variables of qualitative research

Chapter 1. Introduction

“Science is in danger, and for that reason it is becoming dangerous” -Pierre Bourdieu, Science of Science and Reflexivity

Why an Open Access Textbook on Qualitative Research Methods?

I have been teaching qualitative research methods to both undergraduates and graduate students for many years. Although there are some excellent textbooks out there, they are often costly, and none of them, to my mind, properly introduces qualitative research methods to the beginning student (whether undergraduate or graduate student). In contrast, this open-access textbook is designed as a (free) true introduction to the subject, with helpful, practical pointers on how to conduct research and how to access more advanced instruction.

Textbooks are typically arranged in one of two ways: (1) by technique (each chapter covers one method used in qualitative research); or (2) by process (chapters advance from research design through publication). But both of these approaches are necessary for the beginner student. This textbook will have sections dedicated to the process as well as the techniques of qualitative research. This is a true “comprehensive” book for the beginning student. In addition to covering techniques of data collection and data analysis, it provides a road map of how to get started and how to keep going and where to go for advanced instruction. It covers aspects of research design and research communication as well as methods employed. Along the way, it includes examples from many different disciplines in the social sciences.

The primary goal has been to create a useful, accessible, engaging textbook for use across many disciplines. And, let’s face it. Textbooks can be boring. I hope readers find this to be a little different. I have tried to write in a practical and forthright manner, with many lively examples and references to good and intellectually creative qualitative research. Woven throughout the text are short textual asides (in colored textboxes) by professional (academic) qualitative researchers in various disciplines. These short accounts by practitioners should help inspire students. So, let’s begin!

What is Research?

When we use the word research , what exactly do we mean by that? This is one of those words that everyone thinks they understand, but it is worth beginning this textbook with a short explanation. We use the term to refer to “empirical research,” which is actually a historically specific approach to understanding the world around us. Think about how you know things about the world. [1] You might know your mother loves you because she’s told you she does. Or because that is what “mothers” do by tradition. Or you might know because you’ve looked for evidence that she does, like taking care of you when you are sick or reading to you in bed or working two jobs so you can have the things you need to do OK in life. Maybe it seems churlish to look for evidence; you just take it “on faith” that you are loved.

Only one of the above comes close to what we mean by research. Empirical research is research (investigation) based on evidence. Conclusions can then be drawn from observable data. This observable data can also be “tested” or checked. If the data cannot be tested, that is a good indication that we are not doing research. Note that we can never “prove” conclusively, through observable data, that our mothers love us. We might have some “disconfirming evidence” (that time she didn’t show up to your graduation, for example) that could push you to question an original hypothesis , but no amount of “confirming evidence” will ever allow us to say with 100% certainty, “my mother loves me.” Faith and tradition and authority work differently. Our knowledge can be 100% certain using each of those alternative methods of knowledge, but our certainty in those cases will not be based on facts or evidence.

For many periods of history, those in power have been nervous about “science” because it uses evidence and facts as the primary source of understanding the world, and facts can be at odds with what power or authority or tradition want you to believe. That is why I say that scientific empirical research is a historically specific approach to understand the world. You are in college or university now partly to learn how to engage in this historically specific approach.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe, there was a newfound respect for empirical research, some of which was seriously challenging to the established church. Using observations and testing them, scientists found that the earth was not at the center of the universe, for example, but rather that it was but one planet of many which circled the sun. [2] For the next two centuries, the science of astronomy, physics, biology, and chemistry emerged and became disciplines taught in universities. All used the scientific method of observation and testing to advance knowledge. Knowledge about people , however, and social institutions, however, was still left to faith, tradition, and authority. Historians and philosophers and poets wrote about the human condition, but none of them used research to do so. [3]

It was not until the nineteenth century that “social science” really emerged, using the scientific method (empirical observation) to understand people and social institutions. New fields of sociology, economics, political science, and anthropology emerged. The first sociologists, people like Auguste Comte and Karl Marx, sought specifically to apply the scientific method of research to understand society, Engels famously claiming that Marx had done for the social world what Darwin did for the natural world, tracings its laws of development. Today we tend to take for granted the naturalness of science here, but it is actually a pretty recent and radical development.

To return to the question, “does your mother love you?” Well, this is actually not really how a researcher would frame the question, as it is too specific to your case. It doesn’t tell us much about the world at large, even if it does tell us something about you and your relationship with your mother. A social science researcher might ask, “do mothers love their children?” Or maybe they would be more interested in how this loving relationship might change over time (e.g., “do mothers love their children more now than they did in the 18th century when so many children died before reaching adulthood?”) or perhaps they might be interested in measuring quality of love across cultures or time periods, or even establishing “what love looks like” using the mother/child relationship as a site of exploration. All of these make good research questions because we can use observable data to answer them.

What is Qualitative Research?

“All we know is how to learn. How to study, how to listen, how to talk, how to tell. If we don’t tell the world, we don’t know the world. We’re lost in it, we die.” -Ursula LeGuin, The Telling

At its simplest, qualitative research is research about the social world that does not use numbers in its analyses. All those who fear statistics can breathe a sigh of relief – there are no mathematical formulae or regression models in this book! But this definition is less about what qualitative research can be and more about what it is not. To be honest, any simple statement will fail to capture the power and depth of qualitative research. One way of contrasting qualitative research to quantitative research is to note that the focus of qualitative research is less about explaining and predicting relationships between variables and more about understanding the social world. To use our mother love example, the question about “what love looks like” is a good question for the qualitative researcher while all questions measuring love or comparing incidences of love (both of which require measurement) are good questions for quantitative researchers. Patton writes,

Qualitative data describe. They take us, as readers, into the time and place of the observation so that we know what it was like to have been there. They capture and communicate someone else’s experience of the world in his or her own words. Qualitative data tell a story. ( Patton 2002:47 )

Qualitative researchers are asking different questions about the world than their quantitative colleagues. Even when researchers are employed in “mixed methods” research ( both quantitative and qualitative), they are using different methods to address different questions of the study. I do a lot of research about first-generation and working-college college students. Where a quantitative researcher might ask, how many first-generation college students graduate from college within four years? Or does first-generation college status predict high student debt loads? A qualitative researcher might ask, how does the college experience differ for first-generation college students? What is it like to carry a lot of debt, and how does this impact the ability to complete college on time? Both sets of questions are important, but they can only be answered using specific tools tailored to those questions. For the former, you need large numbers to make adequate comparisons. For the latter, you need to talk to people, find out what they are thinking and feeling, and try to inhabit their shoes for a little while so you can make sense of their experiences and beliefs.

Examples of Qualitative Research

You have probably seen examples of qualitative research before, but you might not have paid particular attention to how they were produced or realized that the accounts you were reading were the result of hours, months, even years of research “in the field.” A good qualitative researcher will present the product of their hours of work in such a way that it seems natural, even obvious, to the reader. Because we are trying to convey what it is like answers, qualitative research is often presented as stories – stories about how people live their lives, go to work, raise their children, interact with one another. In some ways, this can seem like reading particularly insightful novels. But, unlike novels, there are very specific rules and guidelines that qualitative researchers follow to ensure that the “story” they are telling is accurate , a truthful rendition of what life is like for the people being studied. Most of this textbook will be spent conveying those rules and guidelines. Let’s take a look, first, however, at three examples of what the end product looks like. I have chosen these three examples to showcase very different approaches to qualitative research, and I will return to these five examples throughout the book. They were all published as whole books (not chapters or articles), and they are worth the long read, if you have the time. I will also provide some information on how these books came to be and the length of time it takes to get them into book version. It is important you know about this process, and the rest of this textbook will help explain why it takes so long to conduct good qualitative research!

Example 1 : The End Game (ethnography + interviews)

Corey Abramson is a sociologist who teaches at the University of Arizona. In 2015 he published The End Game: How Inequality Shapes our Final Years ( 2015 ). This book was based on the research he did for his dissertation at the University of California-Berkeley in 2012. Actually, the dissertation was completed in 2012 but the work that was produced that took several years. The dissertation was entitled, “This is How We Live, This is How We Die: Social Stratification, Aging, and Health in Urban America” ( 2012 ). You can see how the book version, which was written for a more general audience, has a more engaging sound to it, but that the dissertation version, which is what academic faculty read and evaluate, has a more descriptive title. You can read the title and know that this is a study about aging and health and that the focus is going to be inequality and that the context (place) is going to be “urban America.” It’s a study about “how” people do something – in this case, how they deal with aging and death. This is the very first sentence of the dissertation, “From our first breath in the hospital to the day we die, we live in a society characterized by unequal opportunities for maintaining health and taking care of ourselves when ill. These disparities reflect persistent racial, socio-economic, and gender-based inequalities and contribute to their persistence over time” ( 1 ). What follows is a truthful account of how that is so.

Cory Abramson spent three years conducting his research in four different urban neighborhoods. We call the type of research he conducted “comparative ethnographic” because he designed his study to compare groups of seniors as they went about their everyday business. It’s comparative because he is comparing different groups (based on race, class, gender) and ethnographic because he is studying the culture/way of life of a group. [4] He had an educated guess, rooted in what previous research had shown and what social theory would suggest, that people’s experiences of aging differ by race, class, and gender. So, he set up a research design that would allow him to observe differences. He chose two primarily middle-class (one was racially diverse and the other was predominantly White) and two primarily poor neighborhoods (one was racially diverse and the other was predominantly African American). He hung out in senior centers and other places seniors congregated, watched them as they took the bus to get prescriptions filled, sat in doctor’s offices with them, and listened to their conversations with each other. He also conducted more formal conversations, what we call in-depth interviews, with sixty seniors from each of the four neighborhoods. As with a lot of fieldwork , as he got closer to the people involved, he both expanded and deepened his reach –

By the end of the project, I expanded my pool of general observations to include various settings frequented by seniors: apartment building common rooms, doctors’ offices, emergency rooms, pharmacies, senior centers, bars, parks, corner stores, shopping centers, pool halls, hair salons, coffee shops, and discount stores. Over the course of the three years of fieldwork, I observed hundreds of elders, and developed close relationships with a number of them. ( 2012:10 )

When Abramson rewrote the dissertation for a general audience and published his book in 2015, it got a lot of attention. It is a beautifully written book and it provided insight into a common human experience that we surprisingly know very little about. It won the Outstanding Publication Award by the American Sociological Association Section on Aging and the Life Course and was featured in the New York Times . The book was about aging, and specifically how inequality shapes the aging process, but it was also about much more than that. It helped show how inequality affects people’s everyday lives. For example, by observing the difficulties the poor had in setting up appointments and getting to them using public transportation and then being made to wait to see a doctor, sometimes in standing-room-only situations, when they are unwell, and then being treated dismissively by hospital staff, Abramson allowed readers to feel the material reality of being poor in the US. Comparing these examples with seniors with adequate supplemental insurance who have the resources to hire car services or have others assist them in arranging care when they need it, jolts the reader to understand and appreciate the difference money makes in the lives and circumstances of us all, and in a way that is different than simply reading a statistic (“80% of the poor do not keep regular doctor’s appointments”) does. Qualitative research can reach into spaces and places that often go unexamined and then reports back to the rest of us what it is like in those spaces and places.

Example 2: Racing for Innocence (Interviews + Content Analysis + Fictional Stories)

Jennifer Pierce is a Professor of American Studies at the University of Minnesota. Trained as a sociologist, she has written a number of books about gender, race, and power. Her very first book, Gender Trials: Emotional Lives in Contemporary Law Firms, published in 1995, is a brilliant look at gender dynamics within two law firms. Pierce was a participant observer, working as a paralegal, and she observed how female lawyers and female paralegals struggled to obtain parity with their male colleagues.

Fifteen years later, she reexamined the context of the law firm to include an examination of racial dynamics, particularly how elite white men working in these spaces created and maintained a culture that made it difficult for both female attorneys and attorneys of color to thrive. Her book, Racing for Innocence: Whiteness, Gender, and the Backlash Against Affirmative Action , published in 2012, is an interesting and creative blending of interviews with attorneys, content analyses of popular films during this period, and fictional accounts of racial discrimination and sexual harassment. The law firm she chose to study had come under an affirmative action order and was in the process of implementing equitable policies and programs. She wanted to understand how recipients of white privilege (the elite white male attorneys) come to deny the role they play in reproducing inequality. Through interviews with attorneys who were present both before and during the affirmative action order, she creates a historical record of the “bad behavior” that necessitated new policies and procedures, but also, and more importantly , probed the participants ’ understanding of this behavior. It should come as no surprise that most (but not all) of the white male attorneys saw little need for change, and that almost everyone else had accounts that were different if not sometimes downright harrowing.

I’ve used Pierce’s book in my qualitative research methods courses as an example of an interesting blend of techniques and presentation styles. My students often have a very difficult time with the fictional accounts she includes. But they serve an important communicative purpose here. They are her attempts at presenting “both sides” to an objective reality – something happens (Pierce writes this something so it is very clear what it is), and the two participants to the thing that happened have very different understandings of what this means. By including these stories, Pierce presents one of her key findings – people remember things differently and these different memories tend to support their own ideological positions. I wonder what Pierce would have written had she studied the murder of George Floyd or the storming of the US Capitol on January 6 or any number of other historic events whose observers and participants record very different happenings.

This is not to say that qualitative researchers write fictional accounts. In fact, the use of fiction in our work remains controversial. When used, it must be clearly identified as a presentation device, as Pierce did. I include Racing for Innocence here as an example of the multiple uses of methods and techniques and the way that these work together to produce better understandings by us, the readers, of what Pierce studied. We readers come away with a better grasp of how and why advantaged people understate their own involvement in situations and structures that advantage them. This is normal human behavior , in other words. This case may have been about elite white men in law firms, but the general insights here can be transposed to other settings. Indeed, Pierce argues that more research needs to be done about the role elites play in the reproduction of inequality in the workplace in general.

Example 3: Amplified Advantage (Mixed Methods: Survey Interviews + Focus Groups + Archives)

The final example comes from my own work with college students, particularly the ways in which class background affects the experience of college and outcomes for graduates. I include it here as an example of mixed methods, and for the use of supplementary archival research. I’ve done a lot of research over the years on first-generation, low-income, and working-class college students. I am curious (and skeptical) about the possibility of social mobility today, particularly with the rising cost of college and growing inequality in general. As one of the few people in my family to go to college, I didn’t grow up with a lot of examples of what college was like or how to make the most of it. And when I entered graduate school, I realized with dismay that there were very few people like me there. I worried about becoming too different from my family and friends back home. And I wasn’t at all sure that I would ever be able to pay back the huge load of debt I was taking on. And so I wrote my dissertation and first two books about working-class college students. These books focused on experiences in college and the difficulties of navigating between family and school ( Hurst 2010a, 2012 ). But even after all that research, I kept coming back to wondering if working-class students who made it through college had an equal chance at finding good jobs and happy lives,

What happens to students after college? Do working-class students fare as well as their peers? I knew from my own experience that barriers continued through graduate school and beyond, and that my debtload was higher than that of my peers, constraining some of the choices I made when I graduated. To answer these questions, I designed a study of students attending small liberal arts colleges, the type of college that tried to equalize the experience of students by requiring all students to live on campus and offering small classes with lots of interaction with faculty. These private colleges tend to have more money and resources so they can provide financial aid to low-income students. They also attract some very wealthy students. Because they enroll students across the class spectrum, I would be able to draw comparisons. I ended up spending about four years collecting data, both a survey of more than 2000 students (which formed the basis for quantitative analyses) and qualitative data collection (interviews, focus groups, archival research, and participant observation). This is what we call a “mixed methods” approach because we use both quantitative and qualitative data. The survey gave me a large enough number of students that I could make comparisons of the how many kind, and to be able to say with some authority that there were in fact significant differences in experience and outcome by class (e.g., wealthier students earned more money and had little debt; working-class students often found jobs that were not in their chosen careers and were very affected by debt, upper-middle-class students were more likely to go to graduate school). But the survey analyses could not explain why these differences existed. For that, I needed to talk to people and ask them about their motivations and aspirations. I needed to understand their perceptions of the world, and it is very hard to do this through a survey.

By interviewing students and recent graduates, I was able to discern particular patterns and pathways through college and beyond. Specifically, I identified three versions of gameplay. Upper-middle-class students, whose parents were themselves professionals (academics, lawyers, managers of non-profits), saw college as the first stage of their education and took classes and declared majors that would prepare them for graduate school. They also spent a lot of time building their resumes, taking advantage of opportunities to help professors with their research, or study abroad. This helped them gain admission to highly-ranked graduate schools and interesting jobs in the public sector. In contrast, upper-class students, whose parents were wealthy and more likely to be engaged in business (as CEOs or other high-level directors), prioritized building social capital. They did this by joining fraternities and sororities and playing club sports. This helped them when they graduated as they called on friends and parents of friends to find them well-paying jobs. Finally, low-income, first-generation, and working-class students were often adrift. They took the classes that were recommended to them but without the knowledge of how to connect them to life beyond college. They spent time working and studying rather than partying or building their resumes. All three sets of students thought they were “doing college” the right way, the way that one was supposed to do college. But these three versions of gameplay led to distinct outcomes that advantaged some students over others. I titled my work “Amplified Advantage” to highlight this process.

These three examples, Cory Abramson’s The End Game , Jennifer Peirce’s Racing for Innocence, and my own Amplified Advantage, demonstrate the range of approaches and tools available to the qualitative researcher. They also help explain why qualitative research is so important. Numbers can tell us some things about the world, but they cannot get at the hearts and minds, motivations and beliefs of the people who make up the social worlds we inhabit. For that, we need tools that allow us to listen and make sense of what people tell us and show us. That is what good qualitative research offers us.

How Is This Book Organized?

This textbook is organized as a comprehensive introduction to the use of qualitative research methods. The first half covers general topics (e.g., approaches to qualitative research, ethics) and research design (necessary steps for building a successful qualitative research study). The second half reviews various data collection and data analysis techniques. Of course, building a successful qualitative research study requires some knowledge of data collection and data analysis so the chapters in the first half and the chapters in the second half should be read in conversation with each other. That said, each chapter can be read on its own for assistance with a particular narrow topic. In addition to the chapters, a helpful glossary can be found in the back of the book. Rummage around in the text as needed.

Chapter Descriptions

Chapter 2 provides an overview of the Research Design Process. How does one begin a study? What is an appropriate research question? How is the study to be done – with what methods ? Involving what people and sites? Although qualitative research studies can and often do change and develop over the course of data collection, it is important to have a good idea of what the aims and goals of your study are at the outset and a good plan of how to achieve those aims and goals. Chapter 2 provides a road map of the process.

Chapter 3 describes and explains various ways of knowing the (social) world. What is it possible for us to know about how other people think or why they behave the way they do? What does it mean to say something is a “fact” or that it is “well-known” and understood? Qualitative researchers are particularly interested in these questions because of the types of research questions we are interested in answering (the how questions rather than the how many questions of quantitative research). Qualitative researchers have adopted various epistemological approaches. Chapter 3 will explore these approaches, highlighting interpretivist approaches that acknowledge the subjective aspect of reality – in other words, reality and knowledge are not objective but rather influenced by (interpreted through) people.

Chapter 4 focuses on the practical matter of developing a research question and finding the right approach to data collection. In any given study (think of Cory Abramson’s study of aging, for example), there may be years of collected data, thousands of observations , hundreds of pages of notes to read and review and make sense of. If all you had was a general interest area (“aging”), it would be very difficult, nearly impossible, to make sense of all of that data. The research question provides a helpful lens to refine and clarify (and simplify) everything you find and collect. For that reason, it is important to pull out that lens (articulate the research question) before you get started. In the case of the aging study, Cory Abramson was interested in how inequalities affected understandings and responses to aging. It is for this reason he designed a study that would allow him to compare different groups of seniors (some middle-class, some poor). Inevitably, he saw much more in the three years in the field than what made it into his book (or dissertation), but he was able to narrow down the complexity of the social world to provide us with this rich account linked to the original research question. Developing a good research question is thus crucial to effective design and a successful outcome. Chapter 4 will provide pointers on how to do this. Chapter 4 also provides an overview of general approaches taken to doing qualitative research and various “traditions of inquiry.”

Chapter 5 explores sampling . After you have developed a research question and have a general idea of how you will collect data (Observations? Interviews?), how do you go about actually finding people and sites to study? Although there is no “correct number” of people to interview , the sample should follow the research question and research design. Unlike quantitative research, qualitative research involves nonprobability sampling. Chapter 5 explains why this is so and what qualities instead make a good sample for qualitative research.

Chapter 6 addresses the importance of reflexivity in qualitative research. Related to epistemological issues of how we know anything about the social world, qualitative researchers understand that we the researchers can never be truly neutral or outside the study we are conducting. As observers, we see things that make sense to us and may entirely miss what is either too obvious to note or too different to comprehend. As interviewers, as much as we would like to ask questions neutrally and remain in the background, interviews are a form of conversation, and the persons we interview are responding to us . Therefore, it is important to reflect upon our social positions and the knowledges and expectations we bring to our work and to work through any blind spots that we may have. Chapter 6 provides some examples of reflexivity in practice and exercises for thinking through one’s own biases.

Chapter 7 is a very important chapter and should not be overlooked. As a practical matter, it should also be read closely with chapters 6 and 8. Because qualitative researchers deal with people and the social world, it is imperative they develop and adhere to a strong ethical code for conducting research in a way that does not harm. There are legal requirements and guidelines for doing so (see chapter 8), but these requirements should not be considered synonymous with the ethical code required of us. Each researcher must constantly interrogate every aspect of their research, from research question to design to sample through analysis and presentation, to ensure that a minimum of harm (ideally, zero harm) is caused. Because each research project is unique, the standards of care for each study are unique. Part of being a professional researcher is carrying this code in one’s heart, being constantly attentive to what is required under particular circumstances. Chapter 7 provides various research scenarios and asks readers to weigh in on the suitability and appropriateness of the research. If done in a class setting, it will become obvious fairly quickly that there are often no absolutely correct answers, as different people find different aspects of the scenarios of greatest importance. Minimizing the harm in one area may require possible harm in another. Being attentive to all the ethical aspects of one’s research and making the best judgments one can, clearly and consciously, is an integral part of being a good researcher.

Chapter 8 , best to be read in conjunction with chapter 7, explains the role and importance of Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) . Under federal guidelines, an IRB is an appropriately constituted group that has been formally designated to review and monitor research involving human subjects . Every institution that receives funding from the federal government has an IRB. IRBs have the authority to approve, require modifications to (to secure approval), or disapprove research. This group review serves an important role in the protection of the rights and welfare of human research subjects. Chapter 8 reviews the history of IRBs and the work they do but also argues that IRBs’ review of qualitative research is often both over-inclusive and under-inclusive. Some aspects of qualitative research are not well understood by IRBs, given that they were developed to prevent abuses in biomedical research. Thus, it is important not to rely on IRBs to identify all the potential ethical issues that emerge in our research (see chapter 7).

Chapter 9 provides help for getting started on formulating a research question based on gaps in the pre-existing literature. Research is conducted as part of a community, even if particular studies are done by single individuals (or small teams). What any of us finds and reports back becomes part of a much larger body of knowledge. Thus, it is important that we look at the larger body of knowledge before we actually start our bit to see how we can best contribute. When I first began interviewing working-class college students, there was only one other similar study I could find, and it hadn’t been published (it was a dissertation of students from poor backgrounds). But there had been a lot published by professors who had grown up working class and made it through college despite the odds. These accounts by “working-class academics” became an important inspiration for my study and helped me frame the questions I asked the students I interviewed. Chapter 9 will provide some pointers on how to search for relevant literature and how to use this to refine your research question.

Chapter 10 serves as a bridge between the two parts of the textbook, by introducing techniques of data collection. Qualitative research is often characterized by the form of data collection – for example, an ethnographic study is one that employs primarily observational data collection for the purpose of documenting and presenting a particular culture or ethnos. Techniques can be effectively combined, depending on the research question and the aims and goals of the study. Chapter 10 provides a general overview of all the various techniques and how they can be combined.

The second part of the textbook moves into the doing part of qualitative research once the research question has been articulated and the study designed. Chapters 11 through 17 cover various data collection techniques and approaches. Chapters 18 and 19 provide a very simple overview of basic data analysis. Chapter 20 covers communication of the data to various audiences, and in various formats.

Chapter 11 begins our overview of data collection techniques with a focus on interviewing , the true heart of qualitative research. This technique can serve as the primary and exclusive form of data collection, or it can be used to supplement other forms (observation, archival). An interview is distinct from a survey, where questions are asked in a specific order and often with a range of predetermined responses available. Interviews can be conversational and unstructured or, more conventionally, semistructured , where a general set of interview questions “guides” the conversation. Chapter 11 covers the basics of interviews: how to create interview guides, how many people to interview, where to conduct the interview, what to watch out for (how to prepare against things going wrong), and how to get the most out of your interviews.

Chapter 12 covers an important variant of interviewing, the focus group. Focus groups are semistructured interviews with a group of people moderated by a facilitator (the researcher or researcher’s assistant). Focus groups explicitly use group interaction to assist in the data collection. They are best used to collect data on a specific topic that is non-personal and shared among the group. For example, asking a group of college students about a common experience such as taking classes by remote delivery during the pandemic year of 2020. Chapter 12 covers the basics of focus groups: when to use them, how to create interview guides for them, and how to run them effectively.

Chapter 13 moves away from interviewing to the second major form of data collection unique to qualitative researchers – observation . Qualitative research that employs observation can best be understood as falling on a continuum of “fly on the wall” observation (e.g., observing how strangers interact in a doctor’s waiting room) to “participant” observation, where the researcher is also an active participant of the activity being observed. For example, an activist in the Black Lives Matter movement might want to study the movement, using her inside position to gain access to observe key meetings and interactions. Chapter 13 covers the basics of participant observation studies: advantages and disadvantages, gaining access, ethical concerns related to insider/outsider status and entanglement, and recording techniques.

Chapter 14 takes a closer look at “deep ethnography” – immersion in the field of a particularly long duration for the purpose of gaining a deeper understanding and appreciation of a particular culture or social world. Clifford Geertz called this “deep hanging out.” Whereas participant observation is often combined with semistructured interview techniques, deep ethnography’s commitment to “living the life” or experiencing the situation as it really is demands more conversational and natural interactions with people. These interactions and conversations may take place over months or even years. As can be expected, there are some costs to this technique, as well as some very large rewards when done competently. Chapter 14 provides some examples of deep ethnographies that will inspire some beginning researchers and intimidate others.

Chapter 15 moves in the opposite direction of deep ethnography, a technique that is the least positivist of all those discussed here, to mixed methods , a set of techniques that is arguably the most positivist . A mixed methods approach combines both qualitative data collection and quantitative data collection, commonly by combining a survey that is analyzed statistically (e.g., cross-tabs or regression analyses of large number probability samples) with semi-structured interviews. Although it is somewhat unconventional to discuss mixed methods in textbooks on qualitative research, I think it is important to recognize this often-employed approach here. There are several advantages and some disadvantages to taking this route. Chapter 16 will describe those advantages and disadvantages and provide some particular guidance on how to design a mixed methods study for maximum effectiveness.

Chapter 16 covers data collection that does not involve live human subjects at all – archival and historical research (chapter 17 will also cover data that does not involve interacting with human subjects). Sometimes people are unavailable to us, either because they do not wish to be interviewed or observed (as is the case with many “elites”) or because they are too far away, in both place and time. Fortunately, humans leave many traces and we can often answer questions we have by examining those traces. Special collections and archives can be goldmines for social science research. This chapter will explain how to access these places, for what purposes, and how to begin to make sense of what you find.

Chapter 17 covers another data collection area that does not involve face-to-face interaction with humans: content analysis . Although content analysis may be understood more properly as a data analysis technique, the term is often used for the entire approach, which will be the case here. Content analysis involves interpreting meaning from a body of text. This body of text might be something found in historical records (see chapter 16) or something collected by the researcher, as in the case of comment posts on a popular blog post. I once used the stories told by student loan debtors on the website studentloanjustice.org as the content I analyzed. Content analysis is particularly useful when attempting to define and understand prevalent stories or communication about a topic of interest. In other words, when we are less interested in what particular people (our defined sample) are doing or believing and more interested in what general narratives exist about a particular topic or issue. This chapter will explore different approaches to content analysis and provide helpful tips on how to collect data, how to turn that data into codes for analysis, and how to go about presenting what is found through analysis.

Where chapter 17 has pushed us towards data analysis, chapters 18 and 19 are all about what to do with the data collected, whether that data be in the form of interview transcripts or fieldnotes from observations. Chapter 18 introduces the basics of coding , the iterative process of assigning meaning to the data in order to both simplify and identify patterns. What is a code and how does it work? What are the different ways of coding data, and when should you use them? What is a codebook, and why do you need one? What does the process of data analysis look like?

Chapter 19 goes further into detail on codes and how to use them, particularly the later stages of coding in which our codes are refined, simplified, combined, and organized. These later rounds of coding are essential to getting the most out of the data we’ve collected. As students are often overwhelmed with the amount of data (a corpus of interview transcripts typically runs into the hundreds of pages; fieldnotes can easily top that), this chapter will also address time management and provide suggestions for dealing with chaos and reminders that feeling overwhelmed at the analysis stage is part of the process. By the end of the chapter, you should understand how “findings” are actually found.

The book concludes with a chapter dedicated to the effective presentation of data results. Chapter 20 covers the many ways that researchers communicate their studies to various audiences (academic, personal, political), what elements must be included in these various publications, and the hallmarks of excellent qualitative research that various audiences will be expecting. Because qualitative researchers are motivated by understanding and conveying meaning , effective communication is not only an essential skill but a fundamental facet of the entire research project. Ethnographers must be able to convey a certain sense of verisimilitude , the appearance of true reality. Those employing interviews must faithfully depict the key meanings of the people they interviewed in a way that rings true to those people, even if the end result surprises them. And all researchers must strive for clarity in their publications so that various audiences can understand what was found and why it is important.

The book concludes with a short chapter ( chapter 21 ) discussing the value of qualitative research. At the very end of this book, you will find a glossary of terms. I recommend you make frequent use of the glossary and add to each entry as you find examples. Although the entries are meant to be simple and clear, you may also want to paraphrase the definition—make it “make sense” to you, in other words. In addition to the standard reference list (all works cited here), you will find various recommendations for further reading at the end of many chapters. Some of these recommendations will be examples of excellent qualitative research, indicated with an asterisk (*) at the end of the entry. As they say, a picture is worth a thousand words. A good example of qualitative research can teach you more about conducting research than any textbook can (this one included). I highly recommend you select one to three examples from these lists and read them along with the textbook.

A final note on the choice of examples – you will note that many of the examples used in the text come from research on college students. This is for two reasons. First, as most of my research falls in this area, I am most familiar with this literature and have contacts with those who do research here and can call upon them to share their stories with you. Second, and more importantly, my hope is that this textbook reaches a wide audience of beginning researchers who study widely and deeply across the range of what can be known about the social world (from marine resources management to public policy to nursing to political science to sexuality studies and beyond). It is sometimes difficult to find examples that speak to all those research interests, however. A focus on college students is something that all readers can understand and, hopefully, appreciate, as we are all now or have been at some point a college student.

Patton’s Ten Suggestions for Doing Qualitative Research

The following ten suggestions were made by Michael Quinn Patton in his massive textbooks Qualitative Research and Evaluations Methods . This book is highly recommended for those of you who want more than an introduction to qualitative methods. It is the book I relied on heavily when I was a graduate student, although it is much easier to “dip into” when necessary than to read through as a whole. Patton is asked for “just one bit of advice” for a graduate student considering using qualitative research methods for their dissertation. Here are his top ten responses, in short form, heavily paraphrased, and with additional comments and emphases from me:

Make sure that a qualitative approach fits the research question. The following are the kinds of questions that call out for qualitative methods or where qualitative methods are particularly appropriate: questions about people’s experiences or how they make sense of those experiences; studying a person in their natural environment; researching a phenomenon so unknown that it would be impossible to study it with standardized instruments or other forms of quantitative data collection.
Study qualitative research by going to the original sources for the design and analysis appropriate to the particular approach you want to take (e.g., read Glaser and Straus if you are using grounded theory )
Find a dissertation adviser who understands or at least who will support your use of qualitative research methods. You are asking for trouble if your entire committee is populated by quantitative researchers, even if they are all very knowledgeable about the subject or focus of your study (maybe even more so if they are!)
Really work on design. Doing qualitative research effectively takes a lot of planning. Even if things are more flexible than in quantitative research, a good design is absolutely essential when starting out.
Practice data collection techniques, particularly interviewing and observing. There is definitely a set of learned skills here! Do not expect your first interview to be perfect. You will continue to grow as a researcher the more interviews you conduct, and you will probably come to understand yourself a bit more in the process, too. This is not easy, despite what others who don’t work with qualitative methods may assume (and tell you!)
Have a plan for analysis before you begin data collection. This is often a requirement in IRB protocols , although you can get away with writing something fairly simple. And even if you are taking an approach, such as grounded theory, that pushes you to remain fairly open-minded during the data collection process, you still want to know what you will be doing with all the data collected – creating a codebook? Writing analytical memos? Comparing cases? Having a plan in hand will also help prevent you from collecting too much extraneous data.
Be prepared to confront controversies both within the qualitative research community and between qualitative research and quantitative research. Don’t be naïve about this – qualitative research, particularly some approaches, will be derided by many more “positivist” researchers and audiences. For example, is an “n” of 1 really sufficient? Yes! But not everyone will agree.
Do not make the mistake of using qualitative research methods because someone told you it was easier, or because you are intimidated by the math required of statistical analyses. Qualitative research is difficult in its own way (and many would claim much more time-consuming than quantitative research). Do it because you are convinced it is right for your goals, aims, and research questions.
Find a good support network. This could be a research mentor, or it could be a group of friends or colleagues who are also using qualitative research, or it could be just someone who will listen to you work through all of the issues you will confront out in the field and during the writing process. Even though qualitative research often involves human subjects, it can be pretty lonely. A lot of times you will feel like you are working without a net. You have to create one for yourself. Take care of yourself.
And, finally, in the words of Patton, “Prepare to be changed. Looking deeply at other people’s lives will force you to look deeply at yourself.”
We will actually spend an entire chapter ( chapter 3 ) looking at this question in much more detail! ↵
Note that this might have been news to Europeans at the time, but many other societies around the world had also come to this conclusion through observation. There is often a tendency to equate “the scientific revolution” with the European world in which it took place, but this is somewhat misleading. ↵
Historians are a special case here. Historians have scrupulously and rigorously investigated the social world, but not for the purpose of understanding general laws about how things work, which is the point of scientific empirical research. History is often referred to as an idiographic field of study, meaning that it studies things that happened or are happening in themselves and not for general observations or conclusions. ↵
Don’t worry, we’ll spend more time later in this book unpacking the meaning of ethnography and other terms that are important here. Note the available glossary ↵

An approach to research that is “multimethod in focus, involving an interpretative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials – case study, personal experience, introspective, life story, interview, observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts – that describe routine and problematic moments and meanings in individuals’ lives." ( Denzin and Lincoln 2005:2 ). Contrast with quantitative research .

In contrast to methodology, methods are more simply the practices and tools used to collect and analyze data. Examples of common methods in qualitative research are interviews , observations , and documentary analysis . One’s methodology should connect to one’s choice of methods, of course, but they are distinguishable terms. See also methodology .

A proposed explanation for an observation, phenomenon, or scientific problem that can be tested by further investigation. The positing of a hypothesis is often the first step in quantitative research but not in qualitative research. Even when qualitative researchers offer possible explanations in advance of conducting research, they will tend to not use the word “hypothesis” as it conjures up the kind of positivist research they are not conducting.

The foundational question to be addressed by the research study. This will form the anchor of the research design, collection, and analysis. Note that in qualitative research, the research question may, and probably will, alter or develop during the course of the research.

An approach to research that collects and analyzes numerical data for the purpose of finding patterns and averages, making predictions, testing causal relationships, and generalizing results to wider populations. Contrast with qualitative research .

Data collection that takes place in real-world settings, referred to as “the field;” a key component of much Grounded Theory and ethnographic research. Patton ( 2002 ) calls fieldwork “the central activity of qualitative inquiry” where “‘going into the field’ means having direct and personal contact with people under study in their own environments – getting close to people and situations being studied to personally understand the realities of minutiae of daily life” (48).

The people who are the subjects of a qualitative study. In interview-based studies, they may be the respondents to the interviewer; for purposes of IRBs, they are often referred to as the human subjects of the research.

The branch of philosophy concerned with knowledge. For researchers, it is important to recognize and adopt one of the many distinguishing epistemological perspectives as part of our understanding of what questions research can address or fully answer. See, e.g., constructivism , subjectivism, and objectivism .

An approach that refutes the possibility of neutrality in social science research. All research is “guided by a set of beliefs and feelings about the world and how it should be understood and studied” (Denzin and Lincoln 2005: 13). In contrast to positivism , interpretivism recognizes the social constructedness of reality, and researchers adopting this approach focus on capturing interpretations and understandings people have about the world rather than “the world” as it is (which is a chimera).

The cluster of data-collection tools and techniques that involve observing interactions between people, the behaviors, and practices of individuals (sometimes in contrast to what they say about how they act and behave), and cultures in context. Observational methods are the key tools employed by ethnographers and Grounded Theory .

Research based on data collected and analyzed by the research (in contrast to secondary “library” research).

The process of selecting people or other units of analysis to represent a larger population. In quantitative research, this representation is taken quite literally, as statistically representative. In qualitative research, in contrast, sample selection is often made based on potential to generate insight about a particular topic or phenomenon.

A method of data collection in which the researcher asks the participant questions; the answers to these questions are often recorded and transcribed verbatim. There are many different kinds of interviews - see also semistructured interview , structured interview , and unstructured interview .

The specific group of individuals that you will collect data from. Contrast population.

The practice of being conscious of and reflective upon one’s own social location and presence when conducting research. Because qualitative research often requires interaction with live humans, failing to take into account how one’s presence and prior expectations and social location affect the data collected and how analyzed may limit the reliability of the findings. This remains true even when dealing with historical archives and other content. Who we are matters when asking questions about how people experience the world because we, too, are a part of that world.

The science and practice of right conduct; in research, it is also the delineation of moral obligations towards research participants, communities to which we belong, and communities in which we conduct our research.

An administrative body established to protect the rights and welfare of human research subjects recruited to participate in research activities conducted under the auspices of the institution with which it is affiliated. The IRB is charged with the responsibility of reviewing all research involving human participants. The IRB is concerned with protecting the welfare, rights, and privacy of human subjects. The IRB has the authority to approve, disapprove, monitor, and require modifications in all research activities that fall within its jurisdiction as specified by both the federal regulations and institutional policy.

Research, according to US federal guidelines, that involves “a living individual about whom an investigator (whether professional or student) conducting research: (1) Obtains information or biospecimens through intervention or interaction with the individual, and uses, studies, or analyzes the information or biospecimens; or (2) Obtains, uses, studies, analyzes, or generates identifiable private information or identifiable biospecimens.”

One of the primary methodological traditions of inquiry in qualitative research, ethnography is the study of a group or group culture, largely through observational fieldwork supplemented by interviews. It is a form of fieldwork that may include participant-observation data collection. See chapter 14 for a discussion of deep ethnography.

A form of interview that follows a standard guide of questions asked, although the order of the questions may change to match the particular needs of each individual interview subject, and probing “follow-up” questions are often added during the course of the interview. The semi-structured interview is the primary form of interviewing used by qualitative researchers in the social sciences. It is sometimes referred to as an “in-depth” interview. See also interview and interview guide .

A method of observational data collection taking place in a natural setting; a form of fieldwork . The term encompasses a continuum of relative participation by the researcher (from full participant to “fly-on-the-wall” observer). This is also sometimes referred to as ethnography , although the latter is characterized by a greater focus on the culture under observation.

A research design that employs both quantitative and qualitative methods, as in the case of a survey supplemented by interviews.

An epistemological perspective that posits the existence of reality through sensory experience similar to empiricism but goes further in denying any non-sensory basis of thought or consciousness. In the social sciences, the term has roots in the proto-sociologist August Comte, who believed he could discern “laws” of society similar to the laws of natural science (e.g., gravity). The term has come to mean the kinds of measurable and verifiable science conducted by quantitative researchers and is thus used pejoratively by some qualitative researchers interested in interpretation, consciousness, and human understanding. Calling someone a “positivist” is often intended as an insult. See also empiricism and objectivism.

A place or collection containing records, documents, or other materials of historical interest; most universities have an archive of material related to the university’s history, as well as other “special collections” that may be of interest to members of the community.

A method of both data collection and data analysis in which a given content (textual, visual, graphic) is examined systematically and rigorously to identify meanings, themes, patterns and assumptions. Qualitative content analysis (QCA) is concerned with gathering and interpreting an existing body of material.

A word or short phrase that symbolically assigns a summative, salient, essence-capturing, and/or evocative attribute for a portion of language-based or visual data (Saldaña 2021:5).

Usually a verbatim written record of an interview or focus group discussion.

The primary form of data for fieldwork , participant observation , and ethnography . These notes, taken by the researcher either during the course of fieldwork or at day’s end, should include as many details as possible on what was observed and what was said. They should include clear identifiers of date, time, setting, and names (or identifying characteristics) of participants.

The process of labeling and organizing qualitative data to identify different themes and the relationships between them; a way of simplifying data to allow better management and retrieval of key themes and illustrative passages. See coding frame and codebook.

A methodological tradition of inquiry and approach to analyzing qualitative data in which theories emerge from a rigorous and systematic process of induction. This approach was pioneered by the sociologists Glaser and Strauss (1967). The elements of theory generated from comparative analysis of data are, first, conceptual categories and their properties and, second, hypotheses or generalized relations among the categories and their properties – “The constant comparing of many groups draws the [researcher’s] attention to their many similarities and differences. Considering these leads [the researcher] to generate abstract categories and their properties, which, since they emerge from the data, will clearly be important to a theory explaining the kind of behavior under observation.” (36).

A detailed description of any proposed research that involves human subjects for review by IRB. The protocol serves as the recipe for the conduct of the research activity. It includes the scientific rationale to justify the conduct of the study, the information necessary to conduct the study, the plan for managing and analyzing the data, and a discussion of the research ethical issues relevant to the research. Protocols for qualitative research often include interview guides, all documents related to recruitment, informed consent forms, very clear guidelines on the safekeeping of materials collected, and plans for de-identifying transcripts or other data that include personal identifying information.

Qualitative Research: Characteristics, Design, Methods & Examples

Lauren McCall

MSc Health Psychology Graduate

MSc, Health Psychology, University of Nottingham

Lauren obtained an MSc in Health Psychology from The University of Nottingham with a distinction classification.

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Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

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Qualitative research is a type of research methodology that focuses on gathering and analyzing non-numerical data to gain a deeper understanding of human behavior, experiences, and perspectives.

It aims to explore the “why” and “how” of a phenomenon rather than the “what,” “where,” and “when” typically addressed by quantitative research.

Unlike quantitative research, which focuses on gathering and analyzing numerical data for statistical analysis, qualitative research involves researchers interpreting data to identify themes, patterns, and meanings.

Qualitative research can be used to:

Gain deep contextual understandings of the subjective social reality of individuals
To answer questions about experience and meaning from the participant’s perspective
To design hypotheses, theory must be researched using qualitative methods to determine what is important before research can begin.

Examples of qualitative research questions include:

How does stress influence young adults’ behavior?
What factors influence students’ school attendance rates in developed countries?
How do adults interpret binge drinking in the UK?
What are the psychological impacts of cervical cancer screening in women?
How can mental health lessons be integrated into the school curriculum?

Characteristics

Naturalistic setting.

Individuals are studied in their natural setting to gain a deeper understanding of how people experience the world. This enables the researcher to understand a phenomenon close to how participants experience it.

Naturalistic settings provide valuable contextual information to help researchers better understand and interpret the data they collect.

The environment, social interactions, and cultural factors can all influence behavior and experiences, and these elements are more easily observed in real-world settings.

Reality is socially constructed

Qualitative research aims to understand how participants make meaning of their experiences – individually or in social contexts. It assumes there is no objective reality and that the social world is interpreted (Yilmaz, 2013).

The primacy of subject matter

The primary aim of qualitative research is to understand the perspectives, experiences, and beliefs of individuals who have experienced the phenomenon selected for research rather than the average experiences of groups of people (Minichiello, 1990).

An in-depth understanding is attained since qualitative techniques allow participants to freely disclose their experiences, thoughts, and feelings without constraint (Tenny et al., 2022).

Variables are complex, interwoven, and difficult to measure

Factors such as experiences, behaviors, and attitudes are complex and interwoven, so they cannot be reduced to isolated variables , making them difficult to measure quantitatively.

However, a qualitative approach enables participants to describe what, why, or how they were thinking/ feeling during a phenomenon being studied (Yilmaz, 2013).

Emic (insider’s point of view)

The phenomenon being studied is centered on the participants’ point of view (Minichiello, 1990).

Emic is used to describe how participants interact, communicate, and behave in the research setting (Scarduzio, 2017).

Interpretive analysis

In qualitative research, interpretive analysis is crucial in making sense of the collected data.

This process involves examining the raw data, such as interview transcripts, field notes, or documents, and identifying the underlying themes, patterns, and meanings that emerge from the participants’ experiences and perspectives.

Collecting Qualitative Data

There are four main research design methods used to collect qualitative data: observations, interviews, focus groups, and ethnography.

Observations

This method involves watching and recording phenomena as they occur in nature. Observation can be divided into two types: participant and non-participant observation.

In participant observation, the researcher actively participates in the situation/events being observed.

In non-participant observation, the researcher is not an active part of the observation and tries not to influence the behaviors they are observing (Busetto et al., 2020).

Observations can be covert (participants are unaware that a researcher is observing them) or overt (participants are aware of the researcher’s presence and know they are being observed).

However, awareness of an observer’s presence may influence participants’ behavior.

Interviews give researchers a window into the world of a participant by seeking their account of an event, situation, or phenomenon. They are usually conducted on a one-to-one basis and can be distinguished according to the level at which they are structured (Punch, 2013).

Structured interviews involve predetermined questions and sequences to ensure replicability and comparability. However, they are unable to explore emerging issues.

Informal interviews consist of spontaneous, casual conversations which are closer to the truth of a phenomenon. However, information is gathered using quick notes made by the researcher and is therefore subject to recall bias.

Semi-structured interviews have a flexible structure, phrasing, and placement so emerging issues can be explored (Denny & Weckesser, 2022).

The use of probing questions and clarification can lead to a detailed understanding, but semi-structured interviews can be time-consuming and subject to interviewer bias.

Focus groups

Similar to interviews, focus groups elicit a rich and detailed account of an experience. However, focus groups are more dynamic since participants with shared characteristics construct this account together (Denny & Weckesser, 2022).

A shared narrative is built between participants to capture a group experience shaped by a shared context.

The researcher takes on the role of a moderator, who will establish ground rules and guide the discussion by following a topic guide to focus the group discussions.

Typically, focus groups have 4-10 participants as a discussion can be difficult to facilitate with more than this, and this number allows everyone the time to speak.

Ethnography

Ethnography is a methodology used to study a group of people’s behaviors and social interactions in their environment (Reeves et al., 2008).

Data are collected using methods such as observations, field notes, or structured/ unstructured interviews.

The aim of ethnography is to provide detailed, holistic insights into people’s behavior and perspectives within their natural setting. In order to achieve this, researchers immerse themselves in a community or organization.

Due to the flexibility and real-world focus of ethnography, researchers are able to gather an in-depth, nuanced understanding of people’s experiences, knowledge and perspectives that are influenced by culture and society.

In order to develop a representative picture of a particular culture/ context, researchers must conduct extensive field work.

This can be time-consuming as researchers may need to immerse themselves into a community/ culture for a few days, or possibly a few years.

Qualitative Data Analysis Methods

Different methods can be used for analyzing qualitative data. The researcher chooses based on the objectives of their study.

The researcher plays a key role in the interpretation of data, making decisions about the coding, theming, decontextualizing, and recontextualizing of data (Starks & Trinidad, 2007).

Grounded theory

Grounded theory is a qualitative method specifically designed to inductively generate theory from data. It was developed by Glaser and Strauss in 1967 (Glaser & Strauss, 2017).

This methodology aims to develop theories (rather than test hypotheses) that explain a social process, action, or interaction (Petty et al., 2012). To inform the developing theory, data collection and analysis run simultaneously.

There are three key types of coding used in grounded theory: initial (open), intermediate (axial), and advanced (selective) coding.

Throughout the analysis, memos should be created to document methodological and theoretical ideas about the data. Data should be collected and analyzed until data saturation is reached and a theory is developed.

Content analysis

Content analysis was first used in the early twentieth century to analyze textual materials such as newspapers and political speeches.

Content analysis is a research method used to identify and analyze the presence and patterns of themes, concepts, or words in data (Vaismoradi et al., 2013).

This research method can be used to analyze data in different formats, which can be written, oral, or visual.

The goal of content analysis is to develop themes that capture the underlying meanings of data (Schreier, 2012).

Qualitative content analysis can be used to validate existing theories, support the development of new models and theories, and provide in-depth descriptions of particular settings or experiences.

The following six steps provide a guideline for how to conduct qualitative content analysis.

Define a Research Question : To start content analysis, a clear research question should be developed.
Identify and Collect Data : Establish the inclusion criteria for your data. Find the relevant sources to analyze.
Define the Unit or Theme of Analysis : Categorize the content into themes. Themes can be a word, phrase, or sentence.
Develop Rules for Coding your Data : Define a set of coding rules to ensure that all data are coded consistently.
Code the Data : Follow the coding rules to categorize data into themes.
Analyze the Results and Draw Conclusions : Examine the data to identify patterns and draw conclusions in relation to your research question.

Discourse analysis

Discourse analysis is a research method used to study written/ spoken language in relation to its social context (Wood & Kroger, 2000).

In discourse analysis, the researcher interprets details of language materials and the context in which it is situated.

Discourse analysis aims to understand the functions of language (how language is used in real life) and how meaning is conveyed by language in different contexts. Researchers use discourse analysis to investigate social groups and how language is used to achieve specific communication goals.

Different methods of discourse analysis can be used depending on the aims and objectives of a study. However, the following steps provide a guideline on how to conduct discourse analysis.

Define the Research Question : Develop a relevant research question to frame the analysis.
Gather Data and Establish the Context : Collect research materials (e.g., interview transcripts, documents). Gather factual details and review the literature to construct a theory about the social and historical context of your study.
Analyze the Content : Closely examine various components of the text, such as the vocabulary, sentences, paragraphs, and structure of the text. Identify patterns relevant to the research question to create codes, then group these into themes.
Review the Results : Reflect on the findings to examine the function of the language, and the meaning and context of the discourse.

Thematic analysis

Thematic analysis is a method used to identify, interpret, and report patterns in data, such as commonalities or contrasts.

Although the origin of thematic analysis can be traced back to the early twentieth century, understanding and clarity of thematic analysis is attributed to Braun and Clarke (2006).

Thematic analysis aims to develop themes (patterns of meaning) across a dataset to address a research question.

In thematic analysis, qualitative data is gathered using techniques such as interviews, focus groups, and questionnaires. Audio recordings are transcribed. The dataset is then explored and interpreted by a researcher to identify patterns.

This occurs through the rigorous process of data familiarisation, coding, theme development, and revision. These identified patterns provide a summary of the dataset and can be used to address a research question.

Themes are developed by exploring the implicit and explicit meanings within the data. Two different approaches are used to generate themes: inductive and deductive.

An inductive approach allows themes to emerge from the data. In contrast, a deductive approach uses existing theories or knowledge to apply preconceived ideas to the data.

Phases of Thematic Analysis

Braun and Clarke (2006) provide a guide of the six phases of thematic analysis. These phases can be applied flexibly to fit research questions and data.

Phase
1. Gather and transcribe data	Gather raw data, for example interviews or focus groups, and transcribe audio recordings fully
2. Familiarization with data	Read and reread all your data from beginning to end; note down initial ideas
3. Create initial codes	Start identifying preliminary codes which highlight important features of the data and may be relevant to the research question
4. Create new codes which encapsulate potential themes	Review initial codes and explore any similarities, differences, or contradictions to uncover underlying themes; create a map to visualize identified themes
5. Take a break then return to the data	Take a break and then return later to review themes
6. Evaluate themes for good fit	Last opportunity for analysis; check themes are supported and saturated with data

Template analysis

Template analysis refers to a specific method of thematic analysis which uses hierarchical coding (Brooks et al., 2014).

Template analysis is used to analyze textual data, for example, interview transcripts or open-ended responses on a written questionnaire.

To conduct template analysis, a coding template must be developed (usually from a subset of the data) and subsequently revised and refined. This template represents the themes identified by researchers as important in the dataset.

Codes are ordered hierarchically within the template, with the highest-level codes demonstrating overarching themes in the data and lower-level codes representing constituent themes with a narrower focus.

A guideline for the main procedural steps for conducting template analysis is outlined below.

Familiarization with the Data : Read (and reread) the dataset in full. Engage, reflect, and take notes on data that may be relevant to the research question.
Preliminary Coding : Identify initial codes using guidance from the a priori codes, identified before the analysis as likely to be beneficial and relevant to the analysis.
Organize Themes : Organize themes into meaningful clusters. Consider the relationships between the themes both within and between clusters.
Produce an Initial Template : Develop an initial template. This may be based on a subset of the data.
Apply and Develop the Template : Apply the initial template to further data and make any necessary modifications. Refinements of the template may include adding themes, removing themes, or changing the scope/title of themes.
Finalize Template : Finalize the template, then apply it to the entire dataset.

Frame analysis

Frame analysis is a comparative form of thematic analysis which systematically analyzes data using a matrix output.

Ritchie and Spencer (1994) developed this set of techniques to analyze qualitative data in applied policy research. Frame analysis aims to generate theory from data.

Frame analysis encourages researchers to organize and manage their data using summarization.

This results in a flexible and unique matrix output, in which individual participants (or cases) are represented by rows and themes are represented by columns.

Each intersecting cell is used to summarize findings relating to the corresponding participant and theme.

Frame analysis has five distinct phases which are interrelated, forming a methodical and rigorous framework.

Familiarization with the Data : Familiarize yourself with all the transcripts. Immerse yourself in the details of each transcript and start to note recurring themes.
Develop a Theoretical Framework : Identify recurrent/ important themes and add them to a chart. Provide a framework/ structure for the analysis.
Indexing : Apply the framework systematically to the entire study data.
Summarize Data in Analytical Framework : Reduce the data into brief summaries of participants’ accounts.
Mapping and Interpretation : Compare themes and subthemes and check against the original transcripts. Group the data into categories and provide an explanation for them.

Preventing Bias in Qualitative Research

To evaluate qualitative studies, the CASP (Critical Appraisal Skills Programme) checklist for qualitative studies can be used to ensure all aspects of a study have been considered (CASP, 2018).

The quality of research can be enhanced and assessed using criteria such as checklists, reflexivity, co-coding, and member-checking.

Co-coding

Relying on only one researcher to interpret rich and complex data may risk key insights and alternative viewpoints being missed. Therefore, coding is often performed by multiple researchers.

A common strategy must be defined at the beginning of the coding process (Busetto et al., 2020). This includes establishing a useful coding list and finding a common definition of individual codes.

Transcripts are initially coded independently by researchers and then compared and consolidated to minimize error or bias and to bring confirmation of findings.

Member checking

Member checking (or respondent validation) involves checking back with participants to see if the research resonates with their experiences (Russell & Gregory, 2003).

Data can be returned to participants after data collection or when results are first available. For example, participants may be provided with their interview transcript and asked to verify whether this is a complete and accurate representation of their views.

Participants may then clarify or elaborate on their responses to ensure they align with their views (Shenton, 2004).

This feedback becomes part of data collection and ensures accurate descriptions/ interpretations of phenomena (Mays & Pope, 2000).

Reflexivity in qualitative research

Reflexivity typically involves examining your own judgments, practices, and belief systems during data collection and analysis. It aims to identify any personal beliefs which may affect the research.

Reflexivity is essential in qualitative research to ensure methodological transparency and complete reporting. This enables readers to understand how the interaction between the researcher and participant shapes the data.

Depending on the research question and population being researched, factors that need to be considered include the experience of the researcher, how the contact was established and maintained, age, gender, and ethnicity.

These details are important because, in qualitative research, the researcher is a dynamic part of the research process and actively influences the outcome of the research (Boeije, 2014).

Reflexivity Example

Who you are and your characteristics influence how you collect and analyze data. Here is an example of a reflexivity statement for research on smoking. I am a 30-year-old white female from a middle-class background. I live in the southwest of England and have been educated to master’s level. I have been involved in two research projects on oral health. I have never smoked, but I have witnessed how smoking can cause ill health from my volunteering in a smoking cessation clinic. My research aspirations are to help to develop interventions to help smokers quit.

Establishing Trustworthiness in Qualitative Research

Trustworthiness is a concept used to assess the quality and rigor of qualitative research. Four criteria are used to assess a study’s trustworthiness: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.

Credibility in Qualitative Research

Credibility refers to how accurately the results represent the reality and viewpoints of the participants.

To establish credibility in research, participants’ views and the researcher’s representation of their views need to align (Tobin & Begley, 2004).

To increase the credibility of findings, researchers may use data source triangulation, investigator triangulation, peer debriefing, or member checking (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Transferability in Qualitative Research

Transferability refers to how generalizable the findings are: whether the findings may be applied to another context, setting, or group (Tobin & Begley, 2004).

Transferability can be enhanced by giving thorough and in-depth descriptions of the research setting, sample, and methods (Nowell et al., 2017).

Dependability in Qualitative Research

Dependability is the extent to which the study could be replicated under similar conditions and the findings would be consistent.

Researchers can establish dependability using methods such as audit trails so readers can see the research process is logical and traceable (Koch, 1994).

Confirmability in Qualitative Research

Confirmability is concerned with establishing that there is a clear link between the researcher’s interpretations/ findings and the data.

Researchers can achieve confirmability by demonstrating how conclusions and interpretations were arrived at (Nowell et al., 2017).

This enables readers to understand the reasoning behind the decisions made.

Audit Trails in Qualitative Research

An audit trail provides evidence of the decisions made by the researcher regarding theory, research design, and data collection, as well as the steps they have chosen to manage, analyze, and report data.

The researcher must provide a clear rationale to demonstrate how conclusions were reached in their study.

A clear description of the research path must be provided to enable readers to trace through the researcher’s logic (Halpren, 1983).

Researchers should maintain records of the raw data, field notes, transcripts, and a reflective journal in order to provide a clear audit trail.

Discovery of unexpected data

Open-ended questions in qualitative research mean the researcher can probe an interview topic and enable the participant to elaborate on responses in an unrestricted manner.

This allows unexpected data to emerge, which can lead to further research into that topic.

The exploratory nature of qualitative research helps generate hypotheses that can be tested quantitatively (Busetto et al., 2020).

Flexibility

Data collection and analysis can be modified and adapted to take the research in a different direction if new ideas or patterns emerge in the data.

This enables researchers to investigate new opportunities while firmly maintaining their research goals.

Naturalistic settings

The behaviors of participants are recorded in real-world settings. Studies that use real-world settings have high ecological validity since participants behave more authentically.

Limitations

Time-consuming .

Qualitative research results in large amounts of data which often need to be transcribed and analyzed manually.

Even when software is used, transcription can be inaccurate, and using software for analysis can result in many codes which need to be condensed into themes.

Subjectivity

The researcher has an integral role in collecting and interpreting qualitative data. Therefore, the conclusions reached are from their perspective and experience.

Consequently, interpretations of data from another researcher may vary greatly.

Limited generalizability

The aim of qualitative research is to provide a detailed, contextualized understanding of an aspect of the human experience from a relatively small sample size.

Despite rigorous analysis procedures, conclusions drawn cannot be generalized to the wider population since data may be biased or unrepresentative.

Therefore, results are only applicable to a small group of the population.

Extraneous variables

Qualitative research is often conducted in real-world settings. This may cause results to be unreliable since extraneous variables may affect the data, for example:

Situational variables : different environmental conditions may influence participants’ behavior in a study. The random variation in factors (such as noise or lighting) may be difficult to control in real-world settings.
Participant characteristics : this includes any characteristics that may influence how a participant answers/ behaves in a study. This may include a participant’s mood, gender, age, ethnicity, sexual identity, IQ, etc.
Experimenter effect : experimenter effect refers to how a researcher’s unintentional influence can change the outcome of a study. This occurs when (i) their interactions with participants unintentionally change participants’ behaviors or (ii) due to errors in observation, interpretation, or analysis.

What sample size should qualitative research be?

The sample size for qualitative studies has been recommended to include a minimum of 12 participants to reach data saturation (Braun, 2013).

Are surveys qualitative or quantitative?

Surveys can be used to gather information from a sample qualitatively or quantitatively. Qualitative surveys use open-ended questions to gather detailed information from a large sample using free text responses.

The use of open-ended questions allows for unrestricted responses where participants use their own words, enabling the collection of more in-depth information than closed-ended questions.

In contrast, quantitative surveys consist of closed-ended questions with multiple-choice answer options. Quantitative surveys are ideal to gather a statistical representation of a population.

What are the ethical considerations of qualitative research?

Before conducting a study, you must think about any risks that could occur and take steps to prevent them. Participant Protection : Researchers must protect participants from physical and mental harm. This means you must not embarrass, frighten, offend, or harm participants. Transparency : Researchers are obligated to clearly communicate how they will collect, store, analyze, use, and share the data. Confidentiality : You need to consider how to maintain the confidentiality and anonymity of participants’ data.

What is triangulation in qualitative research?

Triangulation refers to the use of several approaches in a study to comprehensively understand phenomena. This method helps to increase the validity and credibility of research findings.

Types of triangulation include method triangulation (using multiple methods to gather data); investigator triangulation (multiple researchers for collecting/ analyzing data), theory triangulation (comparing several theoretical perspectives to explain a phenomenon), and data source triangulation (using data from various times, locations, and people; Carter et al., 2014).

Why is qualitative research important?

Qualitative research allows researchers to describe and explain the social world. The exploratory nature of qualitative research helps to generate hypotheses that can then be tested quantitatively.

In qualitative research, participants are able to express their thoughts, experiences, and feelings without constraint.

Additionally, researchers are able to follow up on participants’ answers in real-time, generating valuable discussion around a topic. This enables researchers to gain a nuanced understanding of phenomena which is difficult to attain using quantitative methods.

What is coding data in qualitative research?

Coding data is a qualitative data analysis strategy in which a section of text is assigned with a label that describes its content.

These labels may be words or phrases which represent important (and recurring) patterns in the data.

This process enables researchers to identify related content across the dataset. Codes can then be used to group similar types of data to generate themes.

What is the difference between qualitative and quantitative research?

Qualitative research involves the collection and analysis of non-numerical data in order to understand experiences and meanings from the participant’s perspective.

This can provide rich, in-depth insights on complicated phenomena. Qualitative data may be collected using interviews, focus groups, or observations.

In contrast, quantitative research involves the collection and analysis of numerical data to measure the frequency, magnitude, or relationships of variables. This can provide objective and reliable evidence that can be generalized to the wider population.

Quantitative data may be collected using closed-ended questionnaires or experiments.

What is trustworthiness in qualitative research?

Trustworthiness is a concept used to assess the quality and rigor of qualitative research. Four criteria are used to assess a study’s trustworthiness: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.

Credibility refers to how accurately the results represent the reality and viewpoints of the participants. Transferability refers to whether the findings may be applied to another context, setting, or group.

Dependability is the extent to which the findings are consistent and reliable. Confirmability refers to the objectivity of findings (not influenced by the bias or assumptions of researchers).

What is data saturation in qualitative research?

Data saturation is a methodological principle used to guide the sample size of a qualitative research study.

Data saturation is proposed as a necessary methodological component in qualitative research (Saunders et al., 2018) as it is a vital criterion for discontinuing data collection and/or analysis.

The intention of data saturation is to find “no new data, no new themes, no new coding, and ability to replicate the study” (Guest et al., 2006). Therefore, enough data has been gathered to make conclusions.

Why is sampling in qualitative research important?

In quantitative research, large sample sizes are used to provide statistically significant quantitative estimates.

This is because quantitative research aims to provide generalizable conclusions that represent populations.

However, the aim of sampling in qualitative research is to gather data that will help the researcher understand the depth, complexity, variation, or context of a phenomenon. The small sample sizes in qualitative studies support the depth of case-oriented analysis.

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Research Methodology

Qualitative Data Coding

What Is a Focus Group?

Cross-Cultural Research Methodology In Psychology

What Is Internal Validity In Research?

Research Methodology , Statistics

What Is Face Validity In Research? Importance & How To Measure

Criterion Validity: Definition & Examples

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What Is Qualitative Research? | Methods & Examples

What Is Qualitative Research? | Methods & Examples

Published on 4 April 2022 by Pritha Bhandari . Revised on 30 January 2023.

Qualitative research involves collecting and analysing non-numerical data (e.g., text, video, or audio) to understand concepts, opinions, or experiences. It can be used to gather in-depth insights into a problem or generate new ideas for research.

Qualitative research is the opposite of quantitative research , which involves collecting and analysing numerical data for statistical analysis.

Qualitative research is commonly used in the humanities and social sciences, in subjects such as anthropology, sociology, education, health sciences, and history.

How does social media shape body image in teenagers?
How do children and adults interpret healthy eating in the UK?
What factors influence employee retention in a large organisation?
How is anxiety experienced around the world?
How can teachers integrate social issues into science curriculums?

Approaches to qualitative research, qualitative research methods, qualitative data analysis, advantages of qualitative research, disadvantages of qualitative research, frequently asked questions about qualitative research.

Qualitative research is used to understand how people experience the world. While there are many approaches to qualitative research, they tend to be flexible and focus on retaining rich meaning when interpreting data.

Common approaches include grounded theory, ethnography, action research, phenomenological research, and narrative research. They share some similarities, but emphasise different aims and perspectives.

Qualitative research approaches
Approach	What does it involve?
Grounded theory	Researchers collect rich data on a topic of interest and develop theories .
	Researchers immerse themselves in groups or organisations to understand their cultures.
	Researchers and participants collaboratively link theory to practice to drive social change.
Phenomenological research	Researchers investigate a phenomenon or event by describing and interpreting participants’ lived experiences.
Narrative research	Researchers examine how stories are told to understand how participants perceive and make sense of their experiences.

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Each of the research approaches involve using one or more data collection methods . These are some of the most common qualitative methods:

Observations: recording what you have seen, heard, or encountered in detailed field notes.
Interviews: personally asking people questions in one-on-one conversations.
Focus groups: asking questions and generating discussion among a group of people.
Surveys : distributing questionnaires with open-ended questions.
Secondary research: collecting existing data in the form of texts, images, audio or video recordings, etc.
You take field notes with observations and reflect on your own experiences of the company culture.
You distribute open-ended surveys to employees across all the company’s offices by email to find out if the culture varies across locations.
You conduct in-depth interviews with employees in your office to learn about their experiences and perspectives in greater detail.

Qualitative researchers often consider themselves ‘instruments’ in research because all observations, interpretations and analyses are filtered through their own personal lens.

For this reason, when writing up your methodology for qualitative research, it’s important to reflect on your approach and to thoroughly explain the choices you made in collecting and analysing the data.

Qualitative data can take the form of texts, photos, videos and audio. For example, you might be working with interview transcripts, survey responses, fieldnotes, or recordings from natural settings.

Most types of qualitative data analysis share the same five steps:

Prepare and organise your data. This may mean transcribing interviews or typing up fieldnotes.
Review and explore your data. Examine the data for patterns or repeated ideas that emerge.
Develop a data coding system. Based on your initial ideas, establish a set of codes that you can apply to categorise your data.
Assign codes to the data. For example, in qualitative survey analysis, this may mean going through each participant’s responses and tagging them with codes in a spreadsheet. As you go through your data, you can create new codes to add to your system if necessary.
Identify recurring themes. Link codes together into cohesive, overarching themes.

There are several specific approaches to analysing qualitative data. Although these methods share similar processes, they emphasise different concepts.

Qualitative data analysis
Approach	When to use	Example
	To describe and categorise common words, phrases, and ideas in qualitative data.	A market researcher could perform content analysis to find out what kind of language is used in descriptions of therapeutic apps.
	To identify and interpret patterns and themes in qualitative data.	A psychologist could apply thematic analysis to travel blogs to explore how tourism shapes self-identity.
	To examine the content, structure, and design of texts.	A media researcher could use textual analysis to understand how news coverage of celebrities has changed in the past decade.
	To study communication and how language is used to achieve effects in specific contexts.	A political scientist could use discourse analysis to study how politicians generate trust in election campaigns.

Qualitative research often tries to preserve the voice and perspective of participants and can be adjusted as new research questions arise. Qualitative research is good for:

Flexibility

The data collection and analysis process can be adapted as new ideas or patterns emerge. They are not rigidly decided beforehand.

Natural settings

Data collection occurs in real-world contexts or in naturalistic ways.

Meaningful insights

Detailed descriptions of people’s experiences, feelings and perceptions can be used in designing, testing or improving systems or products.

Generation of new ideas

Open-ended responses mean that researchers can uncover novel problems or opportunities that they wouldn’t have thought of otherwise.

Researchers must consider practical and theoretical limitations in analysing and interpreting their data. Qualitative research suffers from:

Unreliability

The real-world setting often makes qualitative research unreliable because of uncontrolled factors that affect the data.

Subjectivity

Due to the researcher’s primary role in analysing and interpreting data, qualitative research cannot be replicated . The researcher decides what is important and what is irrelevant in data analysis, so interpretations of the same data can vary greatly.

Limited generalisability

Small samples are often used to gather detailed data about specific contexts. Despite rigorous analysis procedures, it is difficult to draw generalisable conclusions because the data may be biased and unrepresentative of the wider population .

Labour-intensive

Although software can be used to manage and record large amounts of text, data analysis often has to be checked or performed manually.

Quantitative research deals with numbers and statistics, while qualitative research deals with words and meanings.

Quantitative methods allow you to test a hypothesis by systematically collecting and analysing data, while qualitative methods allow you to explore ideas and experiences in depth.

There are five common approaches to qualitative research :

Grounded theory involves collecting data in order to develop new theories.
Ethnography involves immersing yourself in a group or organisation to understand its culture.
Narrative research involves interpreting stories to understand how people make sense of their experiences and perceptions.
Phenomenological research involves investigating phenomena through people’s lived experiences.
Action research links theory and practice in several cycles to drive innovative changes.

Data collection is the systematic process by which observations or measurements are gathered in research. It is used in many different contexts by academics, governments, businesses, and other organisations.

There are various approaches to qualitative data analysis , but they all share five steps in common:

Prepare and organise your data.
Review and explore your data.
Develop a data coding system.
Assign codes to the data.
Identify recurring themes.

The specifics of each step depend on the focus of the analysis. Some common approaches include textual analysis , thematic analysis , and discourse analysis .

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Qualitative Research : Definition

Qualitative research is the naturalistic study of social meanings and processes, using interviews, observations, and the analysis of texts and images. In contrast to quantitative researchers, whose statistical methods enable broad generalizations about populations (for example, comparisons of the percentages of U.S. demographic groups who vote in particular ways), qualitative researchers use in-depth studies of the social world to analyze how and why groups think and act in particular ways (for instance, case studies of the experiences that shape political views).

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Variables in Research | Types, Definiton & Examples

Introduction

What is a variable, what are the 5 types of variables in research, other variables in research.

Variables are fundamental components of research that allow for the measurement and analysis of data. They can be defined as characteristics or properties that can take on different values. In research design , understanding the types of variables and their roles is crucial for developing hypotheses , designing methods , and interpreting results .

This article outlines the the types of variables in research, including their definitions and examples, to provide a clear understanding of their use and significance in research studies. By categorizing variables into distinct groups based on their roles in research, their types of data, and their relationships with other variables, researchers can more effectively structure their studies and achieve more accurate conclusions.

A variable represents any characteristic, number, or quantity that can be measured or quantified. The term encompasses anything that can vary or change, ranging from simple concepts like age and height to more complex ones like satisfaction levels or economic status. Variables are essential in research as they are the foundational elements that researchers manipulate, measure, or control to gain insights into relationships, causes, and effects within their studies. They enable the framing of research questions, the formulation of hypotheses, and the interpretation of results.

Variables can be categorized based on their role in the study (such as independent and dependent variables ), the type of data they represent (quantitative or categorical), and their relationship to other variables (like confounding or control variables). Understanding what constitutes a variable and the various variable types available is a critical step in designing robust and meaningful research.

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Variables are crucial components in research, serving as the foundation for data collection , analysis , and interpretation . They are attributes or characteristics that can vary among subjects or over time, and understanding their types is essential for any study. Variables can be broadly classified into five main types, each with its distinct characteristics and roles within research.

This classification helps researchers in designing their studies, choosing appropriate measurement techniques, and analyzing their results accurately. The five types of variables include independent variables, dependent variables, categorical variables, continuous variables, and confounding variables. These categories not only facilitate a clearer understanding of the data but also guide the formulation of hypotheses and research methodologies.

Independent variables

Independent variables are foundational to the structure of research, serving as the factors or conditions that researchers manipulate or vary to observe their effects on dependent variables. These variables are considered "independent" because their variation does not depend on other variables within the study. Instead, they are the cause or stimulus that directly influences the outcomes being measured. For example, in an experiment to assess the effectiveness of a new teaching method on student performance, the teaching method applied (traditional vs. innovative) would be the independent variable.

The selection of an independent variable is a critical step in research design, as it directly correlates with the study's objective to determine causality or association. Researchers must clearly define and control these variables to ensure that observed changes in the dependent variable can be attributed to variations in the independent variable, thereby affirming the reliability of the results. In experimental research, the independent variable is what differentiates the control group from the experimental group, thereby setting the stage for meaningful comparison and analysis.

Dependent variables

Dependent variables are the outcomes or effects that researchers aim to explore and understand in their studies. These variables are called "dependent" because their values depend on the changes or variations of the independent variables.

Essentially, they are the responses or results that are measured to assess the impact of the independent variable's manipulation. For instance, in a study investigating the effect of exercise on weight loss, the amount of weight lost would be considered the dependent variable, as it depends on the exercise regimen (the independent variable).

The identification and measurement of the dependent variable are crucial for testing the hypothesis and drawing conclusions from the research. It allows researchers to quantify the effect of the independent variable , providing evidence for causal relationships or associations. In experimental settings, the dependent variable is what is being tested and measured across different groups or conditions, enabling researchers to assess the efficacy or impact of the independent variable's variation.

To ensure accuracy and reliability, the dependent variable must be defined clearly and measured consistently across all participants or observations. This consistency helps in reducing measurement errors and increases the validity of the research findings. By carefully analyzing the dependent variables, researchers can derive meaningful insights from their studies, contributing to the broader knowledge in their field.

Categorical variables

Categorical variables, also known as qualitative variables, represent types or categories that are used to group observations. These variables divide data into distinct groups or categories that lack a numerical value but hold significant meaning in research. Examples of categorical variables include gender (male, female, other), type of vehicle (car, truck, motorcycle), or marital status (single, married, divorced). These categories help researchers organize data into groups for comparison and analysis.

Categorical variables can be further classified into two subtypes: nominal and ordinal. Nominal variables are categories without any inherent order or ranking among them, such as blood type or ethnicity. Ordinal variables, on the other hand, imply a sort of ranking or order among the categories, like levels of satisfaction (high, medium, low) or education level (high school, bachelor's, master's, doctorate).

Understanding and identifying categorical variables is crucial in research as it influences the choice of statistical analysis methods. Since these variables represent categories without numerical significance, researchers employ specific statistical tests designed for a nominal or ordinal variable to draw meaningful conclusions. Properly classifying and analyzing categorical variables allow for the exploration of relationships between different groups within the study, shedding light on patterns and trends that might not be evident with numerical data alone.

Continuous variables

Continuous variables are quantitative variables that can take an infinite number of values within a given range. These variables are measured along a continuum and can represent very precise measurements. Examples of continuous variables include height, weight, temperature, and time. Because they can assume any value within a range, continuous variables allow for detailed analysis and a high degree of accuracy in research findings.

The ability to measure continuous variables at very fine scales makes them invaluable for many types of research, particularly in the natural and social sciences. For instance, in a study examining the effect of temperature on plant growth, temperature would be considered a continuous variable since it can vary across a wide spectrum and be measured to several decimal places.

When dealing with continuous variables, researchers often use methods incorporating a particular statistical test to accommodate a wide range of data points and the potential for infinite divisibility. This includes various forms of regression analysis, correlation, and other techniques suited for modeling and analyzing nuanced relationships between variables. The precision of continuous variables enhances the researcher's ability to detect patterns, trends, and causal relationships within the data, contributing to more robust and detailed conclusions.

Confounding variables

Confounding variables are those that can cause a false association between the independent and dependent variables, potentially leading to incorrect conclusions about the relationship being studied. These are extraneous variables that were not considered in the study design but can influence both the supposed cause and effect, creating a misleading correlation.

Identifying and controlling for a confounding variable is crucial in research to ensure the validity of the findings. This can be achieved through various methods, including randomization, stratification, and statistical control. Randomization helps to evenly distribute confounding variables across study groups, reducing their potential impact. Stratification involves analyzing the data within strata or layers that share common characteristics of the confounder. Statistical control allows researchers to adjust for the effects of confounders in the analysis phase.

Properly addressing confounding variables strengthens the credibility of research outcomes by clarifying the direct relationship between the dependent and independent variables, thus providing more accurate and reliable results.

Beyond the primary categories of variables commonly discussed in research methodology , there exists a diverse range of other variables that play significant roles in the design and analysis of studies. Below is an overview of some of these variables, highlighting their definitions and roles within research studies:

Discrete variables : A discrete variable is a quantitative variable that represents quantitative data , such as the number of children in a family or the number of cars in a parking lot. Discrete variables can only take on specific values.
Categorical variables : A categorical variable categorizes subjects or items into groups that do not have a natural numerical order. Categorical data includes nominal variables, like country of origin, and ordinal variables, such as education level.
Predictor variables : Often used in statistical models, a predictor variable is used to forecast or predict the outcomes of other variables, not necessarily with a causal implication.
Outcome variables : These variables represent the results or outcomes that researchers aim to explain or predict through their studies. An outcome variable is central to understanding the effects of predictor variables.
Latent variables : Not directly observable, latent variables are inferred from other, directly measured variables. Examples include psychological constructs like intelligence or socioeconomic status.
Composite variables : Created by combining multiple variables, composite variables can measure a concept more reliably or simplify the analysis. An example would be a composite happiness index derived from several survey questions .
Preceding variables : These variables come before other variables in time or sequence, potentially influencing subsequent outcomes. A preceding variable is crucial in longitudinal studies to determine causality or sequences of events.

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Qualitative Variable | Classification & Examples

Erin taught high school math for 6 years and served as Center Director of a Mathnasium Learning Center for 1.5 years. She has a Bachelors in Mathematics from Wartburg College and a Masters in Applied Analytics and Data Science from the University of Kansas Medical Center.

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Statistical variables, qualitative variable, qualitative variable examples, lesson summary, what is the difference between quantitative or qualitative data.

A quantitative variable is only represented as a number. Mathematical operations are applied to quantitative variables to learn more information about the data. Quantitative variables represent a quantity. Quantitative variables provide answers to questions of "how much" or "how many."

A qualitative variable can be represented as a characteristic or a number. Mathematical operations are not applied to qualitative variables, as no additional information can be gained from doing so. Qualitative variables represent a quality or characteristic. Qualitative variables provide answers to questions asking "Who", "What", "Where", and "When."

What are 3 examples of qualitative variables?

Qualitative variables are descriptive variables and can be classified as nominal, ordinal, or dichotomous.

An example of a nominal variable is "Favorite Music"; the order of the outcomes does not matter.

An example of an ordinal variable is "Race Result"; the order of the outcomes does matter.

An example of a dichotomous variable is "Smoker"; an individual is classified as either a smoker or non-smoker.

What are quantitative and qualitative variables?

Quantitative and qualitative variables are types of statistical variables, used to describe a quantity, number, or characteristic.

Quantitative variables are variables whose outcomes are numbers and can have mathematical operations applied to them in a meaningful way. Examples include weight, age, and profit.

Qualitative variables are variables whose outcomes are descriptive and cannot have mathematical operations applied to them in a meaningful way. Examples include gender, names, and grade level.

You have likely heard the term variable used in many different settings. If you have a loan, the interest rate might be a variable or a fixed rate; an important first step in an experiment is to identify the independent and dependent variables, and you have likely had to solve for the variable in a math equation. A variable is something that can change in value, usually over a period of time. A statistical variable is a number, quantity, or characteristic that can be measured. Some examples of statistical variables include height, profit, population, car make or model, race, ethnicity, date, and medical diagnosis .

Since statistical variables can be a number, quantity, or characteristic, it is helpful to divide them into two types of variables. Statistical variables are classified as quantitative or qualitative variables . This distinction helps statisticians and mathematicians like yourself determine the best way to analyze data. Quantitative variables are measured differently than qualitative variables and knowing which type of variable(s) you are working with is a crucial first step in statistical analysis.

Quantitative Variable

A quantitative variable is also referred to as numerical data. Numerical data are expressed as a number and can have mathematical operations applied to the numbers. Some data may be displayed as a number but it won't make sense to apply mathematical operations - these are not quantitative variables.

Examples of quantitative variables include:

Temperature

For each of these variables, we can learn important information by finding averages, standard deviations , and variances.

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0:01 What Is a Qualitative…
0:51 Classfications of…
1:26 Identifying…
3:34 Lesson Summary

A qualitative variable is a variable describing a characteristic. Qualitative variables are also sometimes referred to as categorical variables because they can be separated into categories. Qualitative variables are often descriptive but can sometimes be given a numeric value. For example, a dataset may represent the color of a person's eyes by numbers such as 1, 2, and 3, where 1 = blue, 2 = brown, 3 = green. In this case, you would not get any meaningful information by finding the average for the "eye color" variable.

Other examples of qualitative variables include:

Medical diagnosis
Political affiliation
Car make or model

There are several strategies you can use to tell whether a variable is quantitative or qualitative.

Is the data displayed as a number? If it is not a number, then it is a qualitative variable. If it is a number, ask yourself if finding the average of the data would tell you anything useful. If it would, then it is a quantitative variable.
Ask yourself if you can split the data into categories or subgroups. If you can, it's a qualitative variable.
One way to remember the difference between a quantitative and qualitative variable is by relating them to the words quantity and quality . A quanti tative variable is represented as a quantity of something. For example, the number of fruits and vegetables a person eats. A quali tative variable is referring to a quality , or characteristic, of something. For example, indicating whether a patient has diabetes.

Qualitative Nominal

Nominal variables are qualitative variables where there is no inherent order to the categories within the variable. For example, hair colors do not have an order associated with them, so data regarding the hair color of individuals is a nominal variable.

To determine whether a variable can be classified as a nominal variable, it helps to think about whether the data can be put into categories like "low, medium, high" or "first, second, third." If your answer to that question is no, then you are working with a nominal variable. If your answer to that question is yes, then you are working with a different type of qualitative variable.

Other examples of nominal variables include:

Job profession
Marital status

Qualitative Ordinal

If the variable you are working with does have a specific order, such as "low, medium, high" or "first, second, third", you are working with a qualitative ordinal variable . It can be helpful to remember that ord inal has ord er.

To determine whether a variable is ordinal, look for keywords such as rank , scale , or place in the variable or variable description. Ask yourself if you can list the categories within the variable in a particular order; if your answer is yes, the variable is ordinal. Oftentimes, it will help to read the description of the variable to understand how the variable is meant to be interpreted and used.

Examples of ordinal variables include:

Grade level
Clothing size
Age group or weight group
Responses from surveys that use the Likert scale, which records responses on a scale such as "strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree, or strongly disagree"

Qualitative Dichotomous

A qualitative dichotomous variable is a special type of nominal variable. If a nominal variable has only 2 options for its outcome, it is a dichotomous variable. The outcomes for dichotomous variables are often represented as yes/no, positive/negative, or true/false responses. In some instances, dichotomous variables are represented as a number; you can easily identify these situations by noticing there are only 2 types of responses within the data and by reading the variable description. In most cases when numbers are used to represent a dichotomous variable, the value 0 represents a false or negative response and the value 1 represents a true or positive response.

Examples of dichotomous variables include:

Results of a medical test screening for cancer (positive or negative)
Responses from a survey asking about tobacco use (smoker or non-smoker)
Results of a coin flip (heads or tails)
Results of a driving test (pass or fail)

Let's practice identifying qualitative variables and classifying them as nominal, ordinal, or dichotomous!

Example 1: Which of the following variables are qualitative?

Number of Participants
GPA (grade point average)
Phone Number

Month and Phone Number are the qualitative variables in this example. Months are usually listed by name but even if they are listed numerically, we do not gain any valuable information by taking an average or finding the sum of our dataset. The same concept applies to phone numbers; even though they are represented numerically, we do not gain information from performing mathematical operations on a list of phone numbers.

Example 2: Which of the following are qualitative nominal variables?

Team Ranking
Favorite Ice Cream Flavor
Race Results

Favorite Ice Cream Flavor is a qualitative nominal variable. The flavors do not have a specific order in which they need to be listed, nor does one flavor have any more or less importance than another flavor. Group name is also a nominal variable because there is no inherent order to the names.

Example 3: Which of the following are qualitative dichotomous variables?

Grade Level
Letter Grade
Lung Cancer

Lung Cancer is the only dichotomous variable in the list. A person either has lung cancer or does not have lung cancer. All the other variables can have more than two outcomes.

Example 4: Identify each variable as qualitative nominal, qualitative ordinal, or qualitative dichotomous.

Session Number

1. Session Number is a qualitative ordinal value. If we want to analyze attendance for a program, distinguishing between the first and third session matters when we are looking to see if attendance is increasing, decreasing, or remaining constant.

2. Last Name is a qualitative nominal variable. There is no inherent order for last names.

3. Deceased is a qualitative dichotomous variable. You can either be alive or deceased, there are no other options.

Statistical variables are numbers, quantities, or characteristics that can be measured. Statistical variables fall into two categories: qualitative variables and quantitative variables. Quantitative variables are variables that are represented as a number and can have mathematical operations, such as average and standard deviation, applied to them to gain meaningful information. Examples of quantitative variables include height, age, and profit.

Qualitative variables describe a quality or characteristic. It does not make sense to apply mathematical operations to these variables. Qualitative variables are often referred to as categorical variables because the outcomes can be sorted into categories. There are 3 different types of qualitative variables: nominal , ordinal , and dichotomous .

Qualitative nominal variables do not have a specified order. Examples include names, race, and marital status. If the outcomes of a variable can be sorted into categories but the order of the categories is not important, the variable is a qualitative nominal variable.

Qualitative ordinal variables do have a specific order. Any variables in which the outcomes are related to a ranking, placement, or scale are classified as qualitative ordinal variables. Examples include Likert scale ratings, age groups, letter grades, and team rankings.

Qualitative dichotomous variables are a special kind of nominal variable in which there are only 2 outcomes. Variables with outcomes listed as "positive" or "negative", "yes" or "no", or "pass" or "fail" are examples of dichotomous variables. Examples include medical diagnosis, survey questions, and exam results.

Video Transcript

What is a qualitative variable.

Statistical variables can be classified in two ways, quantitative and qualitative. Quantitative variables have numerical values. Meaningful calculations such as average and standard deviation can be made for quantitative, but not qualitative, variables.

Qualitative variables , on the other hand, can be put in groups or categories. For this reason, they are also called categorical variables. Sometimes they are given discrete numerical values that are convenient for grouping. But these numbers are not useful in doing calculations such as average or standard deviation. For example, sports teams are put into divisions, such as Division 1, Division 2, etc. But these numbers are simply used for grouping, and would not be used in doing calculations. This makes sports team divisions an example of a qualitative variable.

Classifications of Qualitative Variables

Qualitative variables may be nominal, ordinal or dichotomous. If they are nominal , there is no natural order to the categories these variables are assigned to, such as college major or hair color. If a natural order does exist, they are considered ordinal . Educational level and socioeconomic status are examples of ordinal variables. Dichotomous variables have only two categories. Responses from a voting poll that asks the question, 'Would you vote for this candidate?' would be an example of a dichotomous variable. There only two categories for the response, yes and no.

Identifying Qualitative Variables

The following examples will help you to understand how to identify qualitative variables and determine whether they are nominal, ordinal or dichotomous.

Favorite movie

SAT score and shoe size are both quantitative because they are numerical. Favorite movie is qualitative because it can be organized into categories. While zip code is numerical, finding the average of a zip code has no significance. Therefore, zip code is qualitative.

Example 2: Determine whether each qualitative variable is nominal, ordinal or dichotomous.

Exam letter grade
Level of customer satisfaction

Exam letter grade is ordinal because the order has significance. Letter grades are typically A , B , C , D , and F , with A being the highest grade and F being the lowest grade. Gender is dichotomous because it has two categories, male and female. Level of customer satisfaction may have categories on a scale ranging from unsatisfied to very satisfied, and is therefore ordinal. Marital status may have categories such as married, single, divorced or separated. The order of the categories is not significant, so marital status is a nominal variable.

Example 3: The following table shows data from a sample set of employees at a corporation. Identify the qualitative variables and determine whether they are nominal, ordinal or dichotomous.

ID Number	Sex	Age	Age Group	Educational Level	Annual Income
120	F	24	2	Bachelor's	$32,000
137	M	45	4	Diploma	$55,000
213	M	31	3	Master's	$47,000
254	F	52	5	Doctorate	$122,000

In this example ID number, sex, age group, and educational level are all qualitative. Although ID number and age group are numeric, these values are used simply for grouping. Finding the average of these values would not be meaningful. Gender is dichotomous because there are only two responses for sex, male and female. Gender is also nominal because the order does not matter. Educational level is ordinal because levels are generally attained in a particular sequence. ID number and age group are also ordinal because the values can be placed in a meaningful order.

In this lesson we learned that qualitative variables can be placed in categories, unlike quantitative variables . Some qualitative variables have numeric values assigned to their categories, but these numbers are not useful for calculations. Qualitative variables can be further classified as nominal, ordinal or dichotomous. Ordinal variables can be placed in a logical, meaningful order while the order does not matter for nominal variables. Dichotomous variables are those with only two possible categories.

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Qualitative and Quantitative Research: Glossary of Key Terms

This glossary provides definitions of many of the terms used in the guides to conducting qualitative and quantitative research. The definitions were developed by members of the research methods seminar (E600) taught by Mike Palmquist in the 1990s and 2000s.

Members of the Research Methods Seminar (E600) taught by Mike Palmquist in the 1990s and 2000s. (1994-2022). Glossary of Key Terms. Writing@CSU . Colorado State University. https://writing.colostate.edu/guides/guide.cfm?guideid=90

Qualitative vs. quantitative data in research: what's the difference?

If you're reading this, you likely already know the importance of data analysis. And you already know it can be incredibly complex.

At its simplest, research and it's data can be broken down into two different categories: quantitative and qualitative. But what's the difference between each? And when should you use them? And how can you use them together?

Understanding the differences between qualitative and quantitative data is key to any research project. Knowing both approaches can help you in understanding your data better—and ultimately understand your customers better. Quick takeaways:

Quantitative research uses objective, numerical data to answer questions like "what" and "how often." Conversely, qualitative research seeks to answer questions like "why" and "how," focusing on subjective experiences to understand motivations and reasons.

Quantitative data is collected through methods like surveys and experiments and analyzed statistically to identify patterns. Qualitative data is gathered through interviews or observations and analyzed by categorizing information to understand themes and insights.

Effective data analysis combines quantitative data for measurable insights with qualitative data for contextual depth.

What is quantitative data?

Qualitative and quantitative data differ in their approach and the type of data they collect.

Quantitative data refers to any information that can be quantified — that is, numbers. If it can be counted or measured, and given a numerical value, it's quantitative in nature. Think of it as a measuring stick.

Quantitative variables can tell you "how many," "how much," or "how often."

Some examples of quantitative data :

How many people attended last week's webinar?

How much revenue did our company make last year?

How often does a customer rage click on this app?

To analyze these research questions and make sense of this quantitative data, you’d normally use a form of statistical analysis —collecting, evaluating, and presenting large amounts of data to discover patterns and trends. Quantitative data is conducive to this type of analysis because it’s numeric and easier to analyze mathematically.

Computers now rule statistical analytics, even though traditional methods have been used for years. But today’s data volumes make statistics more valuable and useful than ever. When you think of statistical analysis now, you think of powerful computers and algorithms that fuel many of the software tools you use today.

Popular quantitative data collection methods are surveys, experiments, polls, and more.

Quantitative Data 101: What is quantitative data?

Take a deeper dive into what quantitative data is, how it works, how to analyze it, collect it, use it, and more.

Learn more about quantitative data →

What is qualitative data?

Unlike quantitative data, qualitative data is descriptive, expressed in terms of language rather than numerical values.

Qualitative data analysis describes information and cannot be measured or counted. It refers to the words or labels used to describe certain characteristics or traits.

You would turn to qualitative data to answer the "why?" or "how?" questions. It is often used to investigate open-ended studies, allowing participants (or customers) to show their true feelings and actions without guidance.

Some examples of qualitative data:

Why do people prefer using one product over another?

How do customers feel about their customer service experience?

What do people think about a new feature in the app?

Think of qualitative data as the type of data you'd get if you were to ask someone why they did something. Popular data collection methods are in-depth interviews, focus groups, or observation.

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What are the differences between qualitative vs. quantitative data?

When it comes to conducting data research, you’ll need different collection, hypotheses and analysis methods, so it’s important to understand the key differences between quantitative and qualitative data:

Quantitative data is numbers-based, countable, or measurable. Qualitative data is interpretation-based, descriptive, and relating to language.

Quantitative data tells us how many, how much, or how often in calculations. Qualitative data can help us to understand why, how, or what happened behind certain behaviors .

Quantitative data is fixed and universal. Qualitative data is subjective and unique.

Quantitative research methods are measuring and counting. Qualitative research methods are interviewing and observing.

Quantitative data is analyzed using statistical analysis. Qualitative data is analyzed by grouping the data into categories and themes.

As you can see, both provide immense value for any data collection and are key to truly finding answers and patterns.

More examples of quantitative and qualitative data

You’ve most likely run into quantitative and qualitative data today, alone. For the visual learner, here are some examples of both quantitative and qualitative data:

Quantitative data example

The customer has clicked on the button 13 times.

The engineer has resolved 34 support tickets today.

The team has completed 7 upgrades this month.

14 cartons of eggs were purchased this month.

Qualitative data example

My manager has curly brown hair and blue eyes.

My coworker is funny, loud, and a good listener.

The customer has a very friendly face and a contagious laugh.

The eggs were delicious.

The fundamental difference is that one type of data answers primal basics and one answers descriptively.

What does this mean for data quality and analysis? If you just analyzed quantitative data, you’d be missing core reasons behind what makes a data collection meaningful. You need both in order to truly learn from data—and truly learn from your customers.

What are the advantages and disadvantages of each?

Both types of data has their own pros and cons.

Advantages of quantitative data

It’s relatively quick and easy to collect and it’s easier to draw conclusions from.

When you collect quantitative data, the type of results will tell you which statistical tests are appropriate to use.

As a result, interpreting your data and presenting those findings is straightforward and less open to error and subjectivity.

Another advantage is that you can replicate it. Replicating a study is possible because your data collection is measurable and tangible for further applications.

Disadvantages of quantitative data

Quantitative data doesn’t always tell you the full story (no matter what the perspective).

With choppy information, it can be inconclusive.

Quantitative research can be limited, which can lead to overlooking broader themes and relationships.

By focusing solely on numbers, there is a risk of missing larger focus information that can be beneficial.

Advantages of qualitative data

Qualitative data offers rich, in-depth insights and allows you to explore context.

It’s great for exploratory purposes.

Qualitative research delivers a predictive element for continuous data.

Disadvantages of qualitative data

It’s not a statistically representative form of data collection because it relies upon the experience of the host (who can lose data).

It can also require multiple data sessions, which can lead to misleading conclusions.

The takeaway is that it’s tough to conduct a successful data analysis without both. They both have their advantages and disadvantages and, in a way, they complement each other.

Now, of course, in order to analyze both types of data, information has to be collected first.

Let's get into the research.

Quantitative and qualitative research

The core difference between qualitative and quantitative research lies in their focus and methods of data collection and analysis. This distinction guides researchers in choosing an appropriate approach based on their specific research needs.

Using mixed methods of both can also help provide insights form combined qualitative and quantitative data.

Best practices of each help to look at the information under a broader lens to get a unique perspective. Using both methods is helpful because they collect rich and reliable data, which can be further tested and replicated.

What is quantitative research?

Quantitative research is based on the collection and interpretation of numeric data. It's all about the numbers and focuses on measuring (using inferential statistics ) and generalizing results. Quantitative research seeks to collect numerical data that can be transformed into usable statistics.

It relies on measurable data to formulate facts and uncover patterns in research. By employing statistical methods to analyze the data, it provides a broad overview that can be generalized to larger populations.

In terms of digital experience data, it puts everything in terms of numbers (or discrete data )—like the number of users clicking a button, bounce rates , time on site, and more.

Some examples of quantitative research:

What is the amount of money invested into this service?

What is the average number of times a button was dead clicked ?

How many customers are actually clicking this button?

Essentially, quantitative research is an easy way to see what’s going on at a 20,000-foot view.

Each data set (or customer action, if we’re still talking digital experience) has a numerical value associated with it and is quantifiable information that can be used for calculating statistical analysis so that decisions can be made.

You can use statistical operations to discover feedback patterns (with any representative sample size) in the data under examination. The results can be used to make predictions , find averages, test causes and effects, and generalize results to larger measurable data pools.

Unlike qualitative methodology, quantitative research offers more objective findings as they are based on more reliable numeric data.

Quantitative data collection methods

A survey is one of the most common research methods with quantitative data that involves questioning a large group of people. Questions are usually closed-ended and are the same for all participants. An unclear questionnaire can lead to distorted research outcomes.

Similar to surveys, polls yield quantitative data. That is, you poll a number of people and apply a numeric value to how many people responded with each answer.

Experiments

An experiment is another common method that usually involves a control group and an experimental group . The experiment is controlled and the conditions can be manipulated accordingly. You can examine any type of records involved if they pertain to the experiment, so the data is extensive.

What is qualitative research?

Qualitative research does not simply help to collect data. It gives a chance to understand the trends and meanings of natural actions. It’s flexible and iterative.

Qualitative research focuses on the qualities of users—the actions that drive the numbers. It's descriptive research. The qualitative approach is subjective, too.

It focuses on describing an action, rather than measuring it.

Some examples of qualitative research:

The sunflowers had a fresh smell that filled the office.

All the bagels with bites taken out of them had cream cheese.

The man had blonde hair with a blue hat.

Qualitative research utilizes interviews, focus groups, and observations to gather in-depth insights.

This approach shines when the research objective calls for exploring ideas or uncovering deep insights rather than quantifying elements.

Qualitative data collection methods

An interview is the most common qualitative research method. This method involves personal interaction (either in real life or virtually) with a participant. It’s mostly used for exploring attitudes and opinions regarding certain issues.

Interviews are very popular methods for collecting data in product design .

Focus groups

Data analysis by focus group is another method where participants are guided by a host to collect data. Within a group (either in person or online), each member shares their opinion and experiences on a specific topic, allowing researchers to gather perspectives and deepen their understanding of the subject matter.

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So which type of data is better for data analysis?

So how do you determine which type is better for data analysis ?

Quantitative data is structured and accountable. This type of data is formatted in a way so it can be organized, arranged, and searchable. Think about this data as numbers and values found in spreadsheets—after all, you would trust an Excel formula.

Qualitative data is considered unstructured. This type of data is formatted (and known for) being subjective, individualized, and personalized. Anything goes. Because of this, qualitative data is inferior if it’s the only data in the study. However, it’s still valuable.

Because quantitative data is more concrete, it’s generally preferred for data analysis. Numbers don’t lie. But for complete statistical analysis, using both qualitative and quantitative yields the best results.

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A perfect digital customer experience is often the difference between company growth and failure. And the first step toward building that experience is quantifying who your customers are, what they want, and how to provide them what they need.

Access to product analytics is the most efficient and reliable way to collect valuable quantitative data about funnel analysis, customer journey maps , user segments, and more.

But creating a perfect digital experience means you need organized and digestible quantitative data—but also access to qualitative data. Understanding the why is just as important as the what itself.

Fullstory's DXI platform combines the quantitative insights of product analytics with picture-perfect session replay for complete context that helps you answer questions, understand issues, and uncover customer opportunities.

Start a free 14-day trial to see how Fullstory can help you combine your most invaluable quantitative and qualitative insights and eliminate blind spots.

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Quantitative data is used for calculations or obtaining numerical results. Learn about the different types of quantitative data uses cases and more.

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What is Qualitative in Qualitative Research

Open access
Published: 27 February 2019
Volume 42 , pages 139–160, ( 2019 )

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Patrik Aspers 1 , 2 &
Ugo Corte 3

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What is qualitative research? If we look for a precise definition of qualitative research, and specifically for one that addresses its distinctive feature of being “qualitative,” the literature is meager. In this article we systematically search, identify and analyze a sample of 89 sources using or attempting to define the term “qualitative.” Then, drawing on ideas we find scattered across existing work, and based on Becker’s classic study of marijuana consumption, we formulate and illustrate a definition that tries to capture its core elements. We define qualitative research as an iterative process in which improved understanding to the scientific community is achieved by making new significant distinctions resulting from getting closer to the phenomenon studied. This formulation is developed as a tool to help improve research designs while stressing that a qualitative dimension is present in quantitative work as well. Additionally, it can facilitate teaching, communication between researchers, diminish the gap between qualitative and quantitative researchers, help to address critiques of qualitative methods, and be used as a standard of evaluation of qualitative research.

What is Qualitative in Research

Unsettling definitions of qualitative research, what is “qualitative” in qualitative research why the answer does not matter but the question is important.

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If we assume that there is something called qualitative research, what exactly is this qualitative feature? And how could we evaluate qualitative research as good or not? Is it fundamentally different from quantitative research? In practice, most active qualitative researchers working with empirical material intuitively know what is involved in doing qualitative research, yet perhaps surprisingly, a clear definition addressing its key feature is still missing.

To address the question of what is qualitative we turn to the accounts of “qualitative research” in textbooks and also in empirical work. In his classic, explorative, interview study of deviance Howard Becker ( 1963 ) asks ‘How does one become a marijuana user?’ In contrast to pre-dispositional and psychological-individualistic theories of deviant behavior, Becker’s inherently social explanation contends that becoming a user of this substance is the result of a three-phase sequential learning process. First, potential users need to learn how to smoke it properly to produce the “correct” effects. If not, they are likely to stop experimenting with it. Second, they need to discover the effects associated with it; in other words, to get “high,” individuals not only have to experience what the drug does, but also to become aware that those sensations are related to using it. Third, they require learning to savor the feelings related to its consumption – to develop an acquired taste. Becker, who played music himself, gets close to the phenomenon by observing, taking part, and by talking to people consuming the drug: “half of the fifty interviews were conducted with musicians, the other half covered a wide range of people, including laborers, machinists, and people in the professions” (Becker 1963 :56).

Another central aspect derived through the common-to-all-research interplay between induction and deduction (Becker 2017 ), is that during the course of his research Becker adds scientifically meaningful new distinctions in the form of three phases—distinctions, or findings if you will, that strongly affect the course of his research: its focus, the material that he collects, and which eventually impact his findings. Each phase typically unfolds through social interaction, and often with input from experienced users in “a sequence of social experiences during which the person acquires a conception of the meaning of the behavior, and perceptions and judgments of objects and situations, all of which make the activity possible and desirable” (Becker 1963 :235). In this study the increased understanding of smoking dope is a result of a combination of the meaning of the actors, and the conceptual distinctions that Becker introduces based on the views expressed by his respondents. Understanding is the result of research and is due to an iterative process in which data, concepts and evidence are connected with one another (Becker 2017 ).

Indeed, there are many definitions of qualitative research, but if we look for a definition that addresses its distinctive feature of being “qualitative,” the literature across the broad field of social science is meager. The main reason behind this article lies in the paradox, which, to put it bluntly, is that researchers act as if they know what it is, but they cannot formulate a coherent definition. Sociologists and others will of course continue to conduct good studies that show the relevance and value of qualitative research addressing scientific and practical problems in society. However, our paper is grounded in the idea that providing a clear definition will help us improve the work that we do. Among researchers who practice qualitative research there is clearly much knowledge. We suggest that a definition makes this knowledge more explicit. If the first rationale for writing this paper refers to the “internal” aim of improving qualitative research, the second refers to the increased “external” pressure that especially many qualitative researchers feel; pressure that comes both from society as well as from other scientific approaches. There is a strong core in qualitative research, and leading researchers tend to agree on what it is and how it is done. Our critique is not directed at the practice of qualitative research, but we do claim that the type of systematic work we do has not yet been done, and that it is useful to improve the field and its status in relation to quantitative research.

The literature on the “internal” aim of improving, or at least clarifying qualitative research is large, and we do not claim to be the first to notice the vagueness of the term “qualitative” (Strauss and Corbin 1998 ). Also, others have noted that there is no single definition of it (Long and Godfrey 2004 :182), that there are many different views on qualitative research (Denzin and Lincoln 2003 :11; Jovanović 2011 :3), and that more generally, we need to define its meaning (Best 2004 :54). Strauss and Corbin ( 1998 ), for example, as well as Nelson et al. (1992:2 cited in Denzin and Lincoln 2003 :11), and Flick ( 2007 :ix–x), have recognized that the term is problematic: “Actually, the term ‘qualitative research’ is confusing because it can mean different things to different people” (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :10–11). Hammersley has discussed the possibility of addressing the problem, but states that “the task of providing an account of the distinctive features of qualitative research is far from straightforward” ( 2013 :2). This confusion, as he has recently further argued (Hammersley 2018 ), is also salient in relation to ethnography where different philosophical and methodological approaches lead to a lack of agreement about what it means.

Others (e.g. Hammersley 2018 ; Fine and Hancock 2017 ) have also identified the treat to qualitative research that comes from external forces, seen from the point of view of “qualitative research.” This threat can be further divided into that which comes from inside academia, such as the critique voiced by “quantitative research” and outside of academia, including, for example, New Public Management. Hammersley ( 2018 ), zooming in on one type of qualitative research, ethnography, has argued that it is under treat. Similarly to Fine ( 2003 ), and before him Gans ( 1999 ), he writes that ethnography’ has acquired a range of meanings, and comes in many different versions, these often reflecting sharply divergent epistemological orientations. And already more than twenty years ago while reviewing Denzin and Lincoln’ s Handbook of Qualitative Methods Fine argued:

While this increasing centrality [of qualitative research] might lead one to believe that consensual standards have developed, this belief would be misleading. As the methodology becomes more widely accepted, querulous challengers have raised fundamental questions that collectively have undercut the traditional models of how qualitative research is to be fashioned and presented (1995:417).

According to Hammersley, there are today “serious treats to the practice of ethnographic work, on almost any definition” ( 2018 :1). He lists five external treats: (1) that social research must be accountable and able to show its impact on society; (2) the current emphasis on “big data” and the emphasis on quantitative data and evidence; (3) the labor market pressure in academia that leaves less time for fieldwork (see also Fine and Hancock 2017 ); (4) problems of access to fields; and (5) the increased ethical scrutiny of projects, to which ethnography is particularly exposed. Hammersley discusses some more or less insufficient existing definitions of ethnography.

The current situation, as Hammersley and others note—and in relation not only to ethnography but also qualitative research in general, and as our empirical study shows—is not just unsatisfactory, it may even be harmful for the entire field of qualitative research, and does not help social science at large. We suggest that the lack of clarity of qualitative research is a real problem that must be addressed.

Towards a Definition of Qualitative Research

Seen in an historical light, what is today called qualitative, or sometimes ethnographic, interpretative research – or a number of other terms – has more or less always existed. At the time the founders of sociology – Simmel, Weber, Durkheim and, before them, Marx – were writing, and during the era of the Methodenstreit (“dispute about methods”) in which the German historical school emphasized scientific methods (cf. Swedberg 1990 ), we can at least speak of qualitative forerunners.

Perhaps the most extended discussion of what later became known as qualitative methods in a classic work is Bronisław Malinowski’s ( 1922 ) Argonauts in the Western Pacific , although even this study does not explicitly address the meaning of “qualitative.” In Weber’s ([1921–-22] 1978) work we find a tension between scientific explanations that are based on observation and quantification and interpretative research (see also Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 ).

If we look through major sociology journals like the American Sociological Review , American Journal of Sociology , or Social Forces we will not find the term qualitative sociology before the 1970s. And certainly before then much of what we consider qualitative classics in sociology, like Becker’ study ( 1963 ), had already been produced. Indeed, the Chicago School often combined qualitative and quantitative data within the same study (Fine 1995 ). Our point being that before a disciplinary self-awareness the term quantitative preceded qualitative, and the articulation of the former was a political move to claim scientific status (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 ). In the US the World War II seem to have sparked a critique of sociological work, including “qualitative work,” that did not follow the scientific canon (Rawls 2018 ), which was underpinned by a scientifically oriented and value free philosophy of science. As a result the attempts and practice of integrating qualitative and quantitative sociology at Chicago lost ground to sociology that was more oriented to surveys and quantitative work at Columbia under Merton-Lazarsfeld. The quantitative tradition was also able to present textbooks (Lundberg 1951 ) that facilitated the use this approach and its “methods.” The practices of the qualitative tradition, by and large, remained tacit or was part of the mentoring transferred from the renowned masters to their students.

This glimpse into history leads us back to the lack of a coherent account condensed in a definition of qualitative research. Many of the attempts to define the term do not meet the requirements of a proper definition: A definition should be clear, avoid tautology, demarcate its domain in relation to the environment, and ideally only use words in its definiens that themselves are not in need of definition (Hempel 1966 ). A definition can enhance precision and thus clarity by identifying the core of the phenomenon. Preferably, a definition should be short. The typical definition we have found, however, is an ostensive definition, which indicates what qualitative research is about without informing us about what it actually is :

Qualitative research is multimethod in focus, involving an interpretative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials – case study, personal experience, introspective, life story, interview, observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts – that describe routine and problematic moments and meanings in individuals’ lives. (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 :2)

Flick claims that the label “qualitative research” is indeed used as an umbrella for a number of approaches ( 2007 :2–4; 2002 :6), and it is not difficult to identify research fitting this designation. Moreover, whatever it is, it has grown dramatically over the past five decades. In addition, courses have been developed, methods have flourished, arguments about its future have been advanced (for example, Denzin and Lincoln 1994) and criticized (for example, Snow and Morrill 1995 ), and dedicated journals and books have mushroomed. Most social scientists have a clear idea of research and how it differs from journalism, politics and other activities. But the question of what is qualitative in qualitative research is either eluded or eschewed.

We maintain that this lacuna hinders systematic knowledge production based on qualitative research. Paul Lazarsfeld noted the lack of “codification” as early as 1955 when he reviewed 100 qualitative studies in order to offer a codification of the practices (Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 :239). Since then many texts on “qualitative research” and its methods have been published, including recent attempts (Goertz and Mahoney 2012 ) similar to Lazarsfeld’s. These studies have tried to extract what is qualitative by looking at the large number of empirical “qualitative” studies. Our novel strategy complements these endeavors by taking another approach and looking at the attempts to codify these practices in the form of a definition, as well as to a minor extent take Becker’s study as an exemplar of what qualitative researchers actually do, and what the characteristic of being ‘qualitative’ denotes and implies. We claim that qualitative researchers, if there is such a thing as “qualitative research,” should be able to codify their practices in a condensed, yet general way expressed in language.

Lingering problems of “generalizability” and “how many cases do I need” (Small 2009 ) are blocking advancement – in this line of work qualitative approaches are said to differ considerably from quantitative ones, while some of the former unsuccessfully mimic principles related to the latter (Small 2009 ). Additionally, quantitative researchers sometimes unfairly criticize the first based on their own quality criteria. Scholars like Goertz and Mahoney ( 2012 ) have successfully focused on the different norms and practices beyond what they argue are essentially two different cultures: those working with either qualitative or quantitative methods. Instead, similarly to Becker ( 2017 ) who has recently questioned the usefulness of the distinction between qualitative and quantitative research, we focus on similarities.

The current situation also impedes both students and researchers in focusing their studies and understanding each other’s work (Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 :239). A third consequence is providing an opening for critiques by scholars operating within different traditions (Valsiner 2000 :101). A fourth issue is that the “implicit use of methods in qualitative research makes the field far less standardized than the quantitative paradigm” (Goertz and Mahoney 2012 :9). Relatedly, the National Science Foundation in the US organized two workshops in 2004 and 2005 to address the scientific foundations of qualitative research involving strategies to improve it and to develop standards of evaluation in qualitative research. However, a specific focus on its distinguishing feature of being “qualitative” while being implicitly acknowledged, was discussed only briefly (for example, Best 2004 ).

In 2014 a theme issue was published in this journal on “Methods, Materials, and Meanings: Designing Cultural Analysis,” discussing central issues in (cultural) qualitative research (Berezin 2014 ; Biernacki 2014 ; Glaeser 2014 ; Lamont and Swidler 2014 ; Spillman 2014). We agree with many of the arguments put forward, such as the risk of methodological tribalism, and that we should not waste energy on debating methods separated from research questions. Nonetheless, a clarification of the relation to what is called “quantitative research” is of outmost importance to avoid misunderstandings and misguided debates between “qualitative” and “quantitative” researchers. Our strategy means that researchers, “qualitative” or “quantitative” they may be, in their actual practice may combine qualitative work and quantitative work.

In this article we accomplish three tasks. First, we systematically survey the literature for meanings of qualitative research by looking at how researchers have defined it. Drawing upon existing knowledge we find that the different meanings and ideas of qualitative research are not yet coherently integrated into one satisfactory definition. Next, we advance our contribution by offering a definition of qualitative research and illustrate its meaning and use partially by expanding on the brief example introduced earlier related to Becker’s work ( 1963 ). We offer a systematic analysis of central themes of what researchers consider to be the core of “qualitative,” regardless of style of work. These themes – which we summarize in terms of four keywords: distinction, process, closeness, improved understanding – constitute part of our literature review, in which each one appears, sometimes with others, but never all in the same definition. They serve as the foundation of our contribution. Our categories are overlapping. Their use is primarily to organize the large amount of definitions we have identified and analyzed, and not necessarily to draw a clear distinction between them. Finally, we continue the elaboration discussed above on the advantages of a clear definition of qualitative research.

In a hermeneutic fashion we propose that there is something meaningful that deserves to be labelled “qualitative research” (Gadamer 1990 ). To approach the question “What is qualitative in qualitative research?” we have surveyed the literature. In conducting our survey we first traced the word’s etymology in dictionaries, encyclopedias, handbooks of the social sciences and of methods and textbooks, mainly in English, which is common to methodology courses. It should be noted that we have zoomed in on sociology and its literature. This discipline has been the site of the largest debate and development of methods that can be called “qualitative,” which suggests that this field should be examined in great detail.

In an ideal situation we should expect that one good definition, or at least some common ideas, would have emerged over the years. This common core of qualitative research should be so accepted that it would appear in at least some textbooks. Since this is not what we found, we decided to pursue an inductive approach to capture maximal variation in the field of qualitative research; we searched in a selection of handbooks, textbooks, book chapters, and books, to which we added the analysis of journal articles. Our sample comprises a total of 89 references.

In practice we focused on the discipline that has had a clear discussion of methods, namely sociology. We also conducted a broad search in the JSTOR database to identify scholarly sociology articles published between 1998 and 2017 in English with a focus on defining or explaining qualitative research. We specifically zoom in on this time frame because we would have expect that this more mature period would have produced clear discussions on the meaning of qualitative research. To find these articles we combined a number of keywords to search the content and/or the title: qualitative (which was always included), definition, empirical, research, methodology, studies, fieldwork, interview and observation .

As a second phase of our research we searched within nine major sociological journals ( American Journal of Sociology , Sociological Theory , American Sociological Review , Contemporary Sociology , Sociological Forum , Sociological Theory , Qualitative Research , Qualitative Sociology and Qualitative Sociology Review ) for articles also published during the past 19 years (1998–2017) that had the term “qualitative” in the title and attempted to define qualitative research.

Lastly we picked two additional journals, Qualitative Research and Qualitative Sociology , in which we could expect to find texts addressing the notion of “qualitative.” From Qualitative Research we chose Volume 14, Issue 6, December 2014, and from Qualitative Sociology we chose Volume 36, Issue 2, June 2017. Within each of these we selected the first article; then we picked the second article of three prior issues. Again we went back another three issues and investigated article number three. Finally we went back another three issues and perused article number four. This selection criteria was used to get a manageable sample for the analysis.

The coding process of the 89 references we gathered in our selected review began soon after the first round of material was gathered, and we reduced the complexity created by our maximum variation sampling (Snow and Anderson 1993 :22) to four different categories within which questions on the nature and properties of qualitative research were discussed. We call them: Qualitative and Quantitative Research, Qualitative Research, Fieldwork, and Grounded Theory. This – which may appear as an illogical grouping – merely reflects the “context” in which the matter of “qualitative” is discussed. If the selection process of the material – books and articles – was informed by pre-knowledge, we used an inductive strategy to code the material. When studying our material, we identified four central notions related to “qualitative” that appear in various combinations in the literature which indicate what is the core of qualitative research. We have labeled them: “distinctions”, “process,” “closeness,” and “improved understanding.” During the research process the categories and notions were improved, refined, changed, and reordered. The coding ended when a sense of saturation in the material arose. In the presentation below all quotations and references come from our empirical material of texts on qualitative research.

Analysis – What is Qualitative Research?

In this section we describe the four categories we identified in the coding, how they differently discuss qualitative research, as well as their overall content. Some salient quotations are selected to represent the type of text sorted under each of the four categories. What we present are examples from the literature.

Qualitative and Quantitative

This analytic category comprises quotations comparing qualitative and quantitative research, a distinction that is frequently used (Brown 2010 :231); in effect this is a conceptual pair that structures the discussion and that may be associated with opposing interests. While the general goal of quantitative and qualitative research is the same – to understand the world better – their methodologies and focus in certain respects differ substantially (Becker 1966 :55). Quantity refers to that property of something that can be determined by measurement. In a dictionary of Statistics and Methodology we find that “(a) When referring to *variables, ‘qualitative’ is another term for *categorical or *nominal. (b) When speaking of kinds of research, ‘qualitative’ refers to studies of subjects that are hard to quantify, such as art history. Qualitative research tends to be a residual category for almost any kind of non-quantitative research” (Stiles 1998:183). But it should be obvious that one could employ a quantitative approach when studying, for example, art history.

The same dictionary states that quantitative is “said of variables or research that can be handled numerically, usually (too sharply) contrasted with *qualitative variables and research” (Stiles 1998:184). From a qualitative perspective “quantitative research” is about numbers and counting, and from a quantitative perspective qualitative research is everything that is not about numbers. But this does not say much about what is “qualitative.” If we turn to encyclopedias we find that in the 1932 edition of the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences there is no mention of “qualitative.” In the Encyclopedia from 1968 we can read:

Qualitative Analysis. For methods of obtaining, analyzing, and describing data, see [the various entries:] CONTENT ANALYSIS; COUNTED DATA; EVALUATION RESEARCH, FIELD WORK; GRAPHIC PRESENTATION; HISTORIOGRAPHY, especially the article on THE RHETORIC OF HISTORY; INTERVIEWING; OBSERVATION; PERSONALITY MEASUREMENT; PROJECTIVE METHODS; PSYCHOANALYSIS, article on EXPERIMENTAL METHODS; SURVEY ANALYSIS, TABULAR PRESENTATION; TYPOLOGIES. (Vol. 13:225)

Some, like Alford, divide researchers into methodologists or, in his words, “quantitative and qualitative specialists” (Alford 1998 :12). Qualitative research uses a variety of methods, such as intensive interviews or in-depth analysis of historical materials, and it is concerned with a comprehensive account of some event or unit (King et al. 1994 :4). Like quantitative research it can be utilized to study a variety of issues, but it tends to focus on meanings and motivations that underlie cultural symbols, personal experiences, phenomena and detailed understanding of processes in the social world. In short, qualitative research centers on understanding processes, experiences, and the meanings people assign to things (Kalof et al. 2008 :79).

Others simply say that qualitative methods are inherently unscientific (Jovanović 2011 :19). Hood, for instance, argues that words are intrinsically less precise than numbers, and that they are therefore more prone to subjective analysis, leading to biased results (Hood 2006 :219). Qualitative methodologies have raised concerns over the limitations of quantitative templates (Brady et al. 2004 :4). Scholars such as King et al. ( 1994 ), for instance, argue that non-statistical research can produce more reliable results if researchers pay attention to the rules of scientific inference commonly stated in quantitative research. Also, researchers such as Becker ( 1966 :59; 1970 :42–43) have asserted that, if conducted properly, qualitative research and in particular ethnographic field methods, can lead to more accurate results than quantitative studies, in particular, survey research and laboratory experiments.

Some researchers, such as Kalof, Dan, and Dietz ( 2008 :79) claim that the boundaries between the two approaches are becoming blurred, and Small ( 2009 ) argues that currently much qualitative research (especially in North America) tries unsuccessfully and unnecessarily to emulate quantitative standards. For others, qualitative research tends to be more humanistic and discursive (King et al. 1994 :4). Ragin ( 1994 ), and similarly also Becker, ( 1996 :53), Marchel and Owens ( 2007 :303) think that the main distinction between the two styles is overstated and does not rest on the simple dichotomy of “numbers versus words” (Ragin 1994 :xii). Some claim that quantitative data can be utilized to discover associations, but in order to unveil cause and effect a complex research design involving the use of qualitative approaches needs to be devised (Gilbert 2009 :35). Consequently, qualitative data are useful for understanding the nuances lying beyond those processes as they unfold (Gilbert 2009 :35). Others contend that qualitative research is particularly well suited both to identify causality and to uncover fine descriptive distinctions (Fine and Hallett 2014 ; Lichterman and Isaac Reed 2014 ; Katz 2015 ).

There are other ways to separate these two traditions, including normative statements about what qualitative research should be (that is, better or worse than quantitative approaches, concerned with scientific approaches to societal change or vice versa; Snow and Morrill 1995 ; Denzin and Lincoln 2005 ), or whether it should develop falsifiable statements; Best 2004 ).

We propose that quantitative research is largely concerned with pre-determined variables (Small 2008 ); the analysis concerns the relations between variables. These categories are primarily not questioned in the study, only their frequency or degree, or the correlations between them (cf. Franzosi 2016 ). If a researcher studies wage differences between women and men, he or she works with given categories: x number of men are compared with y number of women, with a certain wage attributed to each person. The idea is not to move beyond the given categories of wage, men and women; they are the starting point as well as the end point, and undergo no “qualitative change.” Qualitative research, in contrast, investigates relations between categories that are themselves subject to change in the research process. Returning to Becker’s study ( 1963 ), we see that he questioned pre-dispositional theories of deviant behavior working with pre-determined variables such as an individual’s combination of personal qualities or emotional problems. His take, in contrast, was to understand marijuana consumption by developing “variables” as part of the investigation. Thereby he presented new variables, or as we would say today, theoretical concepts, but which are grounded in the empirical material.

Qualitative Research

This category contains quotations that refer to descriptions of qualitative research without making comparisons with quantitative research. Researchers such as Denzin and Lincoln, who have written a series of influential handbooks on qualitative methods (1994; Denzin and Lincoln 2003 ; 2005 ), citing Nelson et al. (1992:4), argue that because qualitative research is “interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, and sometimes counterdisciplinary” it is difficult to derive one single definition of it (Jovanović 2011 :3). According to them, in fact, “the field” is “many things at the same time,” involving contradictions, tensions over its focus, methods, and how to derive interpretations and findings ( 2003 : 11). Similarly, others, such as Flick ( 2007 :ix–x) contend that agreeing on an accepted definition has increasingly become problematic, and that qualitative research has possibly matured different identities. However, Best holds that “the proliferation of many sorts of activities under the label of qualitative sociology threatens to confuse our discussions” ( 2004 :54). Atkinson’s position is more definite: “the current state of qualitative research and research methods is confused” ( 2005 :3–4).

Qualitative research is about interpretation (Blumer 1969 ; Strauss and Corbin 1998 ; Denzin and Lincoln 2003 ), or Verstehen [understanding] (Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 ). It is “multi-method,” involving the collection and use of a variety of empirical materials (Denzin and Lincoln 1998; Silverman 2013 ) and approaches (Silverman 2005 ; Flick 2007 ). It focuses not only on the objective nature of behavior but also on its subjective meanings: individuals’ own accounts of their attitudes, motivations, behavior (McIntyre 2005 :127; Creswell 2009 ), events and situations (Bryman 1989) – what people say and do in specific places and institutions (Goodwin and Horowitz 2002 :35–36) in social and temporal contexts (Morrill and Fine 1997). For this reason, following Weber ([1921-22] 1978), it can be described as an interpretative science (McIntyre 2005 :127). But could quantitative research also be concerned with these questions? Also, as pointed out below, does all qualitative research focus on subjective meaning, as some scholars suggest?

Others also distinguish qualitative research by claiming that it collects data using a naturalistic approach (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 :2; Creswell 2009 ), focusing on the meaning actors ascribe to their actions. But again, does all qualitative research need to be collected in situ? And does qualitative research have to be inherently concerned with meaning? Flick ( 2007 ), referring to Denzin and Lincoln ( 2005 ), mentions conversation analysis as an example of qualitative research that is not concerned with the meanings people bring to a situation, but rather with the formal organization of talk. Still others, such as Ragin ( 1994 :85), note that qualitative research is often (especially early on in the project, we would add) less structured than other kinds of social research – a characteristic connected to its flexibility and that can lead both to potentially better, but also worse results. But is this not a feature of this type of research, rather than a defining description of its essence? Wouldn’t this comment also apply, albeit to varying degrees, to quantitative research?

In addition, Strauss ( 2003 ), along with others, such as Alvesson and Kärreman ( 2011 :10–76), argue that qualitative researchers struggle to capture and represent complex phenomena partially because they tend to collect a large amount of data. While his analysis is correct at some points – “It is necessary to do detailed, intensive, microscopic examination of the data in order to bring out the amazing complexity of what lies in, behind, and beyond those data” (Strauss 2003 :10) – much of his analysis concerns the supposed focus of qualitative research and its challenges, rather than exactly what it is about. But even in this instance we would make a weak case arguing that these are strictly the defining features of qualitative research. Some researchers seem to focus on the approach or the methods used, or even on the way material is analyzed. Several researchers stress the naturalistic assumption of investigating the world, suggesting that meaning and interpretation appear to be a core matter of qualitative research.

We can also see that in this category there is no consensus about specific qualitative methods nor about qualitative data. Many emphasize interpretation, but quantitative research, too, involves interpretation; the results of a regression analysis, for example, certainly have to be interpreted, and the form of meta-analysis that factor analysis provides indeed requires interpretation However, there is no interpretation of quantitative raw data, i.e., numbers in tables. One common thread is that qualitative researchers have to get to grips with their data in order to understand what is being studied in great detail, irrespective of the type of empirical material that is being analyzed. This observation is connected to the fact that qualitative researchers routinely make several adjustments of focus and research design as their studies progress, in many cases until the very end of the project (Kalof et al. 2008 ). If you, like Becker, do not start out with a detailed theory, adjustments such as the emergence and refinement of research questions will occur during the research process. We have thus found a number of useful reflections about qualitative research scattered across different sources, but none of them effectively describe the defining characteristics of this approach.

Although qualitative research does not appear to be defined in terms of a specific method, it is certainly common that fieldwork, i.e., research that entails that the researcher spends considerable time in the field that is studied and use the knowledge gained as data, is seen as emblematic of or even identical to qualitative research. But because we understand that fieldwork tends to focus primarily on the collection and analysis of qualitative data, we expected to find within it discussions on the meaning of “qualitative.” But, again, this was not the case.

Instead, we found material on the history of this approach (for example, Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 ; Atkinson et al. 2001), including how it has changed; for example, by adopting a more self-reflexive practice (Heyl 2001), as well as the different nomenclature that has been adopted, such as fieldwork, ethnography, qualitative research, naturalistic research, participant observation and so on (for example, Lofland et al. 2006 ; Gans 1999 ).

We retrieved definitions of ethnography, such as “the study of people acting in the natural courses of their daily lives,” involving a “resocialization of the researcher” (Emerson 1988 :1) through intense immersion in others’ social worlds (see also examples in Hammersley 2018 ). This may be accomplished by direct observation and also participation (Neuman 2007 :276), although others, such as Denzin ( 1970 :185), have long recognized other types of observation, including non-participant (“fly on the wall”). In this category we have also isolated claims and opposing views, arguing that this type of research is distinguished primarily by where it is conducted (natural settings) (Hughes 1971:496), and how it is carried out (a variety of methods are applied) or, for some most importantly, by involving an active, empathetic immersion in those being studied (Emerson 1988 :2). We also retrieved descriptions of the goals it attends in relation to how it is taught (understanding subjective meanings of the people studied, primarily develop theory, or contribute to social change) (see for example, Corte and Irwin 2017 ; Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 :281; Trier-Bieniek 2012 :639) by collecting the richest possible data (Lofland et al. 2006 ) to derive “thick descriptions” (Geertz 1973 ), and/or to aim at theoretical statements of general scope and applicability (for example, Emerson 1988 ; Fine 2003 ). We have identified guidelines on how to evaluate it (for example Becker 1996 ; Lamont 2004 ) and have retrieved instructions on how it should be conducted (for example, Lofland et al. 2006 ). For instance, analysis should take place while the data gathering unfolds (Emerson 1988 ; Hammersley and Atkinson 2007 ; Lofland et al. 2006 ), observations should be of long duration (Becker 1970 :54; Goffman 1989 ), and data should be of high quantity (Becker 1970 :52–53), as well as other questionable distinctions between fieldwork and other methods:

Field studies differ from other methods of research in that the researcher performs the task of selecting topics, decides what questions to ask, and forges interest in the course of the research itself . This is in sharp contrast to many ‘theory-driven’ and ‘hypothesis-testing’ methods. (Lofland and Lofland 1995 :5)

But could not, for example, a strictly interview-based study be carried out with the same amount of flexibility, such as sequential interviewing (for example, Small 2009 )? Once again, are quantitative approaches really as inflexible as some qualitative researchers think? Moreover, this category stresses the role of the actors’ meaning, which requires knowledge and close interaction with people, their practices and their lifeworld.

It is clear that field studies – which are seen by some as the “gold standard” of qualitative research – are nonetheless only one way of doing qualitative research. There are other methods, but it is not clear why some are more qualitative than others, or why they are better or worse. Fieldwork is characterized by interaction with the field (the material) and understanding of the phenomenon that is being studied. In Becker’s case, he had general experience from fields in which marihuana was used, based on which he did interviews with actual users in several fields.

Grounded Theory

Another major category we identified in our sample is Grounded Theory. We found descriptions of it most clearly in Glaser and Strauss’ ([1967] 2010 ) original articulation, Strauss and Corbin ( 1998 ) and Charmaz ( 2006 ), as well as many other accounts of what it is for: generating and testing theory (Strauss 2003 :xi). We identified explanations of how this task can be accomplished – such as through two main procedures: constant comparison and theoretical sampling (Emerson 1998:96), and how using it has helped researchers to “think differently” (for example, Strauss and Corbin 1998 :1). We also read descriptions of its main traits, what it entails and fosters – for instance, an exceptional flexibility, an inductive approach (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :31–33; 1990; Esterberg 2002 :7), an ability to step back and critically analyze situations, recognize tendencies towards bias, think abstractly and be open to criticism, enhance sensitivity towards the words and actions of respondents, and develop a sense of absorption and devotion to the research process (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :5–6). Accordingly, we identified discussions of the value of triangulating different methods (both using and not using grounded theory), including quantitative ones, and theories to achieve theoretical development (most comprehensively in Denzin 1970 ; Strauss and Corbin 1998 ; Timmermans and Tavory 2012 ). We have also located arguments about how its practice helps to systematize data collection, analysis and presentation of results (Glaser and Strauss [1967] 2010 :16).

Grounded theory offers a systematic approach which requires researchers to get close to the field; closeness is a requirement of identifying questions and developing new concepts or making further distinctions with regard to old concepts. In contrast to other qualitative approaches, grounded theory emphasizes the detailed coding process, and the numerous fine-tuned distinctions that the researcher makes during the process. Within this category, too, we could not find a satisfying discussion of the meaning of qualitative research.

Defining Qualitative Research

In sum, our analysis shows that some notions reappear in the discussion of qualitative research, such as understanding, interpretation, “getting close” and making distinctions. These notions capture aspects of what we think is “qualitative.” However, a comprehensive definition that is useful and that can further develop the field is lacking, and not even a clear picture of its essential elements appears. In other words no definition emerges from our data, and in our research process we have moved back and forth between our empirical data and the attempt to present a definition. Our concrete strategy, as stated above, is to relate qualitative and quantitative research, or more specifically, qualitative and quantitative work. We use an ideal-typical notion of quantitative research which relies on taken for granted and numbered variables. This means that the data consists of variables on different scales, such as ordinal, but frequently ratio and absolute scales, and the representation of the numbers to the variables, i.e. the justification of the assignment of numbers to object or phenomenon, are not questioned, though the validity may be questioned. In this section we return to the notion of quality and try to clarify it while presenting our contribution.

Broadly, research refers to the activity performed by people trained to obtain knowledge through systematic procedures. Notions such as “objectivity” and “reflexivity,” “systematic,” “theory,” “evidence” and “openness” are here taken for granted in any type of research. Next, building on our empirical analysis we explain the four notions that we have identified as central to qualitative work: distinctions, process, closeness, and improved understanding. In discussing them, ultimately in relation to one another, we make their meaning even more precise. Our idea, in short, is that only when these ideas that we present separately for analytic purposes are brought together can we speak of qualitative research.

Distinctions

We believe that the possibility of making new distinctions is one the defining characteristics of qualitative research. It clearly sets it apart from quantitative analysis which works with taken-for-granted variables, albeit as mentioned, meta-analyses, for example, factor analysis may result in new variables. “Quality” refers essentially to distinctions, as already pointed out by Aristotle. He discusses the term “qualitative” commenting: “By a quality I mean that in virtue of which things are said to be qualified somehow” (Aristotle 1984:14). Quality is about what something is or has, which means that the distinction from its environment is crucial. We see qualitative research as a process in which significant new distinctions are made to the scholarly community; to make distinctions is a key aspect of obtaining new knowledge; a point, as we will see, that also has implications for “quantitative research.” The notion of being “significant” is paramount. New distinctions by themselves are not enough; just adding concepts only increases complexity without furthering our knowledge. The significance of new distinctions is judged against the communal knowledge of the research community. To enable this discussion and judgements central elements of rational discussion are required (cf. Habermas [1981] 1987 ; Davidsson [ 1988 ] 2001) to identify what is new and relevant scientific knowledge. Relatedly, Ragin alludes to the idea of new and useful knowledge at a more concrete level: “Qualitative methods are appropriate for in-depth examination of cases because they aid the identification of key features of cases. Most qualitative methods enhance data” (1994:79). When Becker ( 1963 ) studied deviant behavior and investigated how people became marihuana smokers, he made distinctions between the ways in which people learned how to smoke. This is a classic example of how the strategy of “getting close” to the material, for example the text, people or pictures that are subject to analysis, may enable researchers to obtain deeper insight and new knowledge by making distinctions – in this instance on the initial notion of learning how to smoke. Others have stressed the making of distinctions in relation to coding or theorizing. Emerson et al. ( 1995 ), for example, hold that “qualitative coding is a way of opening up avenues of inquiry,” meaning that the researcher identifies and develops concepts and analytic insights through close examination of and reflection on data (Emerson et al. 1995 :151). Goodwin and Horowitz highlight making distinctions in relation to theory-building writing: “Close engagement with their cases typically requires qualitative researchers to adapt existing theories or to make new conceptual distinctions or theoretical arguments to accommodate new data” ( 2002 : 37). In the ideal-typical quantitative research only existing and so to speak, given, variables would be used. If this is the case no new distinction are made. But, would not also many “quantitative” researchers make new distinctions?

Process does not merely suggest that research takes time. It mainly implies that qualitative new knowledge results from a process that involves several phases, and above all iteration. Qualitative research is about oscillation between theory and evidence, analysis and generating material, between first- and second -order constructs (Schütz 1962 :59), between getting in contact with something, finding sources, becoming deeply familiar with a topic, and then distilling and communicating some of its essential features. The main point is that the categories that the researcher uses, and perhaps takes for granted at the beginning of the research process, usually undergo qualitative changes resulting from what is found. Becker describes how he tested hypotheses and let the jargon of the users develop into theoretical concepts. This happens over time while the study is being conducted, exemplifying what we mean by process.

In the research process, a pilot-study may be used to get a first glance of, for example, the field, how to approach it, and what methods can be used, after which the method and theory are chosen or refined before the main study begins. Thus, the empirical material is often central from the start of the project and frequently leads to adjustments by the researcher. Likewise, during the main study categories are not fixed; the empirical material is seen in light of the theory used, but it is also given the opportunity to kick back, thereby resisting attempts to apply theoretical straightjackets (Becker 1970 :43). In this process, coding and analysis are interwoven, and thus are often important steps for getting closer to the phenomenon and deciding what to focus on next. Becker began his research by interviewing musicians close to him, then asking them to refer him to other musicians, and later on doubling his original sample of about 25 to include individuals in other professions (Becker 1973:46). Additionally, he made use of some participant observation, documents, and interviews with opiate users made available to him by colleagues. As his inductive theory of deviance evolved, Becker expanded his sample in order to fine tune it, and test the accuracy and generality of his hypotheses. In addition, he introduced a negative case and discussed the null hypothesis ( 1963 :44). His phasic career model is thus based on a research design that embraces processual work. Typically, process means to move between “theory” and “material” but also to deal with negative cases, and Becker ( 1998 ) describes how discovering these negative cases impacted his research design and ultimately its findings.

Obviously, all research is process-oriented to some degree. The point is that the ideal-typical quantitative process does not imply change of the data, and iteration between data, evidence, hypotheses, empirical work, and theory. The data, quantified variables, are, in most cases fixed. Merging of data, which of course can be done in a quantitative research process, does not mean new data. New hypotheses are frequently tested, but the “raw data is often the “the same.” Obviously, over time new datasets are made available and put into use.

Another characteristic that is emphasized in our sample is that qualitative researchers – and in particular ethnographers – can, or as Goffman put it, ought to ( 1989 ), get closer to the phenomenon being studied and their data than quantitative researchers (for example, Silverman 2009 :85). Put differently, essentially because of their methods qualitative researchers get into direct close contact with those being investigated and/or the material, such as texts, being analyzed. Becker started out his interview study, as we noted, by talking to those he knew in the field of music to get closer to the phenomenon he was studying. By conducting interviews he got even closer. Had he done more observations, he would undoubtedly have got even closer to the field.

Additionally, ethnographers’ design enables researchers to follow the field over time, and the research they do is almost by definition longitudinal, though the time in the field is studied obviously differs between studies. The general characteristic of closeness over time maximizes the chances of unexpected events, new data (related, for example, to archival research as additional sources, and for ethnography for situations not necessarily previously thought of as instrumental – what Mannay and Morgan ( 2015 ) term the “waiting field”), serendipity (Merton and Barber 2004 ; Åkerström 2013 ), and possibly reactivity, as well as the opportunity to observe disrupted patterns that translate into exemplars of negative cases. Two classic examples of this are Becker’s finding of what medical students call “crocks” (Becker et al. 1961 :317), and Geertz’s ( 1973 ) study of “deep play” in Balinese society.

By getting and staying so close to their data – be it pictures, text or humans interacting (Becker was himself a musician) – for a long time, as the research progressively focuses, qualitative researchers are prompted to continually test their hunches, presuppositions and hypotheses. They test them against a reality that often (but certainly not always), and practically, as well as metaphorically, talks back, whether by validating them, or disqualifying their premises – correctly, as well as incorrectly (Fine 2003 ; Becker 1970 ). This testing nonetheless often leads to new directions for the research. Becker, for example, says that he was initially reading psychological theories, but when facing the data he develops a theory that looks at, you may say, everything but psychological dispositions to explain the use of marihuana. Especially researchers involved with ethnographic methods have a fairly unique opportunity to dig up and then test (in a circular, continuous and temporal way) new research questions and findings as the research progresses, and thereby to derive previously unimagined and uncharted distinctions by getting closer to the phenomenon under study.

Let us stress that getting close is by no means restricted to ethnography. The notion of hermeneutic circle and hermeneutics as a general way of understanding implies that we must get close to the details in order to get the big picture. This also means that qualitative researchers can literally also make use of details of pictures as evidence (cf. Harper 2002). Thus, researchers may get closer both when generating the material or when analyzing it.

Quantitative research, we maintain, in the ideal-typical representation cannot get closer to the data. The data is essentially numbers in tables making up the variables (Franzosi 2016 :138). The data may originally have been “qualitative,” but once reduced to numbers there can only be a type of “hermeneutics” about what the number may stand for. The numbers themselves, however, are non-ambiguous. Thus, in quantitative research, interpretation, if done, is not about the data itself—the numbers—but what the numbers stand for. It follows that the interpretation is essentially done in a more “speculative” mode without direct empirical evidence (cf. Becker 2017 ).

Improved Understanding

While distinction, process and getting closer refer to the qualitative work of the researcher, improved understanding refers to its conditions and outcome of this work. Understanding cuts deeper than explanation, which to some may mean a causally verified correlation between variables. The notion of explanation presupposes the notion of understanding since explanation does not include an idea of how knowledge is gained (Manicas 2006 : 15). Understanding, we argue, is the core concept of what we call the outcome of the process when research has made use of all the other elements that were integrated in the research. Understanding, then, has a special status in qualitative research since it refers both to the conditions of knowledge and the outcome of the process. Understanding can to some extent be seen as the condition of explanation and occurs in a process of interpretation, which naturally refers to meaning (Gadamer 1990 ). It is fundamentally connected to knowing, and to the knowing of how to do things (Heidegger [1927] 2001 ). Conceptually the term hermeneutics is used to account for this process. Heidegger ties hermeneutics to human being and not possible to separate from the understanding of being ( 1988 ). Here we use it in a broader sense, and more connected to method in general (cf. Seiffert 1992 ). The abovementioned aspects – for example, “objectivity” and “reflexivity” – of the approach are conditions of scientific understanding. Understanding is the result of a circular process and means that the parts are understood in light of the whole, and vice versa. Understanding presupposes pre-understanding, or in other words, some knowledge of the phenomenon studied. The pre-understanding, even in the form of prejudices, are in qualitative research process, which we see as iterative, questioned, which gradually or suddenly change due to the iteration of data, evidence and concepts. However, qualitative research generates understanding in the iterative process when the researcher gets closer to the data, e.g., by going back and forth between field and analysis in a process that generates new data that changes the evidence, and, ultimately, the findings. Questioning, to ask questions, and put what one assumes—prejudices and presumption—in question, is central to understand something (Heidegger [1927] 2001 ; Gadamer 1990 :368–384). We propose that this iterative process in which the process of understanding occurs is characteristic of qualitative research.

Improved understanding means that we obtain scientific knowledge of something that we as a scholarly community did not know before, or that we get to know something better. It means that we understand more about how parts are related to one another, and to other things we already understand (see also Fine and Hallett 2014 ). Understanding is an important condition for qualitative research. It is not enough to identify correlations, make distinctions, and work in a process in which one gets close to the field or phenomena. Understanding is accomplished when the elements are integrated in an iterative process.

It is, moreover, possible to understand many things, and researchers, just like children, may come to understand new things every day as they engage with the world. This subjective condition of understanding – namely, that a person gains a better understanding of something –is easily met. To be qualified as “scientific,” the understanding must be general and useful to many; it must be public. But even this generally accessible understanding is not enough in order to speak of “scientific understanding.” Though we as a collective can increase understanding of everything in virtually all potential directions as a result also of qualitative work, we refrain from this “objective” way of understanding, which has no means of discriminating between what we gain in understanding. Scientific understanding means that it is deemed relevant from the scientific horizon (compare Schütz 1962 : 35–38, 46, 63), and that it rests on the pre-understanding that the scientists have and must have in order to understand. In other words, the understanding gained must be deemed useful by other researchers, so that they can build on it. We thus see understanding from a pragmatic, rather than a subjective or objective perspective. Improved understanding is related to the question(s) at hand. Understanding, in order to represent an improvement, must be an improvement in relation to the existing body of knowledge of the scientific community (James [ 1907 ] 1955). Scientific understanding is, by definition, collective, as expressed in Weber’s famous note on objectivity, namely that scientific work aims at truths “which … can claim, even for a Chinese, the validity appropriate to an empirical analysis” ([1904] 1949 :59). By qualifying “improved understanding” we argue that it is a general defining characteristic of qualitative research. Becker‘s ( 1966 ) study and other research of deviant behavior increased our understanding of the social learning processes of how individuals start a behavior. And it also added new knowledge about the labeling of deviant behavior as a social process. Few studies, of course, make the same large contribution as Becker’s, but are nonetheless qualitative research.

Understanding in the phenomenological sense, which is a hallmark of qualitative research, we argue, requires meaning and this meaning is derived from the context, and above all the data being analyzed. The ideal-typical quantitative research operates with given variables with different numbers. This type of material is not enough to establish meaning at the level that truly justifies understanding. In other words, many social science explanations offer ideas about correlations or even causal relations, but this does not mean that the meaning at the level of the data analyzed, is understood. This leads us to say that there are indeed many explanations that meet the criteria of understanding, for example the explanation of how one becomes a marihuana smoker presented by Becker. However, we may also understand a phenomenon without explaining it, and we may have potential explanations, or better correlations, that are not really understood.

We may speak more generally of quantitative research and its data to clarify what we see as an important distinction. The “raw data” that quantitative research—as an idealtypical activity, refers to is not available for further analysis; the numbers, once created, are not to be questioned (Franzosi 2016 : 138). If the researcher is to do “more” or “change” something, this will be done by conjectures based on theoretical knowledge or based on the researcher’s lifeworld. Both qualitative and quantitative research is based on the lifeworld, and all researchers use prejudices and pre-understanding in the research process. This idea is present in the works of Heidegger ( 2001 ) and Heisenberg (cited in Franzosi 2010 :619). Qualitative research, as we argued, involves the interaction and questioning of concepts (theory), data, and evidence.

Ragin ( 2004 :22) points out that “a good definition of qualitative research should be inclusive and should emphasize its key strengths and features, not what it lacks (for example, the use of sophisticated quantitative techniques).” We define qualitative research as an iterative process in which improved understanding to the scientific community is achieved by making new significant distinctions resulting from getting closer to the phenomenon studied. Qualitative research, as defined here, is consequently a combination of two criteria: (i) how to do things –namely, generating and analyzing empirical material, in an iterative process in which one gets closer by making distinctions, and (ii) the outcome –improved understanding novel to the scholarly community. Is our definition applicable to our own study? In this study we have closely read the empirical material that we generated, and the novel distinction of the notion “qualitative research” is the outcome of an iterative process in which both deduction and induction were involved, in which we identified the categories that we analyzed. We thus claim to meet the first criteria, “how to do things.” The second criteria cannot be judged but in a partial way by us, namely that the “outcome” —in concrete form the definition-improves our understanding to others in the scientific community.

We have defined qualitative research, or qualitative scientific work, in relation to quantitative scientific work. Given this definition, qualitative research is about questioning the pre-given (taken for granted) variables, but it is thus also about making new distinctions of any type of phenomenon, for example, by coining new concepts, including the identification of new variables. This process, as we have discussed, is carried out in relation to empirical material, previous research, and thus in relation to theory. Theory and previous research cannot be escaped or bracketed. According to hermeneutic principles all scientific work is grounded in the lifeworld, and as social scientists we can thus never fully bracket our pre-understanding.

We have proposed that quantitative research, as an idealtype, is concerned with pre-determined variables (Small 2008 ). Variables are epistemically fixed, but can vary in terms of dimensions, such as frequency or number. Age is an example; as a variable it can take on different numbers. In relation to quantitative research, qualitative research does not reduce its material to number and variables. If this is done the process of comes to a halt, the researcher gets more distanced from her data, and it makes it no longer possible to make new distinctions that increase our understanding. We have above discussed the components of our definition in relation to quantitative research. Our conclusion is that in the research that is called quantitative there are frequent and necessary qualitative elements.

Further, comparative empirical research on researchers primarily working with ”quantitative” approaches and those working with ”qualitative” approaches, we propose, would perhaps show that there are many similarities in practices of these two approaches. This is not to deny dissimilarities, or the different epistemic and ontic presuppositions that may be more or less strongly associated with the two different strands (see Goertz and Mahoney 2012 ). Our point is nonetheless that prejudices and preconceptions about researchers are unproductive, and that as other researchers have argued, differences may be exaggerated (e.g., Becker 1996 : 53, 2017 ; Marchel and Owens 2007 :303; Ragin 1994 ), and that a qualitative dimension is present in both kinds of work.

Several things follow from our findings. The most important result is the relation to quantitative research. In our analysis we have separated qualitative research from quantitative research. The point is not to label individual researchers, methods, projects, or works as either “quantitative” or “qualitative.” By analyzing, i.e., taking apart, the notions of quantitative and qualitative, we hope to have shown the elements of qualitative research. Our definition captures the elements, and how they, when combined in practice, generate understanding. As many of the quotations we have used suggest, one conclusion of our study holds that qualitative approaches are not inherently connected with a specific method. Put differently, none of the methods that are frequently labelled “qualitative,” such as interviews or participant observation, are inherently “qualitative.” What matters, given our definition, is whether one works qualitatively or quantitatively in the research process, until the results are produced. Consequently, our analysis also suggests that those researchers working with what in the literature and in jargon is often called “quantitative research” are almost bound to make use of what we have identified as qualitative elements in any research project. Our findings also suggest that many” quantitative” researchers, at least to some extent, are engaged with qualitative work, such as when research questions are developed, variables are constructed and combined, and hypotheses are formulated. Furthermore, a research project may hover between “qualitative” and “quantitative” or start out as “qualitative” and later move into a “quantitative” (a distinct strategy that is not similar to “mixed methods” or just simply combining induction and deduction). More generally speaking, the categories of “qualitative” and “quantitative,” unfortunately, often cover up practices, and it may lead to “camps” of researchers opposing one another. For example, regardless of the researcher is primarily oriented to “quantitative” or “qualitative” research, the role of theory is neglected (cf. Swedberg 2017 ). Our results open up for an interaction not characterized by differences, but by different emphasis, and similarities.

Let us take two examples to briefly indicate how qualitative elements can fruitfully be combined with quantitative. Franzosi ( 2010 ) has discussed the relations between quantitative and qualitative approaches, and more specifically the relation between words and numbers. He analyzes texts and argues that scientific meaning cannot be reduced to numbers. Put differently, the meaning of the numbers is to be understood by what is taken for granted, and what is part of the lifeworld (Schütz 1962 ). Franzosi shows how one can go about using qualitative and quantitative methods and data to address scientific questions analyzing violence in Italy at the time when fascism was rising (1919–1922). Aspers ( 2006 ) studied the meaning of fashion photographers. He uses an empirical phenomenological approach, and establishes meaning at the level of actors. In a second step this meaning, and the different ideal-typical photographers constructed as a result of participant observation and interviews, are tested using quantitative data from a database; in the first phase to verify the different ideal-types, in the second phase to use these types to establish new knowledge about the types. In both of these cases—and more examples can be found—authors move from qualitative data and try to keep the meaning established when using the quantitative data.

A second main result of our study is that a definition, and we provided one, offers a way for research to clarify, and even evaluate, what is done. Hence, our definition can guide researchers and students, informing them on how to think about concrete research problems they face, and to show what it means to get closer in a process in which new distinctions are made. The definition can also be used to evaluate the results, given that it is a standard of evaluation (cf. Hammersley 2007 ), to see whether new distinctions are made and whether this improves our understanding of what is researched, in addition to the evaluation of how the research was conducted. By making what is qualitative research explicit it becomes easier to communicate findings, and it is thereby much harder to fly under the radar with substandard research since there are standards of evaluation which make it easier to separate “good” from “not so good” qualitative research.

To conclude, our analysis, which ends with a definition of qualitative research can thus both address the “internal” issues of what is qualitative research, and the “external” critiques that make it harder to do qualitative research, to which both pressure from quantitative methods and general changes in society contribute.

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Acknowledgements

Financial Support for this research is given by the European Research Council, CEV (263699). The authors are grateful to Susann Krieglsteiner for assistance in collecting the data. The paper has benefitted from the many useful comments by the three reviewers and the editor, comments by members of the Uppsala Laboratory of Economic Sociology, as well as Jukka Gronow, Sebastian Kohl, Marcin Serafin, Richard Swedberg, Anders Vassenden and Turid Rødne.

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Patrik Aspers

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Aspers, P., Corte, U. What is Qualitative in Qualitative Research. Qual Sociol 42 , 139–160 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-019-9413-7

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Qualitative Research: Getting Started

Introduction.

As scientifically trained clinicians, pharmacists may be more familiar and comfortable with the concept of quantitative rather than qualitative research. Quantitative research can be defined as “the means for testing objective theories by examining the relationship among variables which in turn can be measured so that numbered data can be analyzed using statistical procedures”. 1 Pharmacists may have used such methods to carry out audits or surveys within their own practice settings; if so, they may have had a sense of “something missing” from their data. What is missing from quantitative research methods is the voice of the participant. In a quantitative study, large amounts of data can be collected about the number of people who hold certain attitudes toward their health and health care, but what qualitative study tells us is why people have thoughts and feelings that might affect the way they respond to that care and how it is given (in this way, qualitative and quantitative data are frequently complementary). Possibly the most important point about qualitative research is that its practitioners do not seek to generalize their findings to a wider population. Rather, they attempt to find examples of behaviour, to clarify the thoughts and feelings of study participants, and to interpret participants’ experiences of the phenomena of interest, in order to find explanations for human behaviour in a given context.

WHAT IS QUALITATIVE RESEARCH?

Much of the work of clinicians (including pharmacists) takes place within a social, clinical, or interpersonal context where statistical procedures and numeric data may be insufficient to capture how patients and health care professionals feel about patients’ care. Qualitative research involves asking participants about their experiences of things that happen in their lives. It enables researchers to obtain insights into what it feels like to be another person and to understand the world as another experiences it.

Qualitative research was historically employed in fields such as sociology, history, and anthropology. 2 Miles and Huberman 2 said that qualitative data “are a source of well-grounded, rich descriptions and explanations of processes in identifiable local contexts. With qualitative data one can preserve chronological flow, see precisely which events lead to which consequences, and derive fruitful explanations.” Qualitative methods are concerned with how human behaviour can be explained, within the framework of the social structures in which that behaviour takes place. 3 So, in the context of health care, and hospital pharmacy in particular, researchers can, for example, explore how patients feel about their care, about their medicines, or indeed about “being a patient”.

THE IMPORTANCE OF METHODOLOGY

Smith 4 has described methodology as the “explanation of the approach, methods and procedures with some justification for their selection.” It is essential that researchers have robust theories that underpin the way they conduct their research—this is called “methodology”. It is also important for researchers to have a thorough understanding of various methodologies, to ensure alignment between their own positionality (i.e., bias or stance), research questions, and objectives. Clinicians may express reservations about the value or impact of qualitative research, given their perceptions that it is inherently subjective or biased, that it does not seek to be reproducible across different contexts, and that it does not produce generalizable findings. Other clinicians may express nervousness or hesitation about using qualitative methods, claiming that their previous “scientific” training and experience have not prepared them for the ambiguity and interpretative nature of qualitative data analysis. In both cases, these clinicians are depriving themselves of opportunities to understand complex or ambiguous situations, phenomena, or processes in a different way.

Qualitative researchers generally begin their work by recognizing that the position (or world view) of the researcher exerts an enormous influence on the entire research enterprise. Whether explicitly understood and acknowledged or not, this world view shapes the way in which research questions are raised and framed, methods selected, data collected and analyzed, and results reported. 5 A broad range of different methods and methodologies are available within the qualitative tradition, and no single review paper can adequately capture the depth and nuance of these diverse options. Here, given space constraints, we highlight certain options for illustrative purposes only, emphasizing that they are only a sample of what may be available to you as a prospective qualitative researcher. We encourage you to continue your own study of this area to identify methods and methodologies suitable to your questions and needs, beyond those highlighted here.

The following are some of the methodologies commonly used in qualitative research:

Ethnography generally involves researchers directly observing participants in their natural environments over time. A key feature of ethnography is the fact that natural settings, unadapted for the researchers’ interests, are used. In ethnography, the natural setting or environment is as important as the participants, and such methods have the advantage of explicitly acknowledging that, in the real world, environmental constraints and context influence behaviours and outcomes. 6 An example of ethnographic research in pharmacy might involve observations to determine how pharmacists integrate into family health teams. Such a study would also include collection of documents about participants’ lives from the participants themselves and field notes from the researcher. 7
Grounded theory, first described by Glaser and Strauss in 1967, 8 is a framework for qualitative research that suggests that theory must derive from data, unlike other forms of research, which suggest that data should be used to test theory. Grounded theory may be particularly valuable when little or nothing is known or understood about a problem, situation, or context, and any attempt to start with a hypothesis or theory would be conjecture at best. 9 An example of the use of grounded theory in hospital pharmacy might be to determine potential roles for pharmacists in a new or underserviced clinical area. As with other qualitative methodologies, grounded theory provides researchers with a process that can be followed to facilitate the conduct of such research. As an example, Thurston and others 10 used constructivist grounded theory to explore the availability of arthritis care among indigenous people of Canada and were able to identify a number of influences on health care for this population.
Phenomenology attempts to understand problems, ideas, and situations from the perspective of common understanding and experience rather than differences. 10 Phenomenology is about understanding how human beings experience their world. It gives researchers a powerful tool with which to understand subjective experience. In other words, 2 people may have the same diagnosis, with the same treatment prescribed, but the ways in which they experience that diagnosis and treatment will be different, even though they may have some experiences in common. Phenomenology helps researchers to explore those experiences, thoughts, and feelings and helps to elicit the meaning underlying how people behave. As an example, Hancock and others 11 used a phenomenological approach to explore health care professionals’ views of the diagnosis and management of heart failure since publication of an earlier study in 2003. Their findings revealed that barriers to effective treatment for heart failure had not changed in 10 years and provided a new understanding of why this was the case.

ROLE OF THE RESEARCHER

For any researcher, the starting point for research must be articulation of his or her research world view. This core feature of qualitative work is increasingly seen in quantitative research too: the explicit acknowledgement of one’s position, biases, and assumptions, so that readers can better understand the particular researcher. Reflexivity describes the processes whereby the act of engaging in research actually affects the process being studied, calling into question the notion of “detached objectivity”. Here, the researcher’s own subjectivity is as critical to the research process and output as any other variable. Applications of reflexivity may include participant-observer research, where the researcher is actually one of the participants in the process or situation being researched and must then examine it from these divergent perspectives. 12 Some researchers believe that objectivity is a myth and that attempts at impartiality will fail because human beings who happen to be researchers cannot isolate their own backgrounds and interests from the conduct of a study. 5 Rather than aspire to an unachievable goal of “objectivity”, it is better to simply be honest and transparent about one’s own subjectivities, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions about the interpretations that are presented through the research itself. For new (and experienced) qualitative researchers, an important first step is to step back and articulate your own underlying biases and assumptions. The following questions can help to begin this reflection process:

Why am I interested in this topic? To answer this question, try to identify what is driving your enthusiasm, energy, and interest in researching this subject.
What do I really think the answer is? Asking this question helps to identify any biases you may have through honest reflection on what you expect to find. You can then “bracket” those assumptions to enable the participants’ voices to be heard.
What am I getting out of this? In many cases, pressures to publish or “do” research make research nothing more than an employment requirement. How does this affect your interest in the question or its outcomes, or the depth to which you are willing to go to find information?
What do others in my professional community think of this work—and of me? As a researcher, you will not be operating in a vacuum; you will be part of a complex social and interpersonal world. These external influences will shape your views and expectations of yourself and your work. Acknowledging this influence and its potential effects on personal behaviour will facilitate greater self-scrutiny throughout the research process.

FROM FRAMEWORKS TO METHODS

Qualitative research methodology is not a single method, but instead offers a variety of different choices to researchers, according to specific parameters of topic, research question, participants, and settings. The method is the way you carry out your research within the paradigm of quantitative or qualitative research.

Qualitative research is concerned with participants’ own experiences of a life event, and the aim is to interpret what participants have said in order to explain why they have said it. Thus, methods should be chosen that enable participants to express themselves openly and without constraint. The framework selected by the researcher to conduct the research may direct the project toward specific methods. From among the numerous methods used by qualitative researchers, we outline below the three most frequently encountered.

DATA COLLECTION

Patton 12 has described an interview as “open-ended questions and probes yielding in-depth responses about people’s experiences, perceptions, opinions, feelings, and knowledge. Data consists of verbatim quotations and sufficient content/context to be interpretable”. Researchers may use a structured or unstructured interview approach. Structured interviews rely upon a predetermined list of questions framed algorithmically to guide the interviewer. This approach resists improvisation and following up on hunches, but has the advantage of facilitating consistency between participants. In contrast, unstructured or semistructured interviews may begin with some defined questions, but the interviewer has considerable latitude to adapt questions to the specific direction of responses, in an effort to allow for more intuitive and natural conversations between researchers and participants. Generally, you should continue to interview additional participants until you have saturated your field of interest, i.e., until you are not hearing anything new. The number of participants is therefore dependent on the richness of the data, though Miles and Huberman 2 suggested that more than 15 cases can make analysis complicated and “unwieldy”.

Focus Groups

Patton 12 has described the focus group as a primary means of collecting qualitative data. In essence, focus groups are unstructured interviews with multiple participants, which allow participants and a facilitator to interact freely with one another and to build on ideas and conversation. This method allows for the collection of group-generated data, which can be a challenging experience.

Observations

Patton 12 described observation as a useful tool in both quantitative and qualitative research: “[it involves] descriptions of activities, behaviours, actions, conversations, interpersonal interactions, organization or community processes or any other aspect of observable human experience”. Observation is critical in both interviews and focus groups, as nonalignment between verbal and nonverbal data frequently can be the result of sarcasm, irony, or other conversational techniques that may be confusing or open to interpretation. Observation can also be used as a stand-alone tool for exploring participants’ experiences, whether or not the researcher is a participant in the process.

Selecting the most appropriate and practical method is an important decision and must be taken carefully. Those unfamiliar with qualitative research may assume that “anyone” can interview, observe, or facilitate a focus group; however, it is important to recognize that the quality of data collected through qualitative methods is a direct reflection of the skills and competencies of the researcher. 13 The hardest thing to do during an interview is to sit back and listen to participants. They should be doing most of the talking—it is their perception of their own life-world that the researcher is trying to understand. Sophisticated interpersonal skills are required, in particular the ability to accurately interpret and respond to the nuanced behaviour of participants in various settings. More information about the collection of qualitative data may be found in the “Further Reading” section of this paper.

It is essential that data gathered during interviews, focus groups, and observation sessions are stored in a retrievable format. The most accurate way to do this is by audio-recording (with the participants’ permission). Video-recording may be a useful tool for focus groups, because the body language of group members and how they interact can be missed with audio-recording alone. Recordings should be transcribed verbatim and checked for accuracy against the audio- or video-recording, and all personally identifiable information should be removed from the transcript. You are then ready to start your analysis.

DATA ANALYSIS

Regardless of the research method used, the researcher must try to analyze or make sense of the participants’ narratives. This analysis can be done by coding sections of text, by writing down your thoughts in the margins of transcripts, or by making separate notes about the data collection. Coding is the process by which raw data (e.g., transcripts from interviews and focus groups or field notes from observations) are gradually converted into usable data through the identification of themes, concepts, or ideas that have some connection with each other. It may be that certain words or phrases are used by different participants, and these can be drawn together to allow the researcher an opportunity to focus findings in a more meaningful manner. The researcher will then give the words, phrases, or pieces of text meaningful names that exemplify what the participants are saying. This process is referred to as “theming”. Generating themes in an orderly fashion out of the chaos of transcripts or field notes can be a daunting task, particularly since it may involve many pages of raw data. Fortunately, sophisticated software programs such as NVivo (QSR International Pty Ltd) now exist to support researchers in converting data into themes; familiarization with such software supports is of considerable benefit to researchers and is strongly recommended. Manual coding is possible with small and straightforward data sets, but the management of qualitative data is a complexity unto itself, one that is best addressed through technological and software support.

There is both an art and a science to coding, and the second checking of themes from data is well advised (where feasible) to enhance the face validity of the work and to demonstrate reliability. Further reliability-enhancing mechanisms include “member checking”, where participants are given an opportunity to actually learn about and respond to the researchers’ preliminary analysis and coding of data. Careful documentation of various iterations of “coding trees” is important. These structures allow readers to understand how and why raw data were converted into a theme and what rules the researcher is using to govern inclusion or exclusion of specific data within or from a theme. Coding trees may be produced iteratively: after each interview, the researcher may immediately code and categorize data into themes to facilitate subsequent interviews and allow for probing with subsequent participants as necessary. At the end of the theming process, you will be in a position to tell the participants’ stories illustrated by quotations from your transcripts. For more information on different ways to manage qualitative data, see the “Further Reading” section at the end of this paper.

ETHICAL ISSUES

In most circumstances, qualitative research involves human beings or the things that human beings produce (documents, notes, etc.). As a result, it is essential that such research be undertaken in a manner that places the safety, security, and needs of participants at the forefront. Although interviews, focus groups, and questionnaires may seem innocuous and “less dangerous” than taking blood samples, it is important to recognize that the way participants are represented in research can be significantly damaging. Try to put yourself in the shoes of the potential participants when designing your research and ask yourself these questions:

Are the requests you are making of potential participants reasonable?
Are you putting them at unnecessary risk or inconvenience?
Have you identified and addressed the specific needs of particular groups?

Where possible, attempting anonymization of data is strongly recommended, bearing in mind that true anonymization may be difficult, as participants can sometimes be recognized from their stories. Balancing the responsibility to report findings accurately and honestly with the potential harm to the participants involved can be challenging. Advice on the ethical considerations of research is generally available from research ethics boards and should be actively sought in these challenging situations.

GETTING STARTED

Pharmacists may be hesitant to embark on research involving qualitative methods because of a perceived lack of skills or confidence. Overcoming this barrier is the most important first step, as pharmacists can benefit from inclusion of qualitative methods in their research repertoire. Partnering with others who are more experienced and who can provide mentorship can be a valuable strategy. Reading reports of research studies that have utilized qualitative methods can provide insights and ideas for personal use; such papers are routinely included in traditional databases accessed by pharmacists. Engaging in dialogue with members of a research ethics board who have qualitative expertise can also provide useful assistance, as well as saving time during the ethics review process itself. The references at the end of this paper may provide some additional support to allow you to begin incorporating qualitative methods into your research.

CONCLUSIONS

Qualitative research offers unique opportunities for understanding complex, nuanced situations where interpersonal ambiguity and multiple interpretations exist. Qualitative research may not provide definitive answers to such complex questions, but it can yield a better understanding and a springboard for further focused work. There are multiple frameworks, methods, and considerations involved in shaping effective qualitative research. In most cases, these begin with self-reflection and articulation of positionality by the researcher. For some, qualitative research may appear commonsensical and easy; for others, it may appear daunting, given its high reliance on direct participant– researcher interactions. For yet others, qualitative research may appear subjective, unscientific, and consequently unreliable. All these perspectives reflect a lack of understanding of how effective qualitative research actually occurs. When undertaken in a rigorous manner, qualitative research provides unique opportunities for expanding our understanding of the social and clinical world that we inhabit.

Challenges to implementing artificial intelligence in healthcare: a qualitative interview study with healthcare leaders in Sweden

Lena Petersson 1 ,
Ingrid Larsson 1 ,
Jens M. Nygren 1 ,
Per Nilsen 1 , 2 ,
Margit Neher 1 , 3 ,
Julie E. Reed 1 ,
Daniel Tyskbo 1 &
Petra Svedberg 1

BMC Health Services Research volume 22 , Article number: 850 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Artificial intelligence (AI) for healthcare presents potential solutions to some of the challenges faced by health systems around the world. However, it is well established in implementation and innovation research that novel technologies are often resisted by healthcare leaders, which contributes to their slow and variable uptake. Although research on various stakeholders’ perspectives on AI implementation has been undertaken, very few studies have investigated leaders’ perspectives on the issue of AI implementation in healthcare. It is essential to understand the perspectives of healthcare leaders, because they have a key role in the implementation process of new technologies in healthcare. The aim of this study was to explore challenges perceived by leaders in a regional Swedish healthcare setting concerning the implementation of AI in healthcare.

The study takes an explorative qualitative approach. Individual, semi-structured interviews were conducted from October 2020 to May 2021 with 26 healthcare leaders. The analysis was performed using qualitative content analysis, with an inductive approach.

The analysis yielded three categories, representing three types of challenge perceived to be linked with the implementation of AI in healthcare: 1) Conditions external to the healthcare system; 2) Capacity for strategic change management; 3) Transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practice.

Conclusions

In conclusion, healthcare leaders highlighted several implementation challenges in relation to AI within and beyond the healthcare system in general and their organisations in particular. The challenges comprised conditions external to the healthcare system, internal capacity for strategic change management, along with transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practice. The results point to the need to develop implementation strategies across healthcare organisations to address challenges to AI-specific capacity building. Laws and policies are needed to regulate the design and execution of effective AI implementation strategies. There is a need to invest time and resources in implementation processes, with collaboration across healthcare, county councils, and industry partnerships.

Peer Review reports

The use of artificial intelligence (AI) in healthcare can potentially enable solutions to some of the challenges faced by healthcare systems around the world [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. AI generally refers to a computerized system (hardware or software) that is equipped with the capacity to perform tasks or reasoning processes that we usually associate with the intelligence level of a human being [ 4 ]. AI is thus not one single type of technology but rather many different types within various application areas, e.g., diagnosis and treatment, patient engagement and adherence, and administrative activities [ 5 , 6 ]. However, when implementing AI technology in practice, certain problems and challenges may require an optimization of the method in combination with the specific setting. We may therefore define AI as complex sociotechnical interventions as their success in a clinical healthcare setting depends on more than the technical performance [ 7 ]. Research suggests that AI technology may be able to improve the treatment of many health conditions, provide information to support decision-making, minimize medical errors and optimize care processes, make healthcare more accessible, provide better patient experiences and care outcomes as well as reduce the per capita costs of healthcare [ 8 , 9 , 10 ]. Even if the expectations for AI in healthcare are great [ 2 ], the potential of its use in healthcare is far from having been realized [ 5 , 11 , 12 ].

Most of the research on AI in healthcare focuses heavily on the development, validation, and evaluation of advanced analytical techniques, and the most significant clinical specialties for this are oncology, neurology, and cardiology [ 2 , 3 , 11 , 13 , 14 ]. There is, however, a current research gap between the development of robust algorithms and the implementation of AI systems in healthcare practice. The conclusion in newly published reviews addressing regulation, privacy and legal aspects [ 15 , 16 ], ethics [ 16 , 17 , 18 ], clinical and patient outcomes [ 19 , 20 , 21 ] and economic impact [ 22 ], is that further research is needed in a real-world clinical setting although the clinical implementation of AI technology is still at an early stage. There are no studies describing implementation frameworks or models that could inform us concerning the role of barriers and facilitators in the implementation process and relevant implementation strategies of AI technology [ 23 ]. This illustrates a significant knowledge gap on how to implement AI in healthcare practice and how to understand the variation of acceptance of this technology among healthcare leaders, healthcare professionals, and patients [ 14 ]. It is well established in implementation and innovation research that novel technologies, such as AI, are often resisted by healthcare leaders, which contributes to their slow and variable uptake [ 13 , 24 , 25 , 26 ]. New technologies often fail to be implemented and embedded in practice because healthcare leaders do not consider how they fit with or impact existing healthcare work practices and processes [ 27 ]. Although, understanding how AI technologies should be implemented in healthcare practice is unexplored.

Based on literature from other scientific fields, we know that the leaders’interest and commitment is widely recognized as an important factor for successful implementation of new innovations and interventions [ 28 , 29 ]. The implementation of AI in healthcare is thus supposed to require leaders who understand the state of various AI systems. The leaders have to drive and support the introduction of AI systems, the integration into existing or altered work routines and processes, and how AI systems can be deployed to improve efficiency, safety, and access to healthcare services [ 30 , 31 ]. There is convincing evidence from outside the healthcare field of the importance of leadership for organizational culture and performance [ 32 ], the implementation of planned organizational change [ 33 ], and the implementation and stimulation of organizational innovation [ 34 ]. The relevance of leadership to implementing new practices in healthcare is reflected in many of the theories, frameworks, and models used in implementation research that analyses barriers to and facilitators of its implementation [ 35 ]. For example, Promoting Action on Research Implementation in Health Services [ 36 ], Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR) [ 37 ], Active Implementation Frameworks [ 38 ], and Tailored Implementation for Chronic Diseases [ 39 ] all refer to leadership as a determinant of successful implementation. Although these implementation models are available and frequently used in healthcare research, they are highly abstract and not tailored to the implementation of AI systems in healthcare practices. We thus do not know if these models are applicable to AI as a socio-technical system or if other determinants are important for the implementation process. Likewise, based on a new literature study, we found no AI-specific implementation theories, frameworks, or models that could provide guidance for how leaders could facilitate the implementation and realize the potential of AI in healthcare [ 23 ]. We thus need to understand what the unique challenges are when implementing AI in healthcare practices.

Research on various types of stakeholder perspectives on AI implementation in healthcare has been undertaken, including studies involving professionals [ 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 ], patients [ 44 ], and industry partners [ 42 ]. However, very few studies have investigated the perspectives of healthcare leaders. This is a major shortcoming, given that healthcare leaders are expected to have a key role in the implementation and use of AI for the development of healthcare. Petitgand et al.’s study [ 45 ] serves as a notable exception. They interviewed healthcare managers, providers, and organizational developers to identify barriers to integrating an AI decision-support system to enhance diagnostic procedures in emergency care. However, the study did not focus on the leaders’ perspectives, and the study was limited to one particular type of AI solution in one specific care department. Our present study extends beyond any specific technology and encompasses the whole socio-technical system around AI technology. The present study thus aimed to explore challenges perceived by leaders in a regional Swedish healthcare setting regarding implementation of AI systems in healthcare.

This study took an explorative qualitative approach to understanding healthcare leaders’ perceptions in contexts in which AI will be developed and implemented. The knowledge generated from this study will inform the development of strategies to support an AI implementation and help avoid potential barriers. The analysis was based on qualitative content analysis, with an inductive approach [ 46 ]. Qualitative content analysis is widely used in healthcare research [ 46 ] to find similarities and differences in the data, in order to understand human experiences [ 47 ]. To ensure trustworthiness, the study is reported in accordance with the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research 32‐item checklist [ 48 ].

The study was conducted in a county council (also known as “region”) in the south of Sweden. The Swedish healthcare system is publicly financed based on local taxation; residents are insured by the state and there is a vision that healthcare should be equally accessible across the population. Healthcare responsibility is decentralized to 21 county councils, whose responsibilities include healthcare provision and promotion of good health for citizens.

The county council under investigation has since 2016 invested financial, personnel and service resources to enable agile analysis (based on machine learning models) of clinical and administrative data of patients in healthcare [ 49 , 50 ]. The ambition is to gain more value from the data, utilizing insights drawn from machine learning on healthcare data to make facts-based decisions on how healthcare is managed, organized, and structured in routines and processes. The focus is thus on overall issues around management, staffing, planning and standardization for optimization of resource use, workflows, patient trajectories and quality improvement at system level. This includes several layers within the socio-technical ecosystem around the technology, dealing with: a) generating, cleaning, and labeling data, b) developing models, verifying, assuring, and auditing AI tools and algorithms, c) incorporating AI outputs into clinical decisions and resource allocation, and d) the shaping of new organizational structures, roles, and practices. Given that AI thus extends beyond any specific technology and encompasses the whole socio-technical system around the technology, in the context of this article, it is hereafter referred to generically as ‘AI systems’. We deliberately sought to understand the broad perspectives on healthcare leaders in a region that has a high level of support for AI developments and our study thus focuses on the potential of a wide range of AI systems that could emerge from the regional investments, rather than a specific AI application or AI algorithms.

Participants

Given the focus on understanding healthcare leaders’ perceptions, we purposively recruited leaders who were in a position to potentially influence the implementation and use of AI systems in relation to the setting described above. To achieve potential variability, these leaders belonged to three groups: politicians at the highest county council level, managers at various levels, such as the hospital director, manager for primary care, manager for knowledge and evidence, head of research and development center, and quality developers and strategists with responsibilities for strategy-based work at county council level or development work in various divisions in the county council healthcare organization.

The ambition was to include leaders who had a range of experiences, interests and with different mandates and responsibilities in relation to funding, running, and sustaining the implementation of AI systems in practice. A sample of 28 healthcare leaders was invited through snowball recruitment; two declined and 26 agreed to participate (Table 1 ). This sample comprised five individuals originally identified on the basis of their knowledge and insights. They were interviewed and they then identified and suggested other leaders to interview.

Data collection

Individual semi-structured interviews were conducted between October 2020 and May 2021 via phone or video communication by one of the authors (LP or DT). We start from a broad perspective on AI focusing on healthcare leaders’ perceptions bottom-up and not on the views of AI experts or healthcare professionals who work with specific AI algortihms in clinical practice. The interviews were based on an interview guide, structured around: 1) the roles and previous experiences of the informants regarding the application of AI systems in practice, 2) the opportunities and problems that need to be considered to support implementation of AI systems, 3) beliefs and attitudes towards the possibilities of using AI systems to support healthcare improvements, and 4) the obstacles, opportunities and facilitating factors that need to be considered to enable AI systems to fit into existing processes, methods and systems. The interview guide was thus based on important factors previously identified in terms of implementing technology in healthcare [ 51 , 52 ]. Interviews lasted between 30 and 120 min, with a total length of 23 h and 49 min and were audio-recorded.

Data analysis

An inductive qualitative content analysis [ 46 ] was used to analyze the data. First, the interviews were transcribed verbatim and read several times by the first (LP) and second (IL) authors, to gain familiarity. Then, the first (LP) and second (IL) authors conducted the initial analyses of the interviews, by identifying and extracting meaning units and/or phrases with information relevant to the object of the study. The meaning units were then abstracted into codes, subcategories, and categories. The analytical process was discussed continuously between authors (LP, IL, JMN, PN, MN, PS). Finally, all authors, who are from different disciplines, reviewed and discussed the analysis to increase the trustworthiness and rigour of the analysis. To further strengthen the trustworthiness, the leaders’ quotations used in this paper were translated from Swedish to English by a native English-speaking professional proofreader and were edited only slightly to improve readability.

Three categories consisting of nine sub-categories emerged from the analysis of the interviews with the healthcare leaders (Fig. 1 ). Conditions external to the healthcare system concern various exogenous conditions and circumstances beyond the direct control of the healthcare system that the leaders believed could affect AI implementation. Capacity for strategic change management reflects endogenous influences and internal requirements related to the healthcare system that the leaders suggested could pose challenges to AI implementation. Transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practice concerns challenges to AI implementation observed by the leaders, in terms of how AI might change professional roles and relations and its impact on existing work practices and routines.

Categories and subcategories

Conditions external to the healthcare system

Addressing liability issues and legal information sharing.

The healthcare leaders described the management of existing laws and policies for the implementation of AI systems in healthcare as a challenge and an issue that was essential to address. According to them, the existing laws and policies have not kept pace with technological developments and the organization of healthcare in today’s society and need to be revised to ensure liability.

The accountability held among individuals, organizations, and AI systems regarding decisions based on support from an AI algorithm was perceived as a risk and an element that needs to be addressed. However, accountability is not addressed in existing laws, which were perceived by the leaders to present problematic uncertainties in terms of responsibilities. They raised concerns about where responsibilities lie in relation to decisions made by AI algorithms, such as when an AI algorithm run in one part of the system identifies actions that should be taken in another part of the system. For example, if a patient is given AI-based advice from a county council-operated patient portal for triaging suggesting self-care, and the advice instead should have been to visit the emergency department, who has the responsibility, is it the AI system itself, the developers of the system or the county council. Additionally, concerns were raised about accountability, if it turns out that the advice was not accurate.

The issue of accountability is a very difficult one. If I agree with what doctor John (AI systems) recommended, where does the burden of proof lie? I may have looked at this advice and thought that it worked quite well. I chose to follow this advice, but can I blame Doctor John? The legislation is a risk that we have to deal with. Leader 7.

Concerns were raised as to how errors would be handled when AI systems contributed to decision making, highlighting the need for clear laws and policies. The leaders emphasized that, if healthcare professionals made erroneous decisions based on AI systems, they could be reported to the Patients Advisory Committee or have their medical license revoked. This impending threat could lead to a stressful situation for healthcare professionals. The leaders expressed major concerns about whether AI systems would be support systems for healthcare professionals’ decisions or systems that could take automated and independent decisions. They believed based on the latter interpretation that there would be a need for changes in the laws before they could be implemented in practice. Nevertheless, some leaders anticipated a development where some aspects of care could be provided without any human involvement.

If the legislation is changed so that the management information can be automated, that is to say that they start acting themselves, but they’re not allowed to do that yet. It could, however, be so that you open an app in a few years’ time, then you furnish the app with the information that it needs about your health status. Then the app can write a prescription for medication for you, because it has all the information that is needed. That is not allowed at present, because the judicial authority still need an individual to blame when something goes wrong. But even that aspect will be gradually developed. Leader 2.

According to the leaders, legislation and policies also constituted obstacles to the foundation in the implementation of AI systems in healthcare: collecting, using, merging, and analyzing patient information. The limited opportunities to legally access and share information about patients within and between organizations were described as a crucial obstacle in implementing and using AI systems. Another issue was the legal problems when a care provider wanted to merge information about patients from different providers, such as the county council and a municipality. For this to take place, it was perceived that a considerable change of the laws regulating the possibilities of sharing information across different care providers would be required. Additionally, there are challenges in the definition of personal data in laws regulating personal integrity and in the risk of individuals being identified when the data is used for computerized advanced analytics. The law states that it is not legal to share personal data, but the boundaries of what is constituted by personal data in today’s society are changing, due to the increasing amounts of data and opportunities for complex and intelligent analysis.

You are not allowed to share any personal information. No, we understand that but what is personal information and when is personal information no longer personal information? Because legally speaking it is definitely not just the case of removing the personal identity number and the name, as a computer can still identify who you are at an individual level. When can it not do that? Leader 2.

Thus, according to the healthcare leaders, laws and regulations presented challenges for an organization that want to implement AI systems in healthcare practice, as laws and regulations have different purposes and oppose each other, e.g., the Health and Medical Services Act, the Patient Act and the Secrecy Act. Leaders described how outdated laws and regulations are handled in healthcare practice, by stretching current regulations and attempts to contribute to changing laws . They aimed to not give up on visions and ideas, but to try to find gaps in existing laws and to use rather than break the laws. When possible, another way to approach this was to try to influence decision-makers on the national political level to change the laws. The leaders reported that civil servants and politicians in the county council do this lobbying work in different contexts, such as the parliament or the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SALAR).

We discuss this regularly with our members of parliament with the aim of influencing the legislative work towards an enabling of the flow of information over boundaries. It’s all a bit old-fashioned. Leader 16.

Complying with standards and quality requirements

The healthcare leaders believed it could be challenging to follow standardized care processes when AI systems are implemented in healthcare. Standardized care processes are an essential feature that has contributed to development and improved quality in Swedish healthcare. However, some leaders expressed that the implementation of AI systems could be problematic because of uncertainties regarding when an AI algorithm is valid enough to be a part of a standardized care process. They were uncertain about which guarantees would be required for a product or service before it would be considered “good enough” and safe to use in routine care. An important legal aspect for AI implementation is the updated EU regulation for medical devices (MDR) that came into force in May 2021. According to one of the leaders, this regulation could be problematic for small innovative companies, as they are not used to these demands and will not always have the resources needed to live up to the requirements. Therefore, the leaders perceived that the county council should support AI companies to navigate these demands, if they are to succeed in bringing their products or services to implementation in standardized care processes.

We have to probably help the narrow, supersmart and valuable ideas to be realized, so that there won’t be a cemetery of ideas with things that could have been good for our patients, if only the companies had been given the conditions and support to live up to the demands that the healthcare services have and must have in terms of quality and security. Leader 2.

Integrating AI-relevant learning in higher education for healthcare staff

The healthcare leaders described that changes needed to be made in professional training, so that new healthcare professionals would be prepared to use digital technology in their practical work. Some leaders were worried that basic level education for healthcare professionals, such as physicians, nurses, and assistant nurses has too little focus on digital technology in general, and AI systems in particular. They stated that it is crucial that these educational programs are restructured and adapted to prepare students for the ongoing digitalization of the healthcare sector. Otherwise, recently graduated healthcare professionals will not be ready to take part in utilizing and implementing new AI systems in practice.

I am fundamentally quite concerned that our education, mainly when it comes to the healthcare services. Both for doctors and nurses and also assistant nurses for that matter. That it isn’t sufficiently proactive and prepare those who educate themselves for what will come in the future. // I can feel a certain concern for the fact that our educations do not actually sufficiently prepare our future co-workers for what everybody is talking now about that will take place in the healthcare services. Leader 15.

Capacity for strategic change management

Developing a systematic approach to ai implementation.

The healthcare leaders described that there is a need for a systematic approach and shared plans and strategies at the county council level, in order to meet the challenge of implementing AI systems in practice. They recognized that it will not be successful if the change is built on individual interests, instead of organizational perspectives. According to the leaders, the county council has focused on building the technical infrastructure that enables the use of AI algorithms. The county council have tried to establish a way of working with multi-professional teams around each application area for AI-based analysis. However, the leaders expressed that it is necessary to look beyond the technology development and plan for the implementation at a much earlier stage in the development process. They believed that their organization generally underestimated the challenges of implementation in practice. Therefore, the leaders believed that it was essential that the politicians and the highest leadership in the county council both support and prioritize the change process. This requires an infrastructure for strategic change management together with clear leadership that has the mandate and the power to prioritize and support both development of AI systems and implementation in practice. This is critical for strategic change to be successful.

If the County Council management does not believe in this, then nothing will come of it either, the County Council management have to indicate in some way that this is a prioritized issue. It is this we are going to work with, then it’s not sufficient for a single executive director who pursues this and who thinks it’s interesting. It has to start at the top and then filter right through, but then the politicians have to also believe in this and think that it’s important. Leader 4.

Additionally, the healthcare leaders experienced that there was increasing interest among unit managers within the organization in using data for AI-based analysis and that there might be a need to make more prioritizations of requests for data analysis in the future. The leaders expressed that it would not be enough to simply have a shared core facility supporting this. Instead, management at all levels should also be involved and active in prioritization, based on their needs. They also perceived that the implementation of AI systems will demand skilled and structured change management that can prioritize and that is open to new types of leadership and decision-making processes. Support for innovative work will be needed, but also caution so that change does not proceed too quickly and is sufficiently anchored among the staff. The implementation of AI systems in healthcare was anticipated to challenge old routines and replace them with new ones, and that, as a result, would meet resistance from the staff. Therefore, a prepared plan at the county council level was perceived to be required for the purpose of “anchoring” with managers at the unit level, so that the overall strategy would be aligned with the needs and views of those who would have to implement it and supported by the knowledge needed to lead the implementation work.

It’s in the process of establishing legitimacy that we have often erred, where we’ve made mistakes and mistakes and mistakes all the time, I’ve said. That we’re not at the right level to make the decisions and that we don’t follow up and see that they understand what it’s about and take it in. It’s from the lowest manager to the middle manager to executive directors to politicians, the decisions have to have been gained legitimacy otherwise we’ll not get the impetus. Leader 21.

The leaders believed that it was essential to consider how to evaluate different parts of the implementation process. They expressed that method development is required within the county council, because, at the moment, there is a lack of knowledge and guidelines on how to evidence-base the use of AI systems in practice. There will be a need for a support organization spanning different levels within the county council, to guide and supervise units in the systematic evaluation of AI implementations. There will also be a need for quantitative evaluation of the clinical and organizational effects and qualitative assessment that focuses on how healthcare professionals and patients experience the implementation. Additionally, validation and evaluation of AI algorithms will be needed, both before they can be used in routine care, and afterwards, to provide evidence of quality improvements and optimizations of resources.

I believe that one needs to get an approval in some way, perhaps not from the Swedish Medical Products Agency, but the AI Agency or something similar. I don’t know. The Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare or some agency needs to go in and check that it is a sufficiently good foundation that they have based this algorithm on. So that it can be approved for clinical use. Leader 10.

Furthermore, the leaders described a challenge around how the implementation of AI systems in practice could be sustainable and last over time. They expressed that the county council should develop strategies in the organization so that they are readied for sustainability and long-term implementation. At the same time, this is an area with fast development and high uncertainty about the future, and thus what AI systems and services will look like in five or ten years, and how healthcare professionals and patients will use them. This is a challenge and requires that both leaders and staff are prepared to adjust and change their ways of working during the implementation process, including continuous improvements and uptake, updating and evolution of technologies and work practices.

The rate of change where digitalization, technology, new technology and AI is concerned is so high and the rate of implementation is low, so this will entail that as soon as we are about to implement something then there is something else in the market that is better. So I think it’s important to dare to implement something that is a little further on in the future. Leader 13.

Ascertaining resources for AI implementation

The leaders emphasized the importance of training for implementation of AI systems in healthcare. The county council should provide customized training at the workplace and extra knowledge support for certain professions. This could result in difficult decisions regarding what and whom to prioritize. The leaders discussed whether there was a need to provide all staff with basic training on AI systems or if it would be enough to train some of them, such as quality developers, and provide targeted training for some healthcare professionals who are close to the implementation of the AI system at a care unit. Furthermore, the leaders described that the training had to be connected to implementing the AI system at a specific care unit, which could present a challenge for the planning and realization. They emphasized that it could be a waste of resources to educate the staff beforehand. They need to be educated in close connection to the implementation of a specific AI system in their workplace, which thus demands organizational resources and planning.

I think that we often make the mistake of educating first, and then you have to use it. But you have been educated, so now you should know this? Yes, but it is not until we use something that the questions arise. Leader 13.

There could also be a need for patient education and patient guidance, if they are to use AI systems for self-care or remote monitoring. Thus, it is vital to give all citizens the same opportunities to access and utilize new technical solutions in healthcare.

We treat all our patients equally now, everyone will receive the same invitation, and everyone will need to ring about their appointment, although 99% could really book and do this themselves. Then we should focus on that, and thus return the impetus and the power to the patient and the population for them to take care of this themselves to a greater extent. But then of course information is needed and that in turn needs intuitive systems. That is not something we are known for. Leader 14.

Many of the healthcare leaders found financial resources and time, especially the prioritization of time, to be critical to the implementation process of AI system. There is already time pressure in many care units, and it can be challenging to set aside time and other resources for the implementation.

Involving staff throughout the implementation process of AI systems

The healthcare leaders stated that anchoring and involving staff and citizens is crucial to the successfully implementation of AI systems. The management has to be responsible for the implementation process but also ensure that the staff are aware of and interested in the implementation, based on their needs. Involvement of the staff together with representatives from patient groups was considered key to successful implementation and to limit risks of perceiving the AI system as unnecessary and erroneously used. At the same time, the leaders described that it would be important for unit managers to “stand up” for the change that is required, if their staff questioned the implementation.

I think for example that if you’re going to make a successful implementation then you have to perhaps involve the co-workers. You can’t involve all of them, but a representative sample of co-workers and patients and the population who are part of it. // We mess it up time after time, and something comes that we have to implement with short notice. So we try to force it on the organization, so we forget that we need to get the support of the co-workers. Leader 4.

The propensity for change differs both among individuals and within the organization. According to the leaders, that could pose a challenge, since the support and needs differ between individuals. The motivational aspect could also vary between different actors, and some leaders claim that it is crucial to arouse curiosity among healthcare professionals. If the leaders are not motivated and do not believe that the change benefits them, implementation will not be successful. To increase healthcare professionals’ motivation and engagement, the value that will be created for the clinicians has to be made obvious, along with whether the AI system will support them in their daily work.

It has to be beneficial for the clinics otherwise it’s meaningless so to speak. A big risk with AI is that you work and work with data and then algorithms emerge that are sort of obvious. Everyone can do this. It’s why it’s important to have clinical staff in the small agile teams, that there really is a clinical benefit, this actually improves it. Leader 10.

Developing new strategies for internal and external collaboration

The healthcare leaders believed that there was a need for new forms of collaboration and communication within the county council, at both organizational and professional levels. Professionals need to interact with professions other than their own, thus enabling new teamwork and new knowledge. The challenge is for different groups to talk to each other, since they do not always have the same professional language. However, it was perceived that, when these kinds of team collaborations are successful, there will be benefits, such as automation of care processes that are currently handled by humans.

To be successful in getting a person with expert knowledge in computer science to talk to a person with expert knowledge in integrity legislation, to a one who has expert knowledge in the clinical care of a patient. Even if all of them go to work with exactly the same objective, that one person or a few people can live a bit longer or feel a bit better, then it’s difficult to talk with each other because they use essentially different languages. They don’t know much about what knowledge the other has, so just getting that altogether. Leader 2.

Leaders’ views the implementation of AI systems would require the involvement and collaboration of several departments in the county council across organizational boundaries, and with external actors. A perceived challenge was that half of the primary care units are owned by private care providers, where the county council has limited jurisdiction, which challenges the dissemination of common ways of working. Additionally, the organization in the county council and its boundaries might have to be reviewed to enable different professions to work together and interact on an everyday basis.

The complexity in terms of for example apps is very, very, very much greater, we see that now. Besides there being this app, so perhaps the procurement department must be involved, the systems administration must definitely be involved, the knowledge department must be involved and the digitalization department, there are so many and the finance department of course and the communication department, the system is thus so complex. Leader 9.

There was also consensus among the healthcare leaders that the county council should collaborate with companies in AI systems implementation and should not handle such processes on their own. An eco-system of actors working in AI systems implementation is required, who have shared goals for the joint work. The leaders expressed that companies must be supported and invited to collaborate within the county council’s organization at an early stage. In that way, pitfalls regarding legal or technical aspects can be discovered early in product development. Similar relations and dialogues are also needed with patients to succeed with implementation that is not primarily based on technical possibilities, but patients’ needs. Transparency is essential to patients’ awareness of AI systems’ functions and for the reliability in outcomes.

This is born out of a management philosophy, which is based on the principle of not being able to command everything oneself, one has to be humble, perceptive about not being able to do it. One needs to invite others to be there and help with the solution. Leader 16.

Transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practices

Managing new roles in care processes.

The healthcare leaders described a need for new professions and professional roles in healthcare for AI systems implementation. All professional groups in today’s healthcare sector were expected to be affected by these changes, particularly the work unit managers responsible for daily work processes and the physicians accountable for the medical decisions. The leaders argued that the changes could challenge traditions, hierarchies, conventional professional roles and division of labour. There might be changes regarding the responsibilities for specific work tasks, changes in professional roles, a need for new professions that do not exist in today’s labour market and the AI systems might replace some work tasks and even professions. A change towards more combined positions at both the county council and a company or a university might also be a result of the development and implementation of AI systems. However, the leaders perceived that, for some healthcare professionals, these ideas are unthinkable, and it may take several years before these changes in roles and care processes become a reality in the healthcare sector.

I think I will be seeing other professions in the healthcare services who have perhaps not received a healthcare education. It will be a culture shock, I think. It also concerns that you may perhaps not need to be medically trained, for sitting there and checking those yellow flags or whatever they are, or it could perhaps be another type of professional group. I think that it would actually be good. We have to start economizing with the competencies we now have and it’s difficult enough to manage. Leader 15.

The acceptance of the AI systems may vary within and between professional groups, ages, and areas of specialized care. The leaders feared that the implementation of AI systems would change physicians’ knowledge base and that there would be a loss of knowledge that could be problematic in the long run. The leaders argued that younger, more recently graduated physicians would never be able to accumulate the experience-based knowledge to the extent that their older colleagues have done, as they will rely more on AI systems to support their decisions. Thus, on one hand, professional roles and self-images might be threatened when output from the AI systems is argued to be more valid than the recommendation by an experienced physician. However, on the other hand, physicians who do not “work with their hands” can utilize such output as decision support to complement their experience-based knowledge. Thus, it is important that healthcare professionals have trust in recommendations from the AI systems in clinical practice. If some healthcare professionals do not trust the AI systems and their output, there is a risk that they will not use them in clinical practice and continue to work in the way they are used to, resulting in two parallel systems. This might be problematic, both for the work environment and the healthcare professionals’ wellbeing. The leaders emphasized that this would represent a challenge for the implementation of AI systems in healthcare.

We can’t add anything more today without taking something else away, I’d say it was impossible. // The level of burden is so high today so it’s difficult to see, it’s not sufficient to say that this will be of use to us in two years’ time. Leader 20.

Implementing AI systems can change existing care processes and change the role of the patient. The leaders described that, in primary care, AI systems have the best potential to change existing work processes and make care more efficient, for example through an automatic AI-based triage for patients. The AI system could take the anamnesis, instead of the healthcare professionals, and do this when patients still are at home, so the healthcare professionals will not meet the patient unless the AI system has decided that it is necessary. The AI system can also autonomously discover something in a patient’s health status and suggest that the patient contact healthcare staff for follow-up. This use of AI systems could open up opportunities for more proactive and personalized care.

The leaders also described that the implementation of AI systems in practice could facilitate an altered patient role. The development that is taking place in the healthcare sector with, for instance, patient-reported data, enables and, in some cases, requires an active and committed patient that takes part in his or her care process. The leaders mentioned that there might be a need for patient support. Otherwise, there might be a risk that only patients with high digital literacy would be able to participate with valid data. The leaders described that AI systems could facilitate this development, by recommending self-care advice to patients or empowering them to make decisions. Still, there were concerns that not all patients would benefit from AI systems, due to variations in patients’ capabilities and literacy.

We also deal with people who are ill, we must also have respect for that. Everyone will not be able to use these tools. Leader 7.

Building trust for AI systems acceptance in clinical practice

A challenge and prerequisite for implementing AI systems in healthcare is that the technology meets expectations on quality to support the healthcare professionals in their practical work, such as having a solid evidence base, being thoroughly validated and meeting requirements for equality. It is important to have confidence in the validity of the data, the algorithms and their output. A key challenge pointed out was the need to have a sufficiently large population base, the “right” type of data and the right populations to build valid AI systems. For common conditions, where rich data exists to base AI algorithms, leaders believed the reliability would be high. For unusual conditions, there were concerns that there would be lower accuracy. Questions were also raised about how AI systems take aspects around equity and equality into account, such as gender and ethnicity. The leaders expressed concern that, due to these obstacles, in relation to certain unusual or complex conditions AI systems might not be suitable.

Then there is a challenge with the new technology, whether it’s Ok to apply it. Because it’s people who are affected, people’s health and lives that are affected by the new technology. How can we guarantee that it delivers what it says it will deliver? It must be safe and reviewed, validated and evidence-based in order for us to be able to use it. If a bug is built in then the consequences can be enormous. Leader 2.

Lack of confidence in the reliability of AI systems was also described and will place higher demands and requirements on their accuracy than on similar assessments made by humans. Thus, acceptance depends on confidence in AI systems as highly sensitive and that they can diagnose conditions at earlier stages than skilled healthcare professionals. The leaders perceived that the “black box” needs to be understood in order to be reliable, i.e. what the AI algorithms calculations are based on. Thus, reliance on the outputs from AI algorithms depends on reliance on the algorithm itself and the data used for its calculation.

There are a number of inherent problems with AI. It’s a little black box. AI looks at all the data. AI is not often easy to explain, “oh, you’ve got a risk, that it passed the cut-off value for that person or patient”, no because it weighs up perhaps a hundred different dimensions in a mathematical model. AI models are often called a black box and there have been many attempts at opening that box. The clinics are a bit skeptical then when they are not able to, they just get a risk score, I would say. Leader 10.

Big data sets are important for quality, but the leaders stated that too much information about a patient also could be problematic. There is a risk that information about a patient is available to healthcare professionals who should not have that information. The leaders believed that this could already be a problem today, but that it would be an increased risk in the future. This challenge needs to be handled as the amount of patient information increases, and as more healthcare professionals get access to such information when it’s being used in AI systems, regardless of the reason for the patient’s contact with the healthcare unit. Another challenge and prerequisite for implementing AI systems in healthcare is that the technology is user-friendly and create value for both healthcare professionals and patients. The leaders expected AI systems to be user-friendly, self-instructing, and easy to use, without requiring too much prior knowledge or training. In addition to being easy to use, the AI systems must also be time-saving and never time-consuming or dependent on the addition of yet more digital operative systems to work with. Using AI systems should, in some cases, be equated with having a second opinion from a colleague, when it comes to simplicity and time consumption.

An easy way to receive this support is needed. One needs to ask a number of questions in order to receive the correct information. But it mustn’t be too complicated, and it mustn’t take time, then nothing will come of it. Leader 4.

The leaders expected that AI systems would place the patients in focus and thereby contribute to more person-centred care. These expectations are based on a large amount of data on which AI algorithms are built, which leaders perceive will make it possible to individualize assessments and treatment options. AI systems would enable more person-centred and value-creating care for patients. AI systems could potentially contribute to making healthcare efficient without compromising quality. It was seen as an opportunity to meet future increasing needs for care among the citizens, combined with a reduced number of healthcare professionals. Smart and efficient AI systems used in investigations, assessments, and treatments can streamline care and allow more patients to receive care. Making healthcare efficient was also about the idea that AI systems should contribute to improved communication within and between caregivers for both public and private care. Using AI systems to follow up the given care and to evaluate the quality of care with other caregivers was highlighted, along with the risk that the increased efficiency provided by AI systems could result in a loss of essential values for healthcare and in impaired care.

I think that automatization via AI would be a safe way and it would be perfect for the primary care services. It would have entailed that we have more hands, that we can meet the patients who need to be met and that we can meet more often and for longer periods and perhaps do more house calls and just be there where we are needed a little more and help these a bit more easily. Leader 13.

The perspectives of the challenges described by leaders in the present study are an important contribution to improving knowledge regarding the determinants influencing the implementation of AI systems in healthcare. Our results showed that healthcare leaders perceived challenges to AI implementation concerning the handling of conditions external to the healthcare system, the building of internal capacity for strategic change management and the transformation of professional roles and practices. While implementation science has advanced the knowledge concerning determinants for successful implementation of digital technology in healthcare [ 53 ], our study is one of the few that have investigated leaders’ perceptions of the implementation of AI systems in healthcare. Our findings demonstrate that the leaders concerns do not lie so much with the specific technological nuances of AI, but with the more general factors relating to how such AI systems can be channeled into routine service organization, regulation and practice delivery. These findings demonstrate the breadth of concerns that leaders perceive are important for the successful application of AI systems and therefore suggest areas for further advancements in research and practice. However, the findings also demonstrate a potential risk that, even in a county council where there is a high level of investment and strategic support for AI systems, there is a lack of technical expertise and awareness of AI specific challenges that might be encountered. This could cause challenges to the collaboration between the developers of AI systems and healthcare leaders if there is a cognitive dissonance about the nature and scope of the problem they are seeking to address, and the practical and technical details of both AI systems and healthcare operational issues [ 7 ]. This suggests the need for people who are conversant in languages of both stakeholder groups maybe necessary to facilitate communication and collaboration across professional boundaries [ 54 ]. Importantly, these findings demonstrate that addressing the technological challenges of AI alone is unlikely to be sufficient to support their adoption into healthcare services, and AI developers are likely to need to collaborate with those with expertise in healthcare implementation and improvement scientists in order to address the wider systems issues that this study has identified.

The healthcare leaders perceived challenges resulting from external conditions and circumstances, such as ambiguities in existing laws and sharing data between organizations. The external conditions highlighted in our study resonate with the outer setting in the implementation framework CFIR [ 37 ], which is described in terms of governmental and other bodies that exercise control, with the help of policies and incentives that influence readiness to implement innovations in practice. These challenges described in our study resulted in uncertainties concerning responsibilities in relation to the development and implementation of AI systems and what one was allowed to do, giving rise to legal and ethical considerations. The external conditions and circumstances were recognized by the leaders as having considerable impact on the possibility of implementing AI systems in practice although they recognized that these were beyond their direct influence. This suggests that, when it comes to the implementation of AI systems, the influence of individual leaders is largely restricted and bounded. Healthcare leaders in our study perceived that policy and regulation cannot keep up with the national interest in implementing AI systems in healthcare. Here, concerted and unified national authority initiatives are required according to the leaders. Despite the fact that the introduction of AI systems in healthcare appears to be inevitable, the consideration of existing regulatory and ethical mechanisms appears to be slow [ 16 , 18 ]. Additionally, another challenge attributable to the setting was the lack of to increase the competence and expertise among professionals in AI systems, which could be a potential barrier to the implementation of AI in practice. The leaders reflected on the need for future higher education programs to provide healthcare professionals with better knowledge of AI systems and its use in practice. Although digital literacy is described as important for healthcare professionals [ 55 , 56 ], higher education faces many challenges in meeting emerging requirements and demands of society and healthcare.

The healthcare leaders addressed the fact that the healthcare system’s internal capacity for strategic change management is a hugh challenge, but at the same time of great importance for successful and sustainable implementation of AI systems in the county council. The leaders highlighted the need to create an infrastructure and joint venture, with common structures and processes for the promotion of the capability to work with implementation strategies of AI systems at a regional level. This was needed to obtain a lasting improvement throughout the organization and to meet organizational goals, objectives, and missions. Thus, this highlights that the implementation of change within an organization is a complex process that does not solely depend on individual healthcare professionals’ change responses [ 57 ]. We need to focus on factors such as organisational capacity, climate, culture and leadership, which are common factors within the “inner context” in CFIR [ 37 ]. The capacity to put the innovations into practice consists of activities related to maintaining a functioning organization and delivery system [ 58 ]. Implementation research has most often focused on implementation of various individual, evidence-based practices, typically (digitally) health interventions [ 59 ]. However, AI implementation represents a more substantial and more disruptive form of change than typically involved in implementing new practices in healthcare [ 60 ]. Although there are likely many similarities between AI systems and other new digital technologies implemented in healthcare, there may also be important differences. For example, our results and other AI research has acknowledged that the lack of transparency (i.e. the “black box” problem) might yield resistance to some AI systems [ 61 ]. This problem is probably less apparent when implementing various evidence-based practices based on empirical research conducted according to well-established principles to be trustworthy [ 62 ]. Ethical and trust issues were also highlighted in our study as playing a more prominent role in AI implementation, perhaps more prominently than in “traditional” implementation of evidence-based practices. There might thus be AI-specific characteristics that are not really part of existing frameworks and models currently used in implementation science.

Transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practice

The healthcare leaders perceived that the use of AI in practice could transform professional roles and practices and this could be an implementation challenge. They reflected on how the implementation of AI systems would potentially impact provider-patient relationships and how the shifts in professional roles and responsibilities in the service system could potentially lead to changes in clinical processes of care. The leaders’ concerns related to the compatibility of new ways of working with existing practice, which is an important innovation characteristic highlighted in the Diffusion of Innovation theory [ 63 ]. According to the theory, compatibility with existing values and past experiences facilitates implementation. The leaders in our study also argued that it was important to see the value of AI systems for both professionals and service-users. Unless the benefits of using AI systems are observable healthcare professionals will be reluctant to drive the implementation forward. The importance of observability for adoption of innovations is also addressed in the Diffusion of Innovation theory [ 63 ], being the degree to which the results of an innovation are visible to the users. The leaders in our study conveyed the importance for healthcare professionals of having trust and confidence in the use of AI systems. They discussed uncertainties regarding accountability and liability in situations where AI systems impacts directly or indirectly on human healthcare, and how ambiguity and uncertainty about AI systems could lead to healthcare workers having a lack of trust in the technology. Trust in relation to AI systems is well reflected on as a challenge in research in healthcare [ 30 , 41 , 64 , 65 , 66 ]. The leaders also perceived that the expectations of patient-centeredness and usability (efficacy and usefulness) for service users could be a potential challenge in connection with AI implementation. Their concerns are echoed in a review by Buchanan et al. [ 67 ], in which it was observed that the use of AI systems could serve to weaken the person-centred relationships between healthcare professionals and patients.

In summary, the expectations for AI in healthcare are high in society and the technological impetus is strong. A lack of “translation” of the technology is in some ways part of the initial difficulties of implementing AI, because implementation strategies still need to be developed that might facilitate testing and clinical use of AI to demonstrate its value in regular healthcare practice. Our results relate well to the implementation science literature, identifying implementation challenges attributable to both external and internal conditions and circumstances [ 37 , 68 , 69 ] and the characteristics of the innovation [ 37 , 63 ]. However, the leaders in our study also pointed out the importance of establishing an infrastructure and common strategies for change management on the system level in healthcare. Thus, introducing AI systems and the required changes in healthcare practice should not only be dependent on early adopters at the particular units. This resonates with the Theory of Organizational Readiness for Change [ 70 ], which emphasizes the importance of an organization being both willing and able to implement an innovation [ 71 ]. The theory posits that, although organizational willingness is one of the factors that may facilitate the introduction of an innovation into practice, both the organization’s general capacities and its innovation-specific capacities for adoption and sustained use of an innovation are key to all phases in the implementation process [ 71 ].

Methodological considerations

In qualitative research, the concepts credibility, dependability, and transferability are used to describe different aspects of trustworthiness [ 72 ]. Credibility was strengthened by the purposeful sample of participants with various experiences and a crucial role in any implementation process. It is considered of great relevance to investigate the challenges that leaders in the county council expressed concerning the implementation of various AI systems in healthcare, albeit the preparation for implementing AI systems is a current issue in many Swedish county councils. Furthermore, the research team members’ familiarity with the methodology, together with their complementary knowledge and backgrounds enabled a more nuanced and profound, in-depth analysis of the empirical material and was another strength of the study.

Dependability was strengthened by using an interview guide to ensure that the same opening questions were put to all participants and that they were encouraged to talk openly. Because this study took place during the COVID-19 pandemic, the interviews were performed either at a distance, using the Microsoft Teams application, or face-to-face, the variation might be a limitation. However, according to Archibald et al. [ 73 ], distance interviewing with videoconferencing services, such as Microsoft Teams, could be beneficial and even preferred. Based on the knowledge gap regarding implementation of AI systems in healthcare, the authors chose to use an inductive qualitative approach to the exploration of healthcare leaders’ perceptions of implementation challenges. It might be that the implementation of AI systems largely aligns with the implementation of other digital technologies or techniques in healthcare. A strength of our study is that it focuses on perceptions on AI systems in general regardless of the type of AI algorithm or the context or area of application. However, one potential limitation of this approach is the possibility that more specific AI systems and or areas of applications may become associated with somewhat different challenges. Further studies specifying such boundaries will provide more specific answers but will probably also require the investigation be conducted in connection with the actual implementation of a specific AI systems and based on participants' experiences of having participated in the implementation process. With this in mind, we encourage future research to take this into account when deciding upon study designs.

Transferability was strengthened by a rich presentation of the results along with appropriate quotations. However, a limitation could be that all healthcare leaders work in the same county council, so transferability to other county councils must be considered with caution. In addition, an important contextual factor that might have an impact on whether, and how, the findings observed in this study will occur in other settings as well, concerns the nature of, and approach to, AI implementation. AI could be considered a rather broad concept, and while we adopted a broad and general approach to AI systems in order to understand healthcare leader’s perceptions, we would, perhaps, expect that more specific AI systems and or areas of applications become associated with different challenges. Taken together, these are aspects that may affect the possibilities for our results to be portable or transferred to other contexts. We thus suggest that the perceptions of healthcare leaders in other empirical contexts and the involvement of both more specific and broader AI systems are utilized in the study designs of future research.

In conclusion, the healthcare leaders highlighted several implementation challenges in relation to AI within the healthcare system and beyond the healthcare organization. The challenges comprised conditions external to the healthcare system, internal capacity for strategic change management, and transformation of healthcare professions and healthcare practice. Based on our findings, there is a need to see the implementation of AI system in healthcare as a changing learning process at all organizational levels, necessitating a healthcare system that applies more nuanced systems thinking. It is crucial to involve and collaborate with stakeholders and users inside the regional healthcare system itself and other actors outside the organization in order to succeed in developing and applying system thinking on implementation of AI. Given that the preparation for implementing AI systems is a current and shared issue in many (Swedish) county councils and other countries, and that our study is limited to one specific county council context, we encourage future studies in other contexts, in order to corroborate the findings.

Availability of data and materials

Empirical material generated and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available, but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the participants who contributed to this study with their experiences.

All authors belong to the Healthcare Improvement Research Group at Halmstad University, https://hh.se/english/research/our-research/research-at-the-school-of-health-and-welfare/healthcare-improvement.html

Open access funding provided by Halmstad University. The funders for this study are the Swedish Government Innovation Agency Vinnova (grant 2019–04526) and the Knowledge Foundation (grant 20200208 01H). The funders were not involved in any aspect of study design, collection, analysis, interpretation of data, or in the writing or publication process.

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LP, JMN, JR, DT and PS together identified the research question and designed the study. Applications for funding and coproduction agreements were put in place by PS and JMN. Data collection (the interviews) was carried out by LP and DT. Data analysis was performed by LP, IL, JMN, PN, MN and PS and then discussed with all authors. The manuscript was drafted by LP, IL, JMN, PN, MN and PS. JR and DT provided critical revision of the paper in terms of important intellectual content. All authors have read and approved the final submitted version.

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The study conforms to the principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki (74) and was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority (no. 2020–06246). The study fulfilled the requirements of Swedish research: information, consent, confidentiality, and safety of the participants and is guided by the ethical principles of: autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice (75). The participants were first informed about the study by e-post and, at the same time, were asked if they wanted to participate in the study. If they agreed to participate, they were verbally informed at the beginning of the interview about the purpose and the structure of the study and that they could withdraw their consent to participate at any time. Participation was voluntary and the respondents were informed about the ethical considerations of confidentiality. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to the interview.

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Petersson, L., Larsson, I., Nygren, J.M. et al. Challenges to implementing artificial intelligence in healthcare: a qualitative interview study with healthcare leaders in Sweden. BMC Health Serv Res 22 , 850 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-022-08215-8

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When you write a thesis , dissertation , or research paper , you will likely have to conduct a literature review to situate your research within existing knowledge. The literature review gives you a chance to:

Demonstrate your familiarity with the topic and its scholarly context
Develop a theoretical framework and methodology for your research
Position your work in relation to other researchers and theorists
Show how your research addresses a gap or contributes to a debate
Evaluate the current state of research and demonstrate your knowledge of the scholarly debates around your topic.

Writing literature reviews is a particularly important skill if you want to apply for graduate school or pursue a career in research. We’ve written a step-by-step guide that you can follow below.

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Writing literature reviews can be quite challenging! A good starting point could be to look at some examples, depending on what kind of literature review you’d like to write.

Example literature review #1: “Why Do People Migrate? A Review of the Theoretical Literature” ( Theoretical literature review about the development of economic migration theory from the 1950s to today.)
Example literature review #2: “Literature review as a research methodology: An overview and guidelines” ( Methodological literature review about interdisciplinary knowledge acquisition and production.)
Example literature review #3: “The Use of Technology in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Thematic literature review about the effects of technology on language acquisition.)
Example literature review #4: “Learners’ Listening Comprehension Difficulties in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Chronological literature review about how the concept of listening skills has changed over time.)

You can also check out our templates with literature review examples and sample outlines at the links below.

Download Word doc Download Google doc

Before you begin searching for literature, you need a clearly defined topic .

If you are writing the literature review section of a dissertation or research paper, you will search for literature related to your research problem and questions .

Make a list of keywords

Start by creating a list of keywords related to your research question. Include each of the key concepts or variables you’re interested in, and list any synonyms and related terms. You can add to this list as you discover new keywords in the process of your literature search.

Social media, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, TikTok
Body image, self-perception, self-esteem, mental health
Generation Z, teenagers, adolescents, youth

Search for relevant sources

Use your keywords to begin searching for sources. Some useful databases to search for journals and articles include:

Your university’s library catalogue
Google Scholar
Project Muse (humanities and social sciences)
Medline (life sciences and biomedicine)
EconLit (economics)
Inspec (physics, engineering and computer science)

You can also use boolean operators to help narrow down your search.

Make sure to read the abstract to find out whether an article is relevant to your question. When you find a useful book or article, you can check the bibliography to find other relevant sources.

You likely won’t be able to read absolutely everything that has been written on your topic, so it will be necessary to evaluate which sources are most relevant to your research question.

For each publication, ask yourself:

What question or problem is the author addressing?
What are the key concepts and how are they defined?
What are the key theories, models, and methods?
Does the research use established frameworks or take an innovative approach?
What are the results and conclusions of the study?
How does the publication relate to other literature in the field? Does it confirm, add to, or challenge established knowledge?
What are the strengths and weaknesses of the research?

Make sure the sources you use are credible , and make sure you read any landmark studies and major theories in your field of research.

You can use our template to summarize and evaluate sources you’re thinking about using. Click on either button below to download.

Take notes and cite your sources

As you read, you should also begin the writing process. Take notes that you can later incorporate into the text of your literature review.

It is important to keep track of your sources with citations to avoid plagiarism . It can be helpful to make an annotated bibliography , where you compile full citation information and write a paragraph of summary and analysis for each source. This helps you remember what you read and saves time later in the process.

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To begin organizing your literature review’s argument and structure, be sure you understand the connections and relationships between the sources you’ve read. Based on your reading and notes, you can look for:

Trends and patterns (in theory, method or results): do certain approaches become more or less popular over time?
Themes: what questions or concepts recur across the literature?
Debates, conflicts and contradictions: where do sources disagree?
Pivotal publications: are there any influential theories or studies that changed the direction of the field?
Gaps: what is missing from the literature? Are there weaknesses that need to be addressed?

This step will help you work out the structure of your literature review and (if applicable) show how your own research will contribute to existing knowledge.

Most research has focused on young women.
There is an increasing interest in the visual aspects of social media.
But there is still a lack of robust research on highly visual platforms like Instagram and Snapchat—this is a gap that you could address in your own research.

There are various approaches to organizing the body of a literature review. Depending on the length of your literature review, you can combine several of these strategies (for example, your overall structure might be thematic, but each theme is discussed chronologically).

Chronological

The simplest approach is to trace the development of the topic over time. However, if you choose this strategy, be careful to avoid simply listing and summarizing sources in order.

Try to analyze patterns, turning points and key debates that have shaped the direction of the field. Give your interpretation of how and why certain developments occurred.

If you have found some recurring central themes, you can organize your literature review into subsections that address different aspects of the topic.

For example, if you are reviewing literature about inequalities in migrant health outcomes, key themes might include healthcare policy, language barriers, cultural attitudes, legal status, and economic access.

Methodological

If you draw your sources from different disciplines or fields that use a variety of research methods , you might want to compare the results and conclusions that emerge from different approaches. For example:

Look at what results have emerged in qualitative versus quantitative research
Discuss how the topic has been approached by empirical versus theoretical scholarship
Divide the literature into sociological, historical, and cultural sources

Theoretical

A literature review is often the foundation for a theoretical framework . You can use it to discuss various theories, models, and definitions of key concepts.

You might argue for the relevance of a specific theoretical approach, or combine various theoretical concepts to create a framework for your research.

Like any other academic text , your literature review should have an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion . What you include in each depends on the objective of your literature review.

The introduction should clearly establish the focus and purpose of the literature review.

Depending on the length of your literature review, you might want to divide the body into subsections. You can use a subheading for each theme, time period, or methodological approach.

As you write, you can follow these tips:

Summarize and synthesize: give an overview of the main points of each source and combine them into a coherent whole
Analyze and interpret: don’t just paraphrase other researchers — add your own interpretations where possible, discussing the significance of findings in relation to the literature as a whole
Critically evaluate: mention the strengths and weaknesses of your sources
Write in well-structured paragraphs: use transition words and topic sentences to draw connections, comparisons and contrasts

In the conclusion, you should summarize the key findings you have taken from the literature and emphasize their significance.

When you’ve finished writing and revising your literature review, don’t forget to proofread thoroughly before submitting. Not a language expert? Check out Scribbr’s professional proofreading services !

This article has been adapted into lecture slides that you can use to teach your students about writing a literature review.

Scribbr slides are free to use, customize, and distribute for educational purposes.

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If you want to know more about the research process , methodology , research bias , or statistics , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

Sampling methods
Simple random sampling
Stratified sampling
Cluster sampling
Likert scales
Reproducibility

Statistics

Null hypothesis
Statistical power
Probability distribution
Effect size
Poisson distribution

Research bias

Optimism bias
Cognitive bias
Implicit bias
Hawthorne effect
Anchoring bias
Explicit bias

A literature review is a survey of scholarly sources (such as books, journal articles, and theses) related to a specific topic or research question .

It is often written as part of a thesis, dissertation , or research paper , in order to situate your work in relation to existing knowledge.

There are several reasons to conduct a literature review at the beginning of a research project:

To familiarize yourself with the current state of knowledge on your topic
To ensure that you’re not just repeating what others have already done
To identify gaps in knowledge and unresolved problems that your research can address
To develop your theoretical framework and methodology
To provide an overview of the key findings and debates on the topic

Writing the literature review shows your reader how your work relates to existing research and what new insights it will contribute.

The literature review usually comes near the beginning of your thesis or dissertation . After the introduction , it grounds your research in a scholarly field and leads directly to your theoretical framework or methodology .

A literature review is a survey of credible sources on a topic, often used in dissertations , theses, and research papers . Literature reviews give an overview of knowledge on a subject, helping you identify relevant theories and methods, as well as gaps in existing research. Literature reviews are set up similarly to other academic texts , with an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion .

An annotated bibliography is a list of source references that has a short description (called an annotation ) for each of the sources. It is often assigned as part of the research process for a paper .

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McCombes, S. (2023, September 11). How to Write a Literature Review | Guide, Examples, & Templates. Scribbr. Retrieved June 9, 2024, from https://www.scribbr.com/dissertation/literature-review/

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Chapter 1. Introduction

Why an Open Access Textbook on Qualitative Research Methods?

What is Research?

What is Qualitative Research?

Examples of Qualitative Research

Example 1 : The End Game (ethnography + interviews)

Example 2: Racing for Innocence (Interviews + Content Analysis + Fictional Stories)

Example 3: Amplified Advantage (Mixed Methods: Survey Interviews + Focus Groups + Archives)

How Is This Book Organized?

Chapter Descriptions

Recommended Reading: Other Qualitative Research Textbooks

Patton’s Ten Suggestions for Doing Qualitative Research

Qualitative Research: Characteristics, Design, Methods & Examples

Qualitative research can be used to:

Examples of qualitative research questions include:

Characteristics

Reality is socially constructed

The primacy of subject matter

Variables are complex, interwoven, and difficult to measure

Emic (insider’s point of view)

Interpretive analysis

Collecting Qualitative Data

Observations

Focus groups

Ethnography

Qualitative Data Analysis Methods

Grounded theory

Content analysis

Discourse analysis

Thematic analysis

Phases of Thematic Analysis

Template analysis

Frame analysis

Preventing Bias in Qualitative Research

Co-coding

Member checking

Reflexivity in qualitative research

Reflexivity Example

Establishing Trustworthiness in Qualitative Research

Credibility in Qualitative Research

Transferability in Qualitative Research

Dependability in Qualitative Research

Confirmability in Qualitative Research

Audit Trails in Qualitative Research

Discovery of unexpected data

Flexibility

Naturalistic settings

Limitations

Subjectivity

Limited generalizability

Extraneous variables

What sample size should qualitative research be?

Are surveys qualitative or quantitative?

What are the ethical considerations of qualitative research?

What is triangulation in qualitative research?

Why is qualitative research important?

What is coding data in qualitative research?

What is the difference between qualitative and quantitative research?

What is trustworthiness in qualitative research?

What is data saturation in qualitative research?

Why is sampling in qualitative research important?

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What Is Qualitative Research? | Methods & Examples

Table of contents

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Qualitative Research : Definition

Events and Workshops

Variables in Research | Types, Definiton & Examples

Introduction

ATLAS.ti makes complex data easy to understand

Independent variables

Dependent variables

Categorical variables

Continuous variables

Confounding variables

Master qualitative research with ATLAS.ti

Qualitative Variable | Classification & Examples