivotal role in the creation of community both in the lobby space and across the entirety of the U City building. U City workers and residents are often observed having extended chats with the concierge staff, adding to the welcoming feel of the space and a sense that building users are part of a broader, building-wide community.

The flexible nature of the lobby space allows it to accommodate and be used by people for a range of purposes. The space manages a fine balance between corporate transitory space and a comfortable, ‘homely’ space for informal interactions to occur, which promotes positive emotions and a sense of wellbeing from residents, workers and casual users. Residents talked about the lobby space as being somewhere you ‘always see someone you know and could stop to chat’, while staff talk about the lobby as a place they enjoy ‘saying hello’ to concierge, residents and others as a nice part of their day.

It’s a place that a lot of us will rock up, you know, mid-morning and will always run into other neighbours to say hello. So, I just wanted to sort of give that very positive feedback about the thought that went behind the design of our foyer. (U City resident)

Importantly, users of the lobby space showcase the diversity of U City users and residents—people with disability, older people, people with pets, disenfranchised service users, lawyers (building tenants), casual users from nearby corporate offices, and UC staff and management are all visible and confident users of this space—enhancing and showcasing the rich fabric of the U City community.

5.2 ‘Inbari ku’

Inbari Ku means ‘meeting place’ in the local Indigenous language of the Kaurna people. The space has a meeting room at one end that can be opened up for larger events; a large outdoor terrace that runs across the front of the building with flexible casual seating; a fully functioning kitchen; flexible indoor seating areas; and screens (for events or presentations) ( Figure 6 ).

Architectural plan of U City: level 3, highlighting the Inbari Ku space

Architectural plan of U City: level 3, highlighting the Inbari Ku space.

This space is offered as a ‘general purpose’ space for staff, residents and casual users of U City. It is used as a waiting space for people attending appointments in the building; a meeting and training space for staff; a kitchen space for staff, volunteers and small groups of service users ( e.g . the drug and alcohol programmes cook and eat a communal lunch every Friday); casual users from the street; and is booked for larger UC and tenant functions. The space is used for combined U City community events, but overwhelmingly it is a casual space for general day-to-day use ( Figure 7 ) and reflects a sense of ownership and pride amongst its myriad users, aligning with Jacobs & Lees’ ( 2013 ) discussions around ‘defensible space’, where poor architectural design was considered to create opportunities for criminal activity with good urban design that provided residents with patches of ‘territory’ over which they felt some ownership and sense of responsibility, and that enabled them to be agents in ensuring their own security.

Inbari Ku on typical mid-weekday

Inbari Ku on typical mid-weekday.

The public availability of this space allows different people and groups to interact and build connections, share, strengthen relationships and, potentially, build community. Comments from those who have used the space indicate people’s appreciation for this space and its design:

Pleasant colouring, interesting artwork including outside the windows on the balcony, good lighting, and facilities. I also enjoy the shared use of the space by workers, residents, visitors, and the survey team. (U City resident)

Observation data show ample evidence of a connection between individuals and across different groups occurring in this space; however, the potential for better utilisation of this space was identified. It was acknowledged through focus groups that while more use of this space had been intentioned, the advent of COVID-19 and the ensuing restrictions on public gatherings altered activity. Wider promotion of this space to groups at U City, such as the retirement village community or disability housing residents, would likely encourage renewed interactions between groups within this space.

I think this space has greater potential for mixed-use (not just large, one-off events, but smaller, regular activity). One example might be [to] bring your own [lunch] on a certain day of the week to catch up with or introduce yourself to other residents, including people from disability accommodation and workers. (U City resident)

5.3 U City arts studio

Public artwork and the value of communication, expression and belonging through art, literature and craft has been an important consideration throughout U City’s development. As such, an artist-in-residence has been employed and a dedicated art space provided at U City to promote this ethos and to run regular art projects and events with UC programme users, residents and the public.

Although originally planned to be on the first floor of the new development; the entire ground floor of the previous UC head office, an older co-located building in Pitt Street, has been handed over to art facilities and programmes ( Figure 8 ). The space includes a large studio for group art activities, a craft/hobby room (embroidery, knitting, etc .), a men’s shed/workshop, several smaller studio spaces for artists-in-residence (writers, painters, sculptors, jewellery makers), and a gallery space. A series of large windows facing the street showcase the changing art displays.

U City art studio

U City art studio.

I was delighted to see what had been achieved […] these unoccupied offices had been cleaned up, lighting improved, and being used by artists of different sorts for creative work—different individuals had occupied each office space and were using a different medium—a hive of activity […] a room with a natural light was being used as a ‘teaching’ space for a group to attend. […] A great achievement […] making life more meaningful for many. (U City resident)

As the U City art studio is not a part of the new construction, it provides a good point of contrast to the other spaces discussed, with some observed accessibility, safety and aesthetic differences in the quality of this space. For example, as one resident commented:

It is a well-worn building with aged heating/cooling systems, is not maintained or cleaned like the new U City building and has ‘make do’ furniture. A properly set up arts facility in a new building would be clearly much more comfortable and fit for purpose. (U City resident)

This space and the associated programmes provide an example of a space at U City with a more explicit focus on a shared interest—art—helping to build a sense of community amongst participants from diverse backgrounds. As such it can be seen as both a neighbourhood-based community (for residents, workers and members of the public) and also a community of interest, drawing diverse groups together through a common interest.

The service I work with has been engaged with the U City artist-in-residence to support an art-based project we’ve hosted with the community. Members of the building and UC have attended these sessions, creating a lovely inter-generational interaction and involvement for the project. (UC staff member)

The U City art studio runs a range of activities, in both the studio and other areas of the U City building. The art studio community is also responsible for some of the public art found throughout the UC building and office spaces ( Figure 9 ). Comments from participants show the U City art studio and programmes are of very high value to those who use them. The artist-in-residence is seen by U City residents and staff as instrumental in creating a sense of engagement and, indeed, community amongst users of these programmes, and for U City as a whole. This has been achieved by providing an inviting atmosphere, interactive tools and displays, and openness to a variety of activities.

Community art initiatives in the U City lobby

Community art initiatives in the U City lobby.

‘C’ [artist-in-residence] has made this a welcoming creative space with lots of tools available. She keeps the window displays interesting and changing which really creates dynamic and public interest. (U City resident) The artist residence is an amazing person and inspires me to do art and extend my skills. (U City resident)

Residents want assurance that a dedicated art space and programme will be included and expanded on in the next UC building development, emphasising that this has become a valued asset to their community. However, the fact that the art studio is not accessible and visible from the main lobby area in U City is seen as a disadvantage for both an awareness of, and accessibility to, the space. As also concluded by Blanc et al . ( 2020 ), this underlines the importance of the physical design and location of public spaces in enabling them to be accessible to allow for community-building. As noted by a study participant:

I have enjoyed observing some of the community-building activities conducted by [artist-in-residence] with her different art workshops each week, however due to her studio being physically located outside the U City building, it still feels somewhat disconnected. (UC staff member)

The art studio is an example of the refurbishment of a previously corporate space for a community purpose—where the design of the space itself is not key to its success but rather it is a community champion who has developed a thriving and engaging community space.

5.4 Social value themes related to wellbeing and community-building

The above results explored selected public spaces at U City to consider how they are used and what opportunities they present for encouraging a positive sense of wellbeing and community. Tying the experiences and perceptions of U City users to the specific spaces within the building they are using and valuing regularly is seen as important because, as stated by Samuel ( 2023: 76 ):

social value was a fairly meaningless term without knowing where the social value actually happens […] we need to know with some accuracy what is happening where.

However, understanding of how U City residents and users feel about the building, and the U City community as a whole, is also important. U City was designed to add ‘social value’ to the lives of people who use it, and the data below support this aim at the broader ‘whole of building’ level.

The U City resident and worker survey ( n = 34) relating to the identified social values theme of ‘positive emotions’, found a large proportion of respondents ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ with the statements: ‘I feel safe in this building’ (85%), ‘I feel a sense of pride about this building’ (82%), ‘I feel a sense of belonging in the U City building’ (80%) and ‘the design of the U City building lifts my spirits’ (76%). Additionally, 60% of respondents strongly agree and 28% agree that ‘U City is a good place to live or work’. These factors form a critical foundation for building strong communities and promoting wellbeing.

Comments in response to survey questions show that while the design of U City is considered important, other factors such as the activities in which people take part, and social networks that exist outside of U City, also play an important role in promoting a sense of individual belonging and wellbeing.

Belonging doesn’t come from physical design only. It’s the people who create the belonging […]. (U City resident) The building is fantastic but that alone wouldn’t keep me here if who I worked with was hard to be around. (UC staff member)

Participant comments also highlight the design aspects of U City that foster the social value of positive emotions:

The city location, floor to ceiling windows for natural lighting, greater intra-service connection, communal kitchen facilities on each floor, many meeting rooms to select from, and I have made new and wonderful friendships with colleagues that I otherwise wouldn’t have had contact with, if we hadn’t moved into U City. (UC staff member)

Another area identified in the SVT where architecture can add social value is in ‘connecting people and the environment in appropriate ways’ ( Samuel 2020: 6 ). As highlighted in the above quotation and emphasised in the survey, over 90% of survey respondents strongly agree/agree with the following statements about U City: ‘I have opportunities to interact with people regularly in the U City building’ and ‘people look out for each other here’. A high proportion of respondents also agree that they feel a sense of social responsibility for where they work or live at U City. These results show that survey respondents feel a strong sense of connection with others at U City.

The U City resident and worker survey also asked questions under RIBA’s ( Samuel 2020 ) SVT themes of ‘freedom and flexibility’ and ‘participation (in design)’. Perceptions of building residents and workers on things such as the ability to access and adapt spaces in a suitable way, and having input into how spaces are used, are important because they underpin creating comfortable, accessible spaces for people to gather, and relevant reasons to do so. They also foster autonomy and a stronger sense of placemaking. Some of the items of relevance to these theme areas are: ‘I have opportunities to use or experience a variety of spaces in this building’ (67% respondents strongly agree/agree to this statement at U City) and ‘I am able to adapt my space to meet my needs’ (76% strongly agree/agree to this statement at U City). However, in the participation theme, only 36% strongly agree/agree with the statement: ‘I feel I have a say in decisions about design/facilities/events at U City’. Clearly this is an area where more work needs to be done.

6. Discussion

This paper has explored how the presence of three public spaces included in U City’s design have enabled interaction amongst diverse users, for a variety of purposes and with a range of positive outcomes for wellbeing and for fostering a sense of community. This highlights the need to value public, shared spaces as key components of the design brief or masterplan for buildings and precincts ( Samuel 2023 ).

6.1 Building design as an enabler of community

The U City case study is classified as an ‘extreme mixed-use’ building based on its diverse range of services, amenities, spaces and tenants. Because there is not widespread integration across all users and tenants within the building, it does not meet the definition of a ‘hybrid building’ as posited by Holl et al . ( 2014: 13 ) who state:

there was a distinct difference between the hybrid building and mixed-use, in that the individual programs relate to one another and begin to share intensities.

However, the results presented in this paper show that there is some sense of related activities and shared intensities in this mixed-use case study. For example, some programmes and spaces in the building interact with different user groups within U City, either directly ( e.g . co-location of accommodation for people with disability and disability services), but also more indirectly with things such as cultural, social or art programmes available to residents, workers, service users and the general public. In other words, there are both opportunities and physical spaces made available for different users of the building to interact and engage with each other and foster shared intensities. Simply having physical proximity to others and/or the availability of quality shared public spaces in a development do not encourage a sense of community. Rather, these factors provide the basic ‘infrastructure’ that may allow community-building to occur.

It is also important to consider that every individual has different levels of desire to be part of a community, including those in mixed-use shared spaces. Blanc et al .’s ( 2020: 6 ) study on high-density housing projects, for example, found that:

a number of respondents…said emphatically that they had no interest in being part of a community based on where they lived—their social networks were located elsewhere […].

This sentiment was observed by researchers and emphasised by participants in this study, too.

It is also important to acknowledge that other public spaces in the U City building are serving two purposes: generating income and adding social value for building users. For example, Luigi’s restaurant/café and the Pitt Street café at U City are highly valued by building users and are frequently cited as places to interact with both other U City residents or occupants and outside visitors. Additionally, there are some semi-public spaces (such as the Retirement Village clubhouse) that are not open to everyone, but which provide lots of active, self-driven community-building opportunities for those with access.

People need flexible spaces, both within the home and at the neighbourhood level ( Samuel 2023: 88–91 ). Shared spaces can empower people in positive ways: by creating a strong sense of belonging and placemaking; offering opportunities for intergenerational and intercultural socialisation; reducing isolation (and therefore potentially feelings of loneliness); providing a collective sense of purpose; and opportunities for giving, reciprocal care and assistance. These are all important facets of wellbeing ( Aked et al . 2011 ) and were evidenced in the U City case study data.

6.2 Community champions as enablers of community

Provision and design of shared spaces is clearly one component of supporting the development of community and a sense of belonging ( Samuel 2023 ). But ‘community’ and opportunities to socialise with others also requires these spaces to be activated—people create community and belonging through their activities ( Aked et al . 2011 ; Delanty 2003 ).

In some instances, activation can happen quite passively, as with the third-floor Inbari Ku space in U City, where provision of a large flexible space with casual seating, a functional kitchen and an outdoor space to enjoy fresh air ensure the space is considered suitable and accessible for both ‘organic’ and planned activities. Similarly, the lobby space will always be used as people wait for their appointment or arrange to meet someone. This suggests the design of these spaces is passively influencing opportunities for social interactions.

However, these spaces achieve a higher level of activation through UC supporting the drive and creativity of community champions. For example, encouraging programme managers to use the Inbari Ku space for activities, running a U City speaker programme, programme launches and public events such as the R U OK or International Women’s Day lunches ensure the space is experienced and associated with lively, inclusive community activities.

Similarly, the employment of an artist-in-residence has ensured that the corporate image of the lobby space is regularly ‘disrupted’ with community members making art. The artist-in-residence in U City has also created an ‘outward facing’ connection to passing street traffic for the community arts programme through the large shop front windows in the studio. This allows for anyone to walk in and join the U City community, but it also allows for U City residents and regular users to become a part of something creative and social that is ‘bigger’ than just U City.

On a larger scale, UC could also be seen a ‘community champion’ and integral to U City’s successes. The proactive decision to include communal, free-to-use and accessible spaces as part of the building design, some of which could have been otherwise assigned as office, retail or accommodation space to generate income, highlights the emphasis on social value and community-building by UC as both the developer and also the main occupant of the building. There are many examples ( Holl et al . 2014 ; Blanc et al . 2020 ) where the architects’ visions of mixed-use developments are:

being used to market new developments by harnessing images of metropolitan life, highlighting diversity of experiences, programmes and people. While sadly there are countless examples where these images are no more than that, glossy advertisements […]. ( Holl et al . 2014: 16 )

The U City case study is unique in that it was designed and funded by a not-for-profit organisation with an ethos, vision and leadership that played a significant role in why the building was developed and designed the way it was, with inclusivity and access for diverse population groups a key priority. With UC head office located on-site there is ongoing and regular monitoring and assessment of how the building is functioning by those who have a vested interest in its success. It is questionable if the same result could be achieved by a commercial developer of a mixed-use space.

6.3 What could be done better?

The research has identified areas where improvements could be made to increase the extent to which semi-public and public spaces at U City are used to enhance a sense of wellbeing and community amongst users.

One of the key hurdles that underpins better use of, and access to, public spaces and events at U City is communication across different types of building users. Communication tends to be siloed within the different sectors, partly because each of these user groups is managed separately, with no single source for whole-of-building information. A building-wide newsletter or mailing list would be beneficial in ensuring all building users have access to information about public spaces and events within the building, enabling more interaction across different user groups.

As mentioned, the impact of the COVID pandemic cannot be ignored as a hinderance to the use of public and semi-public spaces throughout the U City building, having stymied some development of sense of community across diverse U City user groups. The initial 2019 momentum in creating a sense of shared community across the building in the Inbari Ku and Lobby spaces has been acknowledged and now needs renewed enthusiasm to re-create a whole-of-building community.

The desire for more built-for-purpose semi-public spaces at U City has been mentioned by users as spaces that would enhance their experience of living or working at U City. The two most frequently cited on this wish list are a fully equipped gym (a temporary, modestly equipped gym is currently on-site) and a roof garden. The roof garden was a consideration in the initial building design but was not realised due to the space being used for solar panels and rainwater collection. There is a paucity of green space in and around U City that is noted by residents and workers alike as a significant shortcoming.

6.4 Research as an enabler of community

This three-year research project has an impact on the building of community in U City. The project relies heavily on residents, workers and casual users of the building as active data collectors and reviewers. It allows U City users to place a critical lens over their building and their own wellbeing. Few other people experience this opportunity. This leads to Samuel’s ( 2023: 77–78 ) point about the balance between active and passive data and the need for communities to have the knowledge and power to understand and contest, if necessary, the data i.e. being collected about them. This research project is collecting data via multiple sources over an 18-month period allowing for a deep reflection of the social performance of the building and the influence of its design on wellbeing and placemaking; and that reflection alone may improve a sense of purpose, belonging and wellbeing.

7. Conclusions

This paper considered the impact of architecture and design on placemaking and the social value of public spaces in the design of mixed-use, high-rise developments such as the case study of U City in the City of Adelaide. Clearly for U City the design plays an important role in facilitating connection and community but also of significant importance is the willingness of the people who work and occupy the building to create a positive inclusive environment.

The research shows that for high-rise buildings to foster a sense of community among users, particularly mixed-use buildings, it is vital that shared, communal spaces are provided in different locations and configurations and at different scales throughout the building. Of equal importance is the activation of these spaces.

Planners, architects, developers and researchers should acknowledge that buildings are not just about beautiful, innovative designs and/or maximising monetary returns on investment—buildings are also about people’s needs, particularly their social needs. Building design influences how we live our lives, who we engage with and how we feel. Personal identity is as much about where we are as it is about the activities and the people we engage with. Good design accompanied by active placemaking measures (the ethos, resources and management) can enable not only pleasant spaces but also better, healthier, more supportive interactions within those spaces that allow communities to thrive.

Funding Statement

Funded by: Australian Research Council; Uniting Communities (UC); Australian Institute of Architects.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank their industry partners on this project: Uniting Communities (UC) and the South Australia Chapter of the Australian Institute of Architects. In particular, they thank the residents, workers and users of U City, especially the authors’ dedicated core group of resident citizen scientists, who were engaged in and contributed to this ongoing project.

Author contributions

HB created the outline and conceptual focus for this article, contributing to writing and editing the paper, and coordinating all activity associated with its submission. KMcD was responsible for collating, cleaning and analysing the data, writing up the separate public space case studies, and writing and editing the paper. KM created the figures, assisted in the literature review, referencing and writing the first draft. DF contributed to the conceptualisation of the paper and its editing.

Competing interests

The authors have no competing interests to declare.

Data availability

As this project is ongoing until 2024, no data are currently available, but all data will be publicly shared once the project is finalised.

Ethical approval

All data-collection methods, questionnaires, participant information sheets and recruitment strategies were approved by the University of South Australia’s ethics committee (approval number 204505) in 2022, before any engagement with the research participants began. As a part of this approval, it was stipulated that no participants were to be individually identifiable in any way. All participants gave their informed consent to participate before taking part in any form of data collection.

This project was funded by the Australian Research Council Linkage programme (grant number LP200300841) and was partnered and partly funded by Uniting Communities (UC) and the SA Chapter of the Australian Institute of Architects.

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Richmond, Virginia: Mixed-Use Development Brings New Life to an Iconic African-American Neighborhood

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Home > Case Studies > Richmond, Virginia: Mixed-Use Development Brings New Life to an Iconic African-American Neighborhood

Located immediately north of downtown Richmond, Jackson Ward was a thriving antebellum community of Black property owners and entrepreneurs that grew into a center of African-American enterprise and culture between the late 1800s and the middle of the 20th century. Construction of the Richmond-Petersburg Turnpike in the 1950s split the neighborhood in two, and portions of the neighborhood were later cleared to make way for large-scale institutions. Subsequent outmigration and disinvestment led to the loss of several thousand residents as well as numerous businesses and neighborhood institutions, including St. Joseph’s Catholic Church, the city’s first African-American Catholic church. On the block where this church once stood, Enterprise Community Development (ECD) has constructed The Rosa and Van de Vyver Apartment Homes. This mixed-use development opened in November 2020 and received the Affordable Housing Finance Editors’ Choice Award the following year. The Rosa is reserved for residents of an outdated public housing development, and Van de Vyver includes workforce and market-rate housing options as well as commercial space. By providing mixed-income apartments and commercial space, this development helps revitalize the Jackson Ward neighborhood, now a National Historic Landmark District .

The Rosa and Van de Vyver

Around 2015, the Richmond Redevelopment and Housing Authority (RRHA) contracted with ECD (then the Community Preservation Development Corporation) to provide new housing for residents of a 200-unit senior housing project known as Fay Towers and for other tenants with the goal of rehousing residents to areas of higher opportunity. ECD acquired 2 acres on a block adjacent to Interstate 95, the current version of the turnpike, to accommodate both populations .

The Rosa is a 4-story apartment building containing 72 one-bedroom units with rents that are affordable to former Fay Towers residents whose incomes are less than 50 percent of the area median income. The building’s amenities include a large multipurpose room, arts room, library, fitness center, and resident services office. The Rosa’s residents also have convenient access to services and amenities in downtown Richmond. Van de Vyver has 82 apartments and includes 1- and 2-bedroom units as well as studios. Eight units are located in the former convent of St. Joseph’s, preserving, by neighborhood request, the last remaining building of the culturally significant church. Thirty-six of the apartments are reserved for residents earning at or below 60 percent of the area median income, and 46 units rent at the market rate. The property’s common areas include a patio, business center, fitness center, and large multipurpose room. ECD has signed leases with minority business owners to provide a restaurant and grocery store in the Van de Vyver commercial space .

Financing of the Rosa and Van de Vyver

Development costs for the Rosa and Van de Vyver totaled nearly $35 million (table 1). RRHA took advantage of the Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) program to tap into additional public and private financing for the Rosa. According to Matt Engel, senior director of real estate development at ECD, the Rosa was one of the nation’s first projects to use RAD funding to reconstruct public housing apartments at an offsite location. Both the Rosa and Van de Vyver also received funding from the sale of low-income housing tax credits (LIHTCs) as well as from other federal and state sources. ECD also contributed its own funds to both developments .

Table 1: The Rosa and Van de Vyver Financing The Rosa

LIHTC equity (9 percent) $7,600,000
Virginia Housing taxable debt 4,100,000
RRHA capital funds 750,000
Federal Home Loan Bank of Atlanta 500,000
Developer equity/deferred fee 1,050,000
Total $14,000,000

Van de Vyver

LIHTC equity (4 percent) $3,000,000
Virginia Housing tax-exempt debt 12,100,000
RRHA seller note 1,300,000
State housing trust funds 700,000
Sponsor loan 2,300,000
Deferred fee 1,100,000
Total $20,500,000
Combined total $34,500,000

Revitalizing a Historic African-American Neighborhood

With deep historic roots as an African-American neighborhood, Jackson Ward attracted free and enslaved Blacks, many of them skilled in trades and business, during the antebellum period. After the Civil War, the neighborhood’s entrepreneurs, property owners, and workers, along with the churches and beneficial societies that they founded, transformed Jackson Ward into one of the most influential African-American communities in the United States. The neighborhood proved resilient even after Richmond’s White politicians designated it as a city council ward in 1871 to concentrate Black political power in one district. The nation’s first African-American-owned bank was chartered in Jackson Ward in 1889. In 1903, Maggie Lena Walker, a local civil rights leader and education advocate, became the first African-American woman to found a bank, which remained Black-owned for more than a century. By the early 1900s, Jackson Ward’s streets were lined with African-American-owned businesses, including restaurants, drugstores, grocery stores, and hotels. As a thriving, self-sustaining economy in the Jim Crow era, Jackson Ward earned the nickname "Black Wall Street." Also known as "the Harlem of the South," Jackson Ward had a vibrant entertainment district anchored by the famed Hippodrome, a segregated theater built in 1914 where artists such as Ella Fitzgerald, Duke Ellington, and Louis Armstrong frequently performed. Other prominent figures of the era, such as Harlem Renaissance writers Langston Hughes and Countee Cullen as well civil rights leaders W.E.B. Du Bois and Mary McLeod Bethune, frequently visited Maggie Walker’s home, which is now a National Historic Site .

In the mid-20th century, the neighborhood was decimated by redlining practices and publicly funded redevelopment projects. Public housing developments such as Fay Towers replaced houses in the neighborhood north of the turnpike, known as Gilpin Court; south of the highway, the Richmond Coliseum, the Greater Richmond Convention Center and Visitors Bureau, and an expansion of Virginia Commonwealth University’s campus encroached on the neighborhood. In recent years, as the neighborhood did in the antebellum period and at the turn of the 20th century, local organizations and businesses have led community development efforts. The Jackson Ward Collective provides a venue for African-American business owners to find mutual support as well as mentoring services and technical assistance. The Hippodrome, which reopened in 2011 with live entertainment, is among the new businesses contributing to the neighborhood’s resurgence. The Historic Jackson Ward Association organizes residents to promote revitalization efforts in the community while maintaining the neighborhood’s historic assets. This association and other local nonprofits directly invest in Jackson Ward by building and rehabilitating housing units. Other organizations are dedicated to uncovering and sharing the neighborhood’s history and culture, such as the JXN Project, which organizes events to share the under-told story of Jackson Ward. Likewise, the Black History Museum and Cultural Center of Virginia showcases the significance the neighborhood and the larger area has had in African-American history. Neighborhood leaders are also joining with city officials to pursue major initiatives to further revitalize Jackson Ward. HUD recently awarded RRHA a Choice Neighborhoods Planning Grant to stimulate affordable housing and economic development. The city is also studying opportunities to cap the interstate to physically reunite the two sections of Jackson Ward .

Virginia Commonwealth University. n.d." Jackson Ward Historic District ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond. 2017. " Jackson Ward ." Accessed 6 May 2022. Enterprise Community Partners. 2020. " Enterprise Celebrates Opening of $30 Million Jackson Ward Development ," 17 November press release. Accessed 6 May 2022; Interview with Matt Engel, senior director of real estate development, Enterprise Community Development, 18 March 2022; Christine Serlin. 2021. " Developer Helps Revitalize Jackson Ward in Richmond, Virginia ," Affordable Housing Finance , 20 July. Accessed 6 May 2022; Virginia Department of Historic Resources. n.d. " 127-0237 Jackson Ward Historic District ." Accessed 6 May 2022.

Interview with Matt Engel, senior director of real estate development, Enterprise Community Development, 18 March 2022; Virginia Department of Historic Resources. 2021. " 127-0237 Jackson Ward Historic District ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Virginia Commonwealth University. n.d. " Jackson Ward Historic District ." Accessed 6 May 2022.

Enterprise Community Partners. n.d. "The Rosa." Accessed 27 September 2021 (website content has changed between research and publication, and this document is no longer available); Enterprise Community Partners. n.d. "Van de Vyver Apartment Homes." Accessed 27 September 2021 (website content has changed between research and publication and this document is no longer available); Richmond Redevelopment and Housing Authority. n.d. " Fay Towers Transformation ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Interview with Matt Engel, senior director of real estate development, Enterprise Community Development, 18 March 2022.

Interview with Matt Engel, 18 March 2022; Correspondence from Matt Engel, 12 May 2022.

The JXN Project. n.d. " About the JXN Project ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Virginia Department of Historic Resources. 1976. " National Register of Historic Places Inventory — Nomination Form ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Correspondence from Ajena Rogers, supervisory park ranger, Maggie L. Walker National Historic Site, 29 April and 10 May 2022; African American Registry. n.d. " The Jackson Ward District (Richmond, VA.), a story ." Accessed 6 May 2022; National Park Service. 2021. " Maggie L. Walker National Historic Site: Maggie Lena Walker ." Accessed 6 May 2022; National Park Service. 2022. " Maggie L. Walker National Historic Site: The St. Luke Penny Savings Bank ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Virginia Department of Historic Resources. 2021. " 127-0237 Jackson Ward Historic District ." Accessed 6 May 2022; Enterprise. 2020. " Enterprise Celebrates Opening of $30 Million Jackson Ward Development ," 17 November press release. Accessed 6 May 2022; African American Registry. n.d. " The Hippodrome Theater in Richmond, VA. Opens ." Accessed 10 May 2022; National Park Service. n.d. " Maggie L. Walker National Historic Site: Dining Room ." Accessed 7 May 2022; National Park Service. n.d. " Maggie L. Walker National Historic Site: Determined Spirit ." Accessed 7 May 2022.

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The contents of this article are the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development or the U.S. Government.

An interdisciplinary debate on project perspectives

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  • Published: 14 October 2022

Extremes of mixed-use architecture: a spatial analysis of vertical functional mix in Dhaka

  • Fatema Meher Khan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4761-7836 1 ,
  • Elek Pafka 2 &
  • Kim Dovey 2  

City, Territory and Architecture volume  9 , Article number:  31 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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The concept of mixed-use is now well-established as an urban design and planning principle that adds to the vitality, walkability and productivity of the city at neighbourhood scale. There is much less research on the dense and complex vertical mix of functions within buildings. This paper investigates the extremes of informal vertical mixing of functions within buildings in Dhaka, where commercial and retail functions often penetrate to upper floors and where access routes are often mixed with residential functions. A modified form of space syntax analysis is used to analyse and critique the mix of circulation patterns and functions in 15 complex mixed-use buildings. The plans and relational diagrams reveal how different functions are mixed or separated, and the relative spatial depth they penetrate from the street. Five primary circulation diagrams emerge with different degrees of informality in different districts of the city. Under conditions of informal adaptation, vertical functional mix produces benefits in the form of synergies but also problems of privacy and security. To engage effectively planners need a complex understanding of the interrelated spatial, social and economic logics involved.

Introduction

It is now sixty years since Jacobs ( 1961 ) transformed our conceptions of functional mix, suggesting that an understanding of co-functioning was a key to understanding how cities work. She railed against the modernist segregation of the city into mono-functional zones that prevented close connections of home to work, school, shopping and recreation. Functional mix was the antithesis of modernist development that stressed the spatial segregation of urban functions to avoid an undesirable juxtaposition of uses. For Jacobs mixed-use was necessary to the social and economic vitality and intensity of the city; this work has been increasingly embraced in urban planning and functional mix has become a key ingredient of walkability (Grant 2002 ; Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2005 ; Rabianski et al. 2009 ; Frank et al. 2006 ; Dovey and Pafka 2020 ). While most of this research has focused on the neighbourhood scale, it has been understood that functional mix also operates at the building scale. Most notable here is the widespread historic type of shop-house with residential located above retail functions; this building type has long been a staple in South and Southeast Asian cities (Davis 2012 ; Han and Beisi 2016 ).

Modernist zoning was invented to solve real problems that can emerge from an unregulated mix of uses. In 2010 and again in 2019 fires have broken out in mixed-use buildings in Old Dhaka, killing a total of 205 people (Imam 2010 ; Molla 2019 ). Both fires involved flammable industrial materials stored on lower floors with housing and production work above. These fires were variously blamed on electrical transformers, gas cylinders, chemical storage, building regulators and owners, but also on a more general lack of urban planning controls (Tishi and Islam 2019 ). In Dhaka, functional mix is widely considered problematic; beyond issues of fire safety, there are perceived problems of visual disorder, privacy and social insecurity (Tishi and Islam 2019 ; Nahrin 2008 ). This paper analyses a range of mixed-use buildings in Dhaka to better understand the morphologies of informal mix.

While there is considerable scholarly work on the shop-houses of South and Southeast Asia (Imamuddin et al. 1989 ; Chun et al. 2005 ; Phuong and Groves 2010 ; Su-Jan et al. 2012 ; Davis 2012 ) the buildings under discussion here encompass a much denser range of building types. No survey or analysis has been conducted to understand the operation of dense informally mixed buildings such as these. This study explores four principal questions: How are different functions mixed and/or separated within circulation systems of mixed-use buildings? To what relative spatial depth do different functions penetrate from public space and to what height above street level? How are buildings adapted informally to multiple uses and what are the synergies and challenges of such mixing? This paper analyses the functional mix of some of the most extreme of vertically mixed buildings in Dhaka—those that test the limits of functional mixing. These analyses reveal typical circulation patterns and the spatial logic of interrelations between functions, based in the economic and social logic of the city. The paper concludes with a critique of the benefits and challenges of vertical functional mix.

Mixed-use buildings are common in cities of the global South, particularly South and Southeast Asia. The prevalence of functional mix has been noted in Indonesia (Susantono 1998 ), India (Verma 1993 ), Vietnam (Phuong and Groves 2010 ) and Pakistan (Haque 2015 , p. 7) where they generally feature high-levels of informal or unregulated mix. More contemporary mixed-use buildings demonstrate new forms of mix, spatial organisation and building morphology in high-density buildings with vertical stacking of wholesale, retail, restaurants, offices, storage, micro-industries and housing (Ujang and Shamsuddin 2008 ; Tipple et al. 1996 ).

While Dhaka was always mixed, as the urban density has intensified the mixed-use buildings have grown informally in both extent and functional complexity to meet local demand. Incremental conversion of residential buildings to accommodate workshops, storage, commercial and retail functions are common (Khan 2020 , 2021 ). Access routes into and through mixed-use buildings are adapted where it is possible to separate entrance and circulation for separate uses. However, a singular entrance for residential and non-residential functions is common and can result in privacy, security and safety issues.

Study area and methodology

Dhaka is dominated by informal economic activities and the current land-use of most districts is shown in planning documents as mixed-use (Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha [RAJUK] 2015 :38). However, there are also marked differences between the old city, those districts that have developed with a mix of formal and informal planning, and the modernist planned city. These three settlement patterns—historic core, semi-planned and planned—represent key historical phases of urban growth in Dhaka (Fig.  1 ) and are the most evident morphological patterns in contemporary Dhaka (Nilufar 2011 ). Figure  2 shows typical streetscapes from mainstreets of each of these three areas. While each is informalised they also represent increasing levels of formalisation. For this study, five mixed-use buildings have been chosen from each of these districts in order to show the range across the city, but also to better understand the extremes of mix within each district.

figure 1

Dhaka and the three sample districts (Map based on Nilufar 2011 ; Google Earth)

figure 2

Typical streetscapes from each district (Photos: Fatema Meher Khan & Kim Dovey)

Islampur in the Historic Core is located at the southern edge of Dhaka. This area has long been the centre for a wide range of wholesale and retail markets with different professional groups who used to live in the shop-houses (Mohsin 1991 ). A rich mix of uses has been embedded within the fabric of this area since its inception in 1600 and has increased and intensified over time informally into a mix of housing, retail, wholesale, offices, workshops, go-downs (warehouse/shop) and light industries. There were attempts to impose formal land-use planning codes in this district but the state lacked the power to enforce them (Jahan 2011 ). This zone is seen as most problematic and is the scene of the fires mentioned earlier. The second area, known as Green Road, is a semi-planned neighbourhood near the spatial centre of Dhaka that has developed since the 1960s with a combination of formal and informal street networks. While initially, it was a middle-income residential area, other uses such as shops, workshops and offices have spontaneously developed over time. After 2000, a part of this area was declared commercial, this effectively formalised the mix of functions in those areas, however, non-residential functions in residential areas remain informal. The third area, Uttara, is a planned neighbourhood located on the northern periphery of Dhaka, developed since the 1980s with a regular grid and plot size. Although initially planned as a residential neighbourhood, it has informally developed other functions including shops, cafes, restaurants, and offices over time. Again, mixed functions on the main roads have become authorised over time, while non-residential functions on other streets remain unauthorised. The 5 buildings selected from each of these sites represent a range of mixed-use buildings in each case, but with a focus on denser buildings which test the extremes of mixed-use, avoiding simple low-rise shop-houses.

The method of categorizing building functions deployed here has been adapted from the work of van Hoek ( 2008 ) who suggests that urban functions be divided into three primary categories that we call ‘live’, ‘work’, and ‘visit’, plus the various forms of mix that emerge between them (Fig.  3 ). This live/work/visit model (Dovey and Pafka 2017 ) is based primarily on the argument that the population in a building, street, or neighbourhood at any particular time can be understood as a mix of those who live there, work there, or visit the place. Most previous studies have considered urban functions in categories such as residential, industrial, commercial, retail, education, entertainment, recreation, health, transport, government, community, parking, vacant, hospitality, etc., which is a modernist way to segregate the city into different categories. Such categorisations are problematic for two major reasons. Firstly, with so many categories/sub-categories, it is difficult to measure and map complex cities with any coherence. Secondly, there is a problem of consistency since the boundaries of any of these categories overlap and can become subsets of another.

figure 3

The live/work/visit triangle (based on Dovey and Pafka 2017 )

This approach is based on a live/work/visit triangle utilizing the points of the triangle for living (red), working (blue) and visiting (green) with the interstitial colours to indicate the different forms of mix between them (Fig.  3 ). ‘Live’ incorporates places people sleep overnight. ‘Work’ denotes offices, factories and educational spaces. ‘Visit’ is an umbrella concept for places that are primarily used by visitors such as shops, restaurants, libraries, theatres, museums, parks and recreation (Dovey and Pafka 2017 ). A live/visit mix is represented as yellow; a live/work mix as magenta and a work/visit mix as cyan; a mix of all three will be white. Figure  3 also shows how this method of analysis can be used to show the vertical layering of primary functions of buildings in section and the ways this produces mixed colours when viewed in the plan.

In order to conduct a comparative analysis of the interrelations between functions within each building, we have conducted an adaptation of gamma analysis derived from space syntax analysis. A ‘justified gamma diagram’ is one of the analytical methods developed by Hillier and Hanson ( 1984 ) to study the ‘social logic’ of the relationships between spaces within buildings and the depth of those spaces from the street. In this process, architectural plans are translated into diagrams of topological segments (Ostwald 2011 : 445; Dovey 2008 ). Thus the circulation pattern of the building can be identified along with the ways in which the building plan produces separations and intersections between access routes. In the process of the structuring of gamma diagrams, every space in a building is allocated a depth value, according to the minimum number of spatial segments that one must pass through to arrive in that space from the street. These diagrams reduce the plan to a set of spatial segments represented by circles with permeable connections represented by lines. This method produces diagrams of spatial permeability with all spaces of the same depth lined up horizontally at each level away from the street (Hillier and Hanson 1984 : 147–149). Because they rely on passing trade, shops are typically one level deep from the street. A stairway between floors is diagrammed as one segment.

Syntactic analysis

This section presents the syntactic analyses of selected buildings from each from the Planned (PL), Semi-Planned (SP) and Historic Core (HC) districts - a sequence of increasing informality and complexity of functional mix. In each case, we show both gamma diagrams and floor plans, colour coded according to the live/work/visit triangle described above. The circles outlined with thick lines represent the main circulation routes of each building; these are also colour coded by the functions to which they give access. In order to make these diagrams readable, clusters of segments with similar functions are represented with elongated boxes to indicate a number of segments in a cluster. The circulation lines are also colour coded by the various uses to which they provide access. A comparative analysis of these gamma diagrams will follow.

We first consider examples from the more recently Planned areas on the urban periphery (Fig.  4 ) where all buildings were initially designed as mono-functional residential buildings. All 5 examples are 6 storeys high on similar plots; all except the final example have substantial parking at ground level and elevator access to upper floors. The key interest here is in the ways functions have been transformed. PL1 has a central circulation spine that begins with a triple mix (white) of live/work/visit, which gradually becomes live/work (magenta) and then residential (red), as it penetrates deeper into the building. PL2 mixes living, working and visiting on the 4 lower floors; separate shops have emerged on the street frontage of the ground floor which is otherwise devoted to parking. PL3 largely remains mono-functional with just a few shops with separate access at street level. In PL4 and PL5 large portions of ground floor parking have been converted to retail with housing above, but without mixing of entries. This part of Dhaka was planned as mono-functional residential but clearly needs retail to function effectively. Additional visit and work functions that have emerged on upper levels include a dental clinic, school and beauty parlour.

figure 4

Syntactic analysis of buildings from Planned Areas (PL)

figure 5

Syntactic analysis of buildings from Semi-Planned Areas (SP)

Considering examples from the Semi-Planned area (Fig.  5 ), SP1 is a 10 storey building that contains two quite separate circulation systems with a complex retail network on the ground floor and housing (with elevator) above. The functional mix is thus confined to the ground floor and basement. SP2 is a 6 storey residential building where office functions have replaced apartments on the 1st and 2nd floors, while retail has separate entries on the street. SP3 is a 4 storey building that is primarily occupied by offices, but mixed with residential on the two middle floors; the main access spine is mostly a live/work mix (magenta). SP4 is a 6 storey building on a street corner with 10 street entries for shops and offices plus a separate entry to the residential floors above. These floors have become mixed with offices up to the 2nd floor. SP5 is a 4 storey building with a mono-functional residential tree-like structure and separate entries for the ground floor shops.

Finally, we consider the more extreme examples from the Historic Core (Fig.  6 ). HC1 is a 5 storey building entered through a shopping arcade with warehouse/shops (go-downs) on the 1st and second floors and residential above. The circulation has a tree-like structure comprising visit, work, and living at progressive depths. The go-downs extend 5 segments deep while residences extend 7 segments deep. Shops are accessed both from the street and arcade. Mixed circulation is confined to the first three floors and becomes progressively less mixed as it penetrates deeper. HC2 is a 6 storey building with a network of shops on the ground floor, multiple street entries and interconnecting corridors that penetrate up to 6 segments deep. Residential apartments on the 3rd to 5th floors are accessed through a separate stair from the street and have an elevator from the 3rd floor. Here there is a notable contrast between the networked access structure for the shops (with 10 street entries) and a tree-like structure for the housing. HC3 is a 5 storey building with primarily work-related functions (printing) on the ground and first floors with residential above. HC4 is a 6 storey building that combines visit, work and living at progressive levels. It has shops and offices on the ground and first floors with residences above. The mixed circulation penetrates 2 segments deep, moving from a triple mix to live/work and then residential. HC5 is a 5 storey building that mixes retail with work on the first two floors and then work with residential on the three floors above. The single white and magenta access spine indicates that shoppers, workers and residents all use the same access route. Some of the shops (book-binding) are located up to 4 segments deep from the street. The work functions on the upper floors (go-downs) share a kitchen with residential functions. Hence, the combination of working (blue) and living (red) on the upper floors is represented by the mix of live/work access (magenta) on the diagram.

figure 6

Syntactic analysis of buildings from the Historic Core (HC)

Patterns of Mix

We can see in these examples what may seem a bewildering range of ways in which these buildings mix functions in different ways and to different degrees. While it is not our goal to reduce this field of differences to any kind of essential types, we want to find a way to understand spatial patterns that are evident in this production of vertical mixed-use in buildings. We now take one further step beyond the gamma diagrams to suggest that these mixed-use buildings can be broadly categorised into 5 diagrammatic types with different circulation systems. While the floor areas devoted to different functions are evident on the plans, our primary concern here is to understand the ways mixed-use buildings mix or separate access routes in everyday life. Figure  7 presents a typology of mixed-use buildings representing the typical patterns of vertical mix circulations that are identifiable within the 15 cases. Each of these types is identified first as a relational diagram, followed by a brief description and the examples listed in the final column. In the generic diagrams, the complexities of individual spaces are collapsed in order to reveal spatial clustering by function and connectivity, while also revealing the overall depth or shallowness from the street. In these diagrams, the representation of different functions and their mixes follows the live/work/visit triangular model used earlier in this study. The main circulation spines are represented by thick lines; those with mixed colours (magenta, cyan, white) indicate mixed access spaces.

Figure  7 shows that some types are more common than others, however, this is not a random sample and we are more interested in the range of types. Type A is the vertical mix of live and visit functions often known as ‘shop-top housing’; it is the only type where functions and entries are fully segregated. This is typical in more formal cities and it is not surprising to find it mostly in the Planned Areas. Type B incorporates a complex access network with multiple street entries and arcades giving access to both work and visit functions with separate access to a residential tower above. The mixing of access routes is confined to work/visit which again is typical in more formal cities. Type C is a stack of visiting, working and living functions in a vertical sequence with a single spine of mixed access. Thus all three functions are mixed at street level, but this mix is reduced to live/work and then to residential for the upper floors, as the circulation spine progresses deeper into the building. This type is mostly produced by the informal adaptation of residential buildings. Type D is similar but with retail and some work functions separated at street level - thus there is no mixing of retail and residential access. While there is only one example of type E in our study, this is the most mixed example and the only one without any mono-functional access—mixed access extends throughout the depth of the 5 storey building.

figure 7

 A typology of mixed-use buildings

These generic syntactic diagrams demonstrate that visiting, working and living functions generally remain in a consistent sequence of progressive depth in buildings. Shops typically remain at the shallowest position, as they depend on accessibility for their business. They often extend deep into ground floor plans and sometimes to the 1st and 2nd floors. Work functions are often mixed with shops on the ground floor but more commonly extend to intermediate floors as in types C and D. Residential functions always occupy the deepest and most private sector of the building. Figure  7 also shows the ways the different types are distributed across the three areas of the city from which examples were chosen. In general terms, the Historic Core has more complex and mixed examples while the Planned areas have more segregated functions. This reflects the fact that the Historic Core has always been mixed while buildings in the Planned and Semi-Planned areas were initially designed as mono-functional and have become informally mixed over time.

In this study, we have mapped and analysed functional mix within selected buildings of an extremely mixed informal city. These examples are not random nor typical, they have been chosen as the most mixed cases in each study area because they embody this extreme and test the limits of functional mixing within buildings. These buildings have been analysed through methods that reveal typical circulation patterns and the mixing of different functions within them. While the building plans and syntactic diagrams are empirically interesting (Figs.  4 , 5 and 6 ), the key findings of the paper lie in the generic diagrams that reveal broader patterns of vertical mix and circulation systems (Fig.  7 ). This work also enables further critique on the benefits and challenges of different forms of vertical functional mix. It is not our purpose here to make judgements about the effectiveness or otherwise of different kinds of functional mix based on this data, however, it is possible to discern a certain spatial logic, linked to the economic and social logic of the city.

While these mixed-use buildings involve challenges at the micro-scale of storage of noxious materials and social encounters, it also has significant benefits at the broader scale. Informal adaptation to a greater mix serves city dwellers by filling the gaps between demand and available services; in this way, the mix contributes to the local economy. The informal conversions are generating a more walkable and lively urban environment by integrating diverse functions, activities and people—a quality that is often missing in the modernist planned areas. While this city clearly needs greater regulation, these neighbourhoods are more walkable and efficient because of the mix and would be quite dysfunctional without it.

When we look at the circulation spaces of the syntactic diagrams we note a considerable amount of mixing of work/visit (cyan) and work/live (magenta), a few spaces that mix all three functions (white), but never live/visit (yellow). In other words, whenever residential access becomes mixed it is always mixed with production functions first and only occasionally with shopping as well. There are clear synergies in the mixing of work and visit functions that are not present when either of these functions is mixed with residential. These are not the kinds of synergy that originally drove the proliferation of the shophouse where one lived over the store and often entered the home through it (Davis 2012 ). Thus the synergy between residential and retail that produces shop-top housing—the form of functional mix that works so well in almost any highly urbanized city—depends on a separation of these functions within each building.

The issues of functional mix cannot be considered separately from the range of morphological factors that frame the ways it emerges; particularly in relation to street interface conditions and density. The capacity to design separate access routes into each building depends to a significant degree on the capacity for multiple street entries—the cases in our sample range from 3 to 11 street entries each with an average of 4–6. This capacity will depend in turn on plot size and block location—a larger plot size and corner location produce more capacity for multiple street entries. Figures  4 , 5 and 6 show that the more informal districts have a much less regular plot size and shape, with a greater average and range of street entries. By contrast, significant parts of the street frontage in the planned area are consumed by carpark entries. In general, the unplanned areas have a greater capacity to produce separated entries.

The issues and challenges that emerge in relation to an extreme functional mix cannot be extricated from questions of density. The buildings we have considered range from 4 to 10 storeys; plot coverage in most cases is close to 100% and net floor area ratios range from 2.8 to 6.0. While these building densities are not uncommon in Dhaka, they are very high by global standards (Dovey and Pafka 2014 ). Population densities are also extremely high, whether in terms of residential populations, jobs or streetlife—the same live/work/visit categories used for the functional analysis. Many of these internal spaces have very high population densities in terms of overcrowded housing, offices, workshops and shops. It is important to understand that a problem that may appear to be caused by the mix, may not be a problem at a lower density; it is not just the fact of mixing different populations within circulation spaces but the intensity of this mix.

Many of these buildings, especially in the Planned district, were originally designed as mono-functional but have been informally adapted to various forms of mixed-use. The key dynamic here has been one of residential space converted to workshops, offices, shops, schools and so on. While shops and offices may be interconvertible, there are no examples of them being converted into apartments. It is clear that economic forces are the key drivers—work and visit functions bring higher rents in those spaces closer to the street. Depending on the ways in which the building was initially designed, it will have varying levels of capacity to adapt. If there is a single circulation spine and no space for additional entries then such entry spaces will be mixed. This will reduce the amenity and security of all remaining residential apartments, also reducing the rental value and increasing affordability. Thus the functional mix within buildings is linked to the socio-economic profile of residents.

The two greatest challenges embodied in the extreme forms of vertical mix we have documented here are the risk of fire and the social difficulties of shared access. The deadly fires that have occurred in Dhaka are often seen as due to an incompatible mix of functions, where noxious or dangerous materials are stored in spaces where any resulting fire is difficult to control or escape from. However, this problem could be addressed through stricter control of storage, workplace safety and fire egress without changing the functional mix. The challenge here is partly local because there is such a strong tradition of the go-down—the small shop that is also a warehouse.

The social issues that mixed-use functions usually cause are privacy and security. The informal transformation of residential buildings from mono-functional to mixed-use often generates shared circulation spaces where public access penetrates deeply into the upper floors, compromising the privacy and security of residences. It is imperative that work and visit functions achieve this public access for their business. The gamma diagrams in Figs.  4 , 5 and 6 show these levels of penetration graphically; they also show that even the most dense and complex buildings can be designed with segregated access.

In as much as mono-functional planning has been damaging to the city, the adaptation of residential buildings to mixed-use functions is a benefit. The planning challenge lies not in micro-managing what the mix should be but in protecting citizens from negative outcomes. The formal controls of the state should focus on proscribing certain outcomes rather than prescribing particular functions. It is important to acknowledge the benefits of informal adaptation within a formal planning framework. It is also necessary to identify and address the key problems related to informal mix in buildings. The control of mixed entries is a complex issue that requires a better understanding of the relations between formal and informal processes in any city. While the separation of residential entries is generally preferable, there may be advantages in blurring the boundaries between home and work - as is happening in more formal cities. Housing that is entered through mixed entry spaces may have difficulties in terms of privacy and security that other housing does not, however, it will also be more affordable and adaptable. It is not the role of the state to enforce the segregation of entries. The broad challenge, both in Dhaka and other highly informalised cities of the global South, is to develop forms of urban planning that can address the challenges of a dysfunctional mix without destroying the vitality and productivity of the mixed-use district.

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Fatema Meher Khan

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Fatema Meher Khan is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Architecture at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET). Her research interest lies in urban design and planning, morphological aspects, and informal urbanism. Some of her research papers are on mixed-use function, urban morphological transformation, and social equity. Elek Pafka is Senior Lecturer in Urban Planning and Urban Design at the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning at the University of Melbourne. His research focuses on the relationship between material density, urban form and the intensity of urban life, as well as methods of mapping the ‘pulse’ of the city. He has participated in research on transit oriented development, functional mix and walkability. He has co-edited the book Mapping Urbanities: Morphologies, Flows, Possibilities . Kim Dovey is Professor of Architecture and Urban Design at the University of Melbourne, where he is also Director of InfUr- the Informal Urbanism Research Hub. He has published and broadcast widely on social issues in architecture, urban design and planning. Books include 'Framing Places', 'Fluid City', ‘Becoming Places’, ‘Urban Design Thinking’ and ‘Mapping Urbanities'.

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Khan, F.M., Pafka, E. & Dovey, K. Extremes of mixed-use architecture: a spatial analysis of vertical functional mix in Dhaka. City Territ Archit 9 , 31 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40410-022-00177-y

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Albanian as a heritage language in italy: a case study on code-switching within dp, 1. introduction 1, 2. an overview of heritage languages, 3. the historical relationship between italian and albanian, 4. albanian as a heritage language, 5. the sociolinguistic survey: research questions.

  • RQ1: which are the main contexts of use of Albanian and Italian?
  • RQ2: what are the participants’ self-assessments of their own competence in the two languages?
  • RQ3: what are the participants’ opinions on code-switching and do they frequently resort to it in informal conversations?

6. Results of the Sociolinguistic Survey

6.1. rq1: which are the main contexts of use of albanian and italian, 6.2. rq2: what are the participants’ self-assessments of their own competence in the two languages, 6.3. rq3: what are the participants’ opinions on code-switching and do they frequently resort to it in informal conversations, 7. typologies of code-switching.

1.na’iish-crash
1:SG:pass out-crash EMPH
I am about to pass out
(Navajo/English; )
2.Je telephone à Chantal, he, meestal voor commiskes te doen en eten.
‘I call Chantal, hm, mostly to go shopping and eat.’
(French/Dutch, from )
3.Weet jij waar Jenny is?
Do you know where Jenny is?
(Dutch/English, )
4.Bueno, in other words, el flight que sale de Chicago around three o’clock.
Good, in other words, the flight that leaves Chicago around three o’clock.
(Spanish/English, )

8. The Syntax of Italian and Albanian DP: A Contrastive Analysis

5.a.il ragazzo/un ragazzo (masc.sing)
‘the boy/a boy’
b.la ragazza/una ragazza (fem.sing)
‘the girl/a girl’
6.a.një djalë/djal-i (masc.sing.)
a boy the boy
b.një vajzë/vajz-a(fem.sing.)
a girl the girl

9. Deriving Mixed DPs

7.a.Tenxher-ja është brenda furr-it
Pot-DEF.F.SG is inside oven-DEF.M.SG
‘the pot is inside the oven’
b.La pentola è dentro al forno
DEF.F.SG pot-F.SG is inside to-DEF.M.SG oven
‘the pot is inside the oven’
8.a.Një shishe u thye
INDEF bottle(F.SG) REFL is broken
‘a bottle has broken’
b.Una bottiglia si è rotta
INDEF.F.SG bottle-F.SG REFL is broken
‘a bottle has broken’
9.a.Pentol-ja është brenda furr-it
Pot-DEF.F.SG is inside oven-DEF.M.SG
‘the pot is inside the oven’
b.La tenxhere è dentro al forno
DEF.F.SG pot-F.SG is inside to-DEF.M.SG oven-M.SG
‘the pot is inside the oven’
10.a.La tenxher-ja è dentro al forno
DEF.F.SG pot-F.SG is inside to-DEF.M.SG oven-M.SG
‘the pot is inside the oven’
b.La pentol-ja është brenda furrit
DEF.F.SG pot-F.SG is inside DEF.M.SG
‘the pot is inside the oven’
11.a.Një bottiglia u thye
INDEF bottle-F.SG REFL is broken
‘a bottle has broken’
b.Una shishe si è rotta
INDEF.F.SG bottle(F.SG) REFL is broken
‘a bottle has broken’
12.a.Derdha gjithë olion mbi tavolinë.
I-poured all oil-DEF.M.SG.ACC on table-DEF.F.SG.
‘I poured all the oil on the table’
b.Ho versato tutto il vaj sul tavolo.
I-have poured all-M.SG DEF.M.SG oil-M.SG on-DEF.M.SG table-M.SG
‘I poured all the oil on the table’
13.a.Ho versato tutto il vajin sul tavolo.
I-have poured all-M.SG DEF.M.SG oil-DEF.M.SG.ACC on-DEF.M.SG table-M.SG
‘I poured all the oil on the table’
b.Derdha gjith l’olion mbi tavolinë.
I-have poured all DEF.M.SG oil-DEF.M.SG.ACC on table-DEF.F.SG.
‘I poured all the oil on the table’
14.a.Ndoshta nëse shkon tani gjen akoma ndonjë negozio të hapur.
Maybe if you go now you will still find some-M.SG shop-M.SG open
‘Maybe, if you go now, you will still find some shops open’
b.Forse se vai adesso trovi ancora qualche dyqan aperto.
Maybe if you go now you will still find some-SG shop-M.SG open
‘Maybe, if you go now, you will still find some shops open’

10. The Linguistic Survey: Research Questions

  • RQ4: In Italian–Albanian CS contexts, is it possible to have mixed DPs? If so, will speakers prefer combinations of Albanian D + Italian N, or vice versa?
  • RQ5: Will mixed DPs be accepted only with indefinite articles, which are pre-nominal in both languages?
  • RQ6: With definite articles, would it be possible to have a noun accompanied by two determiners, one pre-nominal and one post-nominal?
  • RQ7: Will there be differences in the acceptability of mixed DPs according to their syntactic role (subject vs. object)?

11. Results of the Linguistic Survey

15.?Passami la fshesë
pass-me DEF.F.SG bottle-F.SG
‘pass me the bottle’
16.Passami la fshesën
pass-me DEF.F.SG bottle-DEF.F.SG.ACC
‘pass me the bottle’
17.a. Disa domande ishin shumë të vështira
some-PL questions-F.PL were too difficult
‘some questions were too difficult’
b. Alcune pyetje erano troppo difficili
some-F.PL questions-F.PL were too difficult
‘some questions were too difficult’
18a.Do më tregosh ndonjë borsa në Zalando.
Show me some-INDEF bag-F.SG on Zalando
‘show mw some bag on Zalando’
b.Mi fai vedere qualche çanta su Zalando
Show me some-INDEF bag-F.SG on Zalando
‘show mw some bag on Zalando’

11.1. RQ4: In Italian–Albanian CS Contexts, Is It Possible to Have Mixed DPs? If So, Will Speakers Prefer Combinations of Albanian D + Italian N, or Vice Versa?

11.2. rq5: will mixed dps be accepted only with indefinite articles, which are pre-nominal in both languages, 11.3. rq6: with definite articles, would it be possible to have a noun accompanied by two determiners, one pre-nominal and one post-nominal, 11.4. rq7: will there be differences in the acceptability of mixed dps according to their syntactic role (subject vs. object), 12. discussion, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, conflicts of interest.

1 , , , , and , and Cristina Pierantozzi for , , , , , .
2 ( ) and ( ) for greater detail.
3 ’s ( ) epistemological paper and the debate around the keynote paper of ( ) for a detailed discussion.
4
5 ).
6
7
8
9 ( ), ( ), ( ).
10 ( , ) and related work.
11 ( ), ( ), ( ).
12 ( ) for a different position.
13 ( and related work) for a radically different analysis.
14 and la, and the indefinite feminine una, precede a noun starting with a vowel (or semi-vowel) sound, the elided forms l’ and un’ are employed.
15
16 ( ).
17
18
19
20 above) multiplied by the number of participants (8).
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Click here to enlarge figure

Number27
Age range18–66
Mean Age41
Age of Onset (AoO)ItalianAlbanian
Since birth226
From 3 to 510
From 6 to 1081
From 11 to 1540
After 16120
Italian articlesmasc.sing.fem.sing.masc.pl.fem.pl
definiteil, lo (l’)la (l’)i, glile
indefiniteun, unouna (un’)dei, deglidelle
Albanian
articles
masc.singfem.sing.neut.singmasc.pl.fem.plneut.pl
definite-i, -u-a, -jatë+-t/-it/-të-t, -të-t, -tëtë+-t/-të
indefinitenjënjënjë të të + -a
Equivalence ConstraintFree Morpheme ConstraintMatrix Language Frame Model
Post-N Context
(definite article)
One D9a–b     12a–b9a    12anone
Double D13a–b  14a–b13a–b  14a–b 13a–b   14a–b
Pre-N Context
(indefinite article)
One Dnonenonenone
Number8
Age range23–62
Mean Age40
Age of Onset (AoO)ItalianAlbanian
Since birth08
From 3 to 500
From 6 to 1050
From 11 to 1500
After 1630
AJT
Post-N context: N-InsertionItalianAlbanian
Subject position44
Object position44
Post-N context: Double DItalianAlbanian
Subject position44
Object position44
Pre-N context: N-Insertion
Subject position44
Object position44
TOT2424
Other type of sentences
Insertion of Monolingual DP88
Monolingual Sentences1414
Mixed Words3132
Genitives2835
TOT105113
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Cocchi, G.; Pierantozzi, C. Albanian as a Heritage Language in Italy: A Case Study on Code-Switching within DP. Languages 2024 , 9 , 285. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9090285

Cocchi G, Pierantozzi C. Albanian as a Heritage Language in Italy: A Case Study on Code-Switching within DP. Languages . 2024; 9(9):285. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9090285

Cocchi, Gloria, and Cristina Pierantozzi. 2024. "Albanian as a Heritage Language in Italy: A Case Study on Code-Switching within DP" Languages 9, no. 9: 285. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9090285

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Call for case studies and best practices on addressing tuberculosis in prisons

The World Health Organization (WHO) Global Tuberculosis Programme is launching a call for case studies and best practices on addressing tuberculosis (TB) in prisons. This includes provision of services for communicable diseases, with a focus on TB prevention and care provided within prisons, as well as on addressing TB in the context of mobility of people between police holding cells, prisons and the community.

An estimated 10.6 million people developed TB in 2022. Despite being preventable and curable, TB remains one of the world’s top infectious killers, accounting for over one million deaths annually. Prisons and other places of detention can be high risk environments for TB transmission due to overcrowding, inadequate infection prevention and control measures, and other determinants such as undernutrition, substance use disorders and inadequate access to health services. The burden of TB disease in prison populations is about 10 times higher than in the general population. In 2019, an estimated 125,105 people in prisons fell ill with TB worldwide, representing about 1% of the global incidence, and only about half of these detected, leaving a large gap of incarcerated people with undiagnosed or unreported TB.

The provision of high-quality health care in prisons, including TB prevention and care, is essential. People in prisons should access health care in the same conditions and of a similar quality as any other person living in the community, throughout their life course. Protecting the human right to health and ensuring universal health coverage are particularly critical in prison settings, where the provision of health services is not always prioritised.

WHO recommendations on TB (prevention, screening, diagnosis, treatment, testing for HIV and comorbidities, treatment support, and infection prevention and control) are applicable to all settings, including prisons. In addition, WHO has specific recommendations on systematic screening for TB disease in prisons and penitentiary institutions, for both prisoners and prison staff as well as systematic testing and treatment for TB infection, which may be considered for people in prisons as well as other at-risk groups including health workers, immigrants from countries with a high TB burden, homeless people and people who use drugs.

WHO has previously issued guidance on the management of TB in prisons, however there have been significant advances in TB prevention and care since this guidance was issued. The WHO Global Tuberculosis Programme is in the process of updating its guidance on TB in prisons. The purpose of the guidance will be to provide operational guidance on the prevention, management and care of TB in prisons, including when people are transferred between police holding cells, prisons and communities. The new WHO guidance on TB in prisons will also feature several case studies illustrating experiences and best practices in addressing TB in prisons.

These case studies may include examples of interventions that are provided within prisons and police holding cells, such as:

·         TB screening and active TB case finding for people in prisons as well as prison staff;

·         Short course TB preventive treatment and effective management and treatment of TB;

·         Screening, diagnosis and care for co-morbidities or other health related risk factors, such as mental health conditions, substance use disorders, HIV, among other conditions;

·         Contact investigation, outbreak management and TB infection prevention and control;

·         Policies and practices that aim to address the social determinants of TB among people in prisons (such as employment, housing and linkages with social protection services);

·         Collaboration between ministries of health and the ministries responsible for prisons and penitentiary institutions;

·         Policies and practices on promotion of human rights and the human right to health;

·         Building the capacity of prison health staff and inmates to effectively prevent and manage TB;

·         Recording and reporting systems on TB in prison settings, and their linkages to the national TB surveillance system, and

·         Policies or practices that ensure continuity of care when people with TB are transferred between prisons or from prisons to the community.

Through this call, WHO invites country officials, UN agencies, technical partners, and other governmental and non-governmental stakeholders within and beyond the health sector involved in the provision of health services within prison settings to submit examples of relevant case studies and best practices to this email address:  [email protected] .

These case studies and best practices should be no longer than 500 words, should feature current examples implemented in the last ten years and should be structured as follows:

·         Background

·         Policy or practice implemented

·         Results achieved as a result of this policy or practice

·         Challenges identified during implementation (and solutions)

·         Way forward/ next steps (as a conclusion)

The deadline for submission of case studies and best practices is  Friday 30 September, 2024 .

All contributors to the selected case studies will be appropriately acknowledged in the WHO guidance on TB in prisons. We thank you in advance for your collaboration, and please do not hesitate to contact us in case of any questions.

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