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Animals and influenza, antibiotic resistance, animal cruelty and public policy.

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What’s Wrong With Factory Farming?

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Jonathan Anomaly, What’s Wrong With Factory Farming?, Public Health Ethics , Volume 8, Issue 3, November 2015, Pages 246–254, https://doi.org/10.1093/phe/phu001

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Factory farming continues to grow around the world as a low-cost way of producing animal products for human consumption. However, many of the practices associated with intensive animal farming have been criticized by public health professionals and animal welfare advocates. The aim of this essay is to raise three independent moral concerns with factory farming, and to explain why the practices associated with factory farming flourish despite the cruelty inflicted on animals and the public health risks imposed on people. I conclude that the costs of factory farming as it is currently practiced far outweigh the benefits, and offer a few suggestions for how to improve the situation for animals and people.

Factory farming involves raising livestock in densely populated environments often called ‘concentrated animal feeding operations’. 1 Common practices include packing pregnant pigs into gestation crates so small they cannot turn around, placing egg-laying hens in cages stacked on top of one another in massive enclosed buildings and raising cows on feedlots rather than the grass pastures many of us associate with ruminants. 2 Because of the stress induced by these conditions, including the constant frustration of their natural instincts, many animals develop compromised immune systems, and without a steady course of antibiotics, many more would become sick and die of bacterial infections. Thus, antibiotics are often used to compensate for conditions that would otherwise make it impossible to raise animals ( Alliance for the Prudent Use of Antimicrobials, 2010 ).

The practices that comprise factory farming evolved as a result of competition between firms to produce commodities—mainly milk and meat—at minimal cost. Competition usually benefits consumers. Factory farming has lowered the price of animal protein, and this is a real boon for poor and middle-class consumers. But there are at least three moral problems with factory farming, and none of them is factored into the price of the animal products they create. These include the spread of pathogenic viruses, the diffusion of antibiotic-resistant bacteria into our shared microbial environment and the immense cruelty suffered by animals in confined conditions.

Experts agree that most (and perhaps all) strains of the influenza virus that infect human beings originated from contact with other animals, especially domesticated birds and pigs in Asia ( Crawford, 2000 : 95). The advent of animal agriculture brought a steady supply of protein to people, but it also increased the transmission of viruses carried by animals, and spurred the evolution of existing viruses.

There are several reasons factory farms seem to elevate the risk of novel viral outbreaks—especially variations of avian and swine flu. First, crowding animals together in close confinement can induce stress and suppress their immune systems, raising parasite loads and making animals more susceptible to infections; second, as all of us have learned after catching a cold in school or at work, viral transmission is facilitated by animals being kept in proximity to one another; third, close contact between different species of animals gives viruses a continuous opportunity to mutate and reassort to create new strains; fourth, many factory farms confine animals to indoor spaces that lack adequate sunlight or ventilation, which allows viruses to survive longer without a host; and finally, because animals on factory farms are often genetically similar, they can be more susceptible to specific parasites ( Crawford, 2000 ; Greger, 2007 ).

The situation on factory farms is in some ways analogous to that of overcrowded prisons ( Schmidt, 2009 ). Infectious diseases flourish in prisons for some of the same reasons: high stress and poor nutrition can impair people’s immune systems, and crowding permits a quick transfer of microbes and a continuous supply of hosts. This is one reason many experts believe pathogenic viruses like hepatitis have spread more rapidly in crowded prisons than in the surrounding population ( Bick, 2007 ).

Most people already understand that crowding can spread sickness, and compromised immunity makes people more susceptible to infection, but few people understand how crowding different species together—as occurs on factory farms and in live animal markets—might hasten the evolution of new strains of virus. According to Dorothy Crawford, ‘[b]ird viruses usually lack the receptor binding protein needed to infect human cells, but some domestic animals like pigs and horses are susceptible to both bird and human strains. So gene swapping between human and bird strains often occurs in pigs or horses, causing a major genetic change in the virus make-up called an antigenic shift . Occasionally after this mixing a “new” virus strain emerges that can infect and spread in humans, and as the population is completely naïve to this “new” strain it can spark a pandemic’ ( Crawford, 2007 : 205).

Viruses have long jumped between species, but the advent of animal agriculture increased opportunities for viral transmission between animals and humans. The Spanish flu pandemic of 1918, which infected half of the world’s population and killed tens of millions of people, is thought to have arisen in farm animals. Although this particular strain cannot be blamed on practices that began in the late 20th century, our current practices increase the risk that new versions of existing viruses will emerge. It should be emphasized that in most cases, it is impossible to track the exact origin and evolutionary progress of any particular strain of flu. Scientists instead look for patterns of correlation between sites of initial infections, and rely on general knowledge about the conditions that facilitate the emergence and transmission of viruses.

Regardless of the origin of specific outbreaks of swine and avian flu, the general trend seems to implicate factory farming as a significant cause of many new strains: ‘there is no doubt that we are in the midst of the worst ever recorded flu pandemic in birds. The [H5N1] virus started life as a harmless infection in the intestines of wild birds and jumped to domestic chickens in the 1990s, where modern intensive farming techniques gave it the opportunity to adapt and evolve … . And now this virulent strain has not only crossed back into wild fowl but has increased its host range to include other birds … and even some mammals such as cats’ ( Crawford, 2007 : 208).

Although I have focused on different strains of influenza, animals share many other viruses, even if only a small number induce death or disease when they jump species. The morally interesting question is whether we can justify practices that increase the likelihood of new viral epidemics.

It is conceivable that new strains of viruses that arise on factory farms will eventually lose their virulence and strength. When viruses are confined to a specific population, they tend to become weakened as they co-evolve with the animals that host them. This occurs because from the virus’s standpoint—from the standpoint of the ‘selfish’ genes that comprise viruses—a host is better alive than dead, as a live host can create more copies of the virus and spread it to more people.

However, it can take many years for a virus to become benign ( Crawford, 2000 ), and in the intervening period, it can decimate populations. So the fact that in the long run viruses tend to lose their virulence—their ability to cause disease or death in the animals that host them—does not suggest that we should continue to allow factory farmers to house their animals in extreme confinement. 3

In recent years, awareness of the problem of antibiotic resistance has grown as bacterial diseases ranging from tuberculosis to gonorrhea have become increasingly costly or difficult—and in some cases, impossible—to treat by existing antibiotics ( United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013 ). Many people now understand the basic evolutionary principle that our increasing use (and misuse) of antibiotics fuels the evolution and dispersion of antibiotic-resistant bacteria. But fewer people are aware of the connection between the widespread use of antibiotics in livestock and the emergence of new patterns of antibiotic resistance in people.

Resistance to antibiotics arises in farm animals for the same reason it does in people. For billions of years, bacteria have been competing with each other and with plants, fungi and animals for scarce resources. Although most of these relationships have become mutualistic (beneficial to both parties) or commensal (neither harmful nor beneficial to both parties), some are parasitic relationships in which bacteria benefit at the expense of their host. When bacteria parasitize other organisms, natural selection rewards genetic mutations and immune responses that allow their victims to fight back. The arsenal that organisms have evolved to defend themselves against exploitation includes chemical weapons that destroy bacteria, and enzymes that disrupt DNA synthesis to prevent their replication. Bacteria have responded in kind by developing sophisticated defenses, including membranes that block antibiotic absorption ( Delcour, 2009 ), enzymes that degrade the efficacy of antibiotics ( Wright, 2005 ) and efflux pumps that eject antibiotics that have already been absorbed ( Kumar and Schweizer, 2005 ).

One might think that organisms with an adaptive immune system would eventually find a way to resist bacterial exploitation. To some extent this occurs, which explains the existence of endogenously produced antibiotics in many organisms, and natural immunity to the deleterious effects of some bacteria in others. But bacteria have responded with a creative way of evolving quickly. Horizontal gene transfer through conjugation and transduction allows bacteria to acquire genes from other bacteria, from phage viruses that parasitize them and occasionally from unwilling hosts. This allows bacteria to exploit mutations and gene sequences that arise in other organisms, which is one reason most scientists see no way of developing an antibiotic that permanently removes the threat of harmful bacteria. The challenge instead is to find specific antibiotics that kill harmful bacteria, undermine their virulence or prevent them from replicating long enough for an immune system to clear them from an animal’s body.

Nearly half of all antibiotics worldwide are given to farm animals to promote growth and prevent diseases in the crowded quarters in which livestock are increasingly kept, and in the US, an estimated three quarters of all antibiotics go directly to livestock on factory farms ( US GAO, 2011 ). For many years, public health experts have warned about the dangers of using large quantities of antibiotics in farm animals, especially when they are used at sub-therapeutic doses over long periods, as this creates an ideal environment for bacteria to evolve and spread resistance to antibiotics ( Gorbach, 2001 ). Antibiotics are administered at low levels because they can speed the growth of some animals by increasing nutrient absorption and preventing infections in cramped conditions ( McEwen and Fedorka-Cray, 2002 ). Using antibiotics for non-therapeutic purposes gives farmers a small but significant advantage over those who decline to use them, thus creating a negative sum game in which the rational profit-maximizing choice for each farmer gives no farmer any particular advantage over others, but leaves nearly all animals and people worse off.

Animals are worse off because of the cruel conditions in which they are kept. Farmers are no better off using antibiotics for non-therapeutic purposes if their competitors are also permitted to use them. People are worse off because antibiotic-resistant bacteria often find their way into human hosts.

Antibiotic-resistant bacteria that arise on factory farms can spread to human hosts in a number of ways. First, those who work on farms and handle animals or raw meat can pick up antibiotic-resistant bacteria from animals who have it, and transfer it to other people; second, some bacteria survive in meat even after it is cooked, and are transferred directly to those who eat it; third, animal waste from factory farms that contains antibiotic-resistant bacteria is often used to fertilize crops, and some of these bacteria infect people who either work with crops or consume them; and finally, as bacteria do not respect physical or biological borders, some are transferred to animals and streams around factory farms ( McEwen and Fedorka-Cray, 2002 ; Casey et al. , 2013 ).

In a recent overview of antibiotic resistance on US farms, the Environmental Working Group found that among the most common meats bought in US supermarkets, 81% of turkey, 69% of pork chops, 55% of ground beef and 39% of chicken contained antibiotic-resistant bacteria ( Undurraga, 2013 ). By themselves, these numbers should not be alarming, as many bacteria have been carrying antibiotic-resistant genes for millions of years. It is possible for resistant bacteria to spread from animals to humans, or from humans to animals, so the misuse of antibiotics among people may be (at least partly) responsible for recent increases in resistance among bacteria that colonize farm animals ( Singer, 2003 ). However, recent increases suggest that factory farming practices are largely responsible for antibiotic resistance among farm animals, and thus in the meat that derives from them. While experts argue about whether most resistance comes from the misuse of antibiotics (such as their use for growth promotion), or whether it comes simply from the total quantity used, there is clear evidence that more use in people or animals creates more resistance in the bacteria that colonize them (Wegener, 2003a), and that reducing their use in farm animals in countries like Denmark has led to less resistance (Wegener, 2003b).

Although it is necessarily imprecise, we can measure the increased prevalence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria over time. For example, between 2002 and 2011, multidrug-resistant Salmonella in raw chicken in the US has increased from ∼20 to 45%, and in turkey during the same period, it increased from ∼20 to 50% ( Undurraga, 2013 ). Human deaths from multidrug-resistant Escherichia coli derived from poultry are on the rise, and this is likely to be true for many pathogenic bacteria derived from farm animals ( Collignon et al. , 2013 ). Unfortunately, withdrawing antibiotics from animal feed does not work especially quickly. Just as it takes time for bacteria to acquire and spread genes that confer resistance, it often takes time for them to lose these genes when antibiotics are withdrawn ( Lenski, 1998 ). This is because although genes that confer resistance are costly to carry, the costs are often minimal and some genes can encode for the conditional expression of resistance, so that resistance genes are only phenotypically expressed in bacteria when antibiotics are present ( Andersson and Levin, 1999 ). And although the prevalence of resistance genes typically falls over time when antibiotics are withdrawn, it takes a long time to approach 0. So when antibiotic use is resumed, even a small number of bacteria with antibiotic-resistant genes can spread rapidly within and between different bacterial populations ( Salyers and Amabile-Cuevas, 1997 ). This suggests that it may take considerable time before removing antibiotics in agriculture restores their efficacy.

While most European countries have phased out the sub-therapeutic use of antibiotics in livestock over the past decade, the US and other countries have been slow to respond—presumably because there are significant upfront costs to changing the way farm animals are fed and housed, and because farmers with lobbying power fear losing market share to less scrupulous farmers in other countries who continue to use factory farming techniques that necessitate antibiotics.

Philosophers argue about whether animals have rights, and if so where these rights come from. These are important arguments to have, but any plausible theory will hold that sentient creatures capable of feeling pain and frustration have interests that deserve protection. The problem is that the interests of animals and people can come into conflict. People have an interest in advancing medical research and consuming cheap protein, and animals have an interest in being able to exercise their instincts, or at least being free from gratuitous pain and frustration. When interests collide, the differences between various theories of animal rights will come to the fore. However, we can start with the assumption that any theory of animal welfare worth taking seriously will include a pro tanto obligation not to inflict cruelty on animals without sufficient justification.

Some think that rationality or consciousness is a necessary condition for moral standing. 4 Others suggest that sentience is sufficient for moral standing, so that all sentient animals deserve to have their interests protected. The claim that animals are equal in the sense of having their interests equally considered does not imply that they should be treated the same. Instead, the idea is that having an interest means that moral agents should take these interests into account when deciding what to do. The fact that a pig has interests does not imply that it should be given the right to own a home or drive a car, but rather that we should minimize unnecessary pain and frustration ( Singer, 1976 ), perhaps by according it legal rights, and by requiring farmers to abide by certain animal welfare standards.

There is no characteristic, or reasonably small set of characteristics, that sets some creatures apart from others as meriting respectful treatment. That is the wrong way to think about the relation between an individual’s characteristics and how he or she may be treated. Instead we have an array of characteristics and an array of treatments, with each characteristic relevant to justifying some types of treatment but not others. If an individual possesses a particular characteristic (such as the ability to feel pain), then we may have a duty to treat it in a certain way (not to torture it), even if that same individual does not possess other characteristics (such as autonomy) that would mandate other sorts of treatment (refraining from coercion). [ Rachels, 2004 : 169].

Some find this view unsatisfying because it fails to draw clear lines or to list off a single set of obligations that we owe to all creatures with moral standing. But the fact that our moral universe is more complicated than we would like it to be does not imply that pluralism is false. Regardless of their differences, pluralists like Rachels and consequentialists like Singer agree that farm animals should be guaranteed minimally decent treatment, and that using them as mere means to our ends is wrong.

Farm animals, such as domestic cattle, horses, sheep, swine and goats that are used for traditional, production agricultural purposes are exempt from coverage by the AWA [emphasis added]. Traditional production agricultural purposes include use as food and fiber, for improvement of animal nutrition, breeding, management or production efficiency, or for improvement of the quality of food or fiber. 5

The federal government has delegated this responsibility to state governments, and many states have created animal welfare laws designed primarily to protect the interests of meat producers, and companion animals like dogs and cats, while excluding farm animals of similar or greater sentience from similar protection. Most states make it difficult to prosecute violations of animal welfare laws, and have relatively weak anti-cruelty provisions, which count a practice as unacceptably cruel only if it violates existing practices.

In a rapidly growing trend, as farming practices have become more and more industrialized and possibly less and less acceptable to the average person, the farmed-animal industry has persuaded the majority of state legislatures to actually amend their criminal anticruelty statutes to simply exempt all ‘accepted’, ‘customary’ or ‘normal’ farming practices ( Wolfson and Sullivan, 2004 : 212).

These provisions would be considered outrageous if applied to humans. Imagine a world in which some humans are considered the property of others, and the question is how the property owners should be allowed to treat their subjects. Some owners argue that it would be costly to improve the already awful standards, so we should only regard acts as cruel if they violate practices that already exist. While there are clear differences between human and non-human animals, defining morally acceptable practices by reference to whatever is currently done is morally perverse, and it precludes virtually any improvement in existing standards.

In recent years, some states have extended more protection to farm animals. For example, in 2008, California voters passed the Prevention of Farm Animal Cruelty Act, which requires that ‘calves raised for veal, egg-laying hens and pregnant pigs be confined only in ways that allow these animals to lie down, stand up, fully extend their limbs and turn around freely.’ 6 While this is a slight step forward, it may also induce farmers to move to other states to continue their cruel but cost-saving practices. States like Nevada have made significant efforts to lure farmers out of California. 7

In contrast to the US (and much of the rest of the world), the EU has enacted strong protections for farm animals, and some individual states have passed laws that exceed these standards. For example, while the entire EU has banned the use of gestation crates for pigs and battery cages for hens, Germany has banned cages and crates for all farm animals. In Germany, farmers are required to raise hens in large barnlike aviaries, to allow other animals to move around with some degree of freedom, and to have straw or grass bedding, rather than sleeping on concrete floors surrounded by metal cages ( Wolfson and Sullivan, 2004 ).

An advantage of the EU’s approach to animal welfare is that it establishes minimally acceptable requirements that states and farmers are free to exceed. Therefore, it reduces the collective action problem in which farmers who would prefer to provide an enriched environment for animals fear that other farmers will exploit this concern by using cheaper techniques that externalize the moral costs of production.

It might be argued that if people are concerned about the treatment of animals, or the threat of zoonotic epidemics and antibiotic resistance, they should change their consumption rather than using the power of the state to force producers to alter their production practices. While I agree that people who understand the costs of factory farming have a moral obligation to change the way they shop for meat (for example, to look for labels like ‘certified humane’ and ‘free range’), and that some people who do not understand the moral issues surrounding factory farming are culpably ignorant and have an obligation to familiarize themselves with the issues, I do not think we should simply assume that consumers will voluntarily change their habits.

First, some ignorance of morally repugnant practices is, in the economic sense, rational. Because we have limited time, and information is costly to gather and process, consumers are often rationally ignorant about how their actions and consumption choices affect other people and animals. It is difficult, and arguably undesirable from a social standpoint, to expect consumers to know everything about how the products they consume are made. In fact, this is the point of prices in a well-functioning market: consumers and producers do not need to understand how everything is made to act in ways that tend to make others better off ( Hayek, 1945 ). But this is only true when prices capture most of the costs and benefits generated in producing pencils and paperclips, and other consumer goods. When milk and meat are produced in such a way that the costs to people and animals are not factored into the price of production, we are not necessarily better off, and our ignorance can lead us to make choices that we would not make if we were aware of the harm they impose on others.

Second, the core function of a liberal government is to produce public goods and prevent people from imposing unwarranted harms on each other. Giving people the discretion to consume factory-farmed foods allows them to inflict cruelty on animals, and to inflict significant health costs—even death—on other people. While the harm to animals is direct, the harm to other people is probabilistic and diffuse. Each person’s consumption of meat from factory-farmed animals merely contributes to a process that significantly elevates the risk of harm to other people in the form of antibiotic-resistant infections, or new viral infections that arise in birds and pigs.

Since some people will continue to consume factory-farmed products because it is cheaper than the alternatives, or because they are ignorant of the harms associated with these products, we cannot rely solely on social norms and moral outrage to drive farmers to alter their practices, nor can we rely on farmers to voluntarily phase out factory farming, as most farmers who act this way will be driven out of business by less altruistic competitors. 8 Instead, governments should require factory farmers to change the way they raise animals.

An obvious starting point is for the rest of the world to follow the EU in banning the use of battery cages for hens (which typically involve stuffing half a dozen hens into cages so crowded they can barely move) and gestation crates for veal and sows. By requiring farmers to use straw or other bedding for animals and increase roaming space and access to fresh air, we can marginally increase their comfort and decrease the stress that leads to compromised immunity. This alone would significantly increase welfare and reduce the risk of zoonotic viral infections. It would also reduce the need to administer antibiotics to prevent infections brought on by crowding.

The US should also follow Europe in banning the sub-therapeutic use of antibiotics to promote growth in farm animals ( Lessing, 2010 ), and should tax the use of antibiotics for therapeutic purposes, using the revenue to fund research into new vaccines and new antibiotics ( Vagsholm and Hojgard, 2010 ; Anomaly, 2013 ). One study suggests that when we tax pollution—in this case, the use of antibiotics that leads to antibiotic resistance—and use the revenue generated from the tax to address the source of pollution or compensate victims, public support for the tax increases ( Kallbekken et al. , 2011 ). It is also arguably more efficient and fair to tax practices that produce social costs rather than activities that are socially beneficial ( Anomaly, 2010 ).

At the very least, the US and other countries should prohibit the use of all medically important antibiotics when they are used simply for the purposes of growth promotion, or as a way of compensating for crowded and unhealthy conditions on factory farms. This is what the US Preservation of Antibiotics for Medical Treatment Act proposes, although even if it eventually passes, there is some worry that it may not go far enough because sometimes resistance to non-medically important antibiotics can also confer resistance to medically important ones. 9 Because we share a microbial environment, the overuse of antibiotics aimed at particular bacteria can increase the prevalence of antibiotic resistance among other bacteria that are likely to affect human health. Thus, instead of allowing farmers to decide on the kind and quantity of antibiotics to give to their animals, we might at least require veterinary oversight. Allowing farmers to administer antibiotics indiscriminately is tantamount to allowing them to decide how much harm they would like to inflict on other people.

One potential problem with banning antibiotics for growth promotion, and requiring veterinary supervision and prescription for administering antibiotics to sick animals (or as prophylaxis for potentially sick animals), is that farmers might pressure veterinarians to prescribe antibiotics when they are not really needed. More plausibly, in the absence of other requirements like increased roaming space, farmers might actually need antibiotics for sick animals—not because animals naturally get sick a lot, but because the conditions on factory farms ensure that animals will be infected with pathogenic bacteria. 10 This suggests the need to impose a complementary package of requirements on farmers that both improves animal welfare and decreases the transmission of disease.

It is impossible to say with precision what the total cost of imposing new requirements on farmers would be. If the cost was large, this could be a real loss for people with less income. But the argument from cost is not decisive.

Evidence from Europe indicates that the cost of complying with more stringent rules may not be as high as farmers anticipate. For example, in Denmark, the extra cost so far of implementing standards that increase animal welfare and decrease antibiotic use is estimated at $1 per pig ( Wegener, 2003b : 448). It is likely that forcing farmers in the US and China to switch from intensive methods would impose greater costs, as both countries currently use much more confinement and antibiotics than Denmark ever did. The problem with estimating the cost of changing methods is that organizations representing animal welfare advocates and factory farmers give different estimates, and it is too early to know precisely how new provisions in Europe and California will impact prices, as they are just beginning to come into effect.

Another reason to think the argument from cost is not decisive is that although meat has been a cheap and sometimes necessary source of high-value protein for humans throughout much of our history, a nutritionally adequate diet does not require the consumption of meat, and certainly does not require the amount of meat consumed by people living in Japan or the US ( Smil, 2013 ).

Finally, when the relative price of meat increases, markets will reward research into synthetically created meat, derived from stem cells, which may eventually be healthier and cheaper than ‘naturally’ created meat. 11

The argument that phasing out factory farming would unfairly harm the poor by increasing the cost of meat is not a sufficient reason for failing to act. Many poor people around the world would still be able to consume humanely raised animal products, and people in destitute poverty may have to turn to grains and legumes for most of their protein (as they already do). But being forced by circumstance to consume less meat than one would like does not give people the right to consume or produce food in a way that inflicts unwarranted harm on other people or animals.

1. According to the EPA, a Concentrated Animal Feeding Operation (CAFO) is a farm in which ‘animals are kept and raised in confined situations. CAFOs congregate animals, feed, manure and urine, dead animals and production operations on a small land area. Feed is brought to the animals rather than the animals grazing or otherwise seeking feed in pastures, fields or on rangeland.’ http://cfpub.epa.gov/npdes/home.cfm?program_id=7 [accessed 10 October 2013].

2. For a more thorough description of conditions on factory farms, see Singer and Mason, The Way We Eat ( 2006 ), the HBO documentary, Death on a Factory Farm (2009), and Wolfson and Sullivan, ‘Foxes in the Henhouse’ ( 2004 ).

3. My point here is more about the degree of animal confinement, or stocking density, rather than the size of the farming operation. It may be that larger animal farms that enclose the animals from contact with wildlife are safer, and make disease surveillance more cost-effective, than backyard chicken or pig farms.

4. Immanuel Kant is generally thought to have held this view, although he did acknowledge indirect duties toward non-rational animals.

5. http://www.aphis.usda.gov/animal_welfare/policy.php?policy=17 [accessed 10 January 2014].

6. http://ballotpedia.org/wiki/index.php/California_Proposition_2,_Standards_for_Confining_Farm_Animals_%282008%29 [accessed 10 January 2014].

7. http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB126334191947626965 . Wall Street Journal [accessed 26 November 2013].

8. The biggest flaw in current US policy is that it sets recommendations rather than binding requirements for farmers to limit their use of antibiotics, and to alter their practices to increase animal health ( United States Government Accountability Office, 2011 ).

9. http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/113/hr1150 [accessed 10 January 2014].

10. There is some evidence that in Denmark, where non-therapeutic antibiotics were banned in 2000, farmers have steadily increased the use of antibiotics for therapeutic purposes, although net use is still down significantly ( United States Government Accountability Office, 2011 : 40). This problem could be minimized by requiring veterinary prescription, and by imposing modest taxes or fees on the use of antimicrobials. If the taxes were too high, this might lead to an increase in easily preventable animal suffering. But even a modest tax could deter superfluous use, force farmers to keep animals in better conditions and raise revenue for research into alternatives to existing practices, including the development of new kinds or classes of antibiotics.

11. The latest version of synthetic meat is being bankrolled by Google co-founder Sergey Brin: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2384715/At-tastes-meat–Worlds-test-tube-artificial-beef-Googleburger-gets-GOOD-review-eaten-time.html [accessed 21 September 2013].

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research papers on factory farm

The End of Factory Farming Alternatives to Improve Sustainability, Safety, and Health

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The UK-based campaign group Scrap Factory Farming has launched a legal challenge against industrial animal agriculture; the challenge is in the process of judicial review. While a fringe movement, Scrap Factory Farming has already accrued some serious backers, including the legal team of Michael Mansfield QC. The premise is that factory farming is a danger not just to animals or the environment but also to human health. According to its stated goals, governments should be given until 2025 to phase out industrialized “concentrated animal feeding organizations” (CAFOs) in favor of more sustainable and safer agriculture. This paper will discuss the bioethical issues involved in Scrap Factory Farming’s legal challenge and argue that an overhaul of factory farming is long overdue.

INTRODUCTION

A CAFO is a subset of animal feeding operations that has a highly concentrated animal population. CAFOs house at least 1000 beef cows, 2500 pigs, or 125,000 chickens for at least 45 days a year. The animals are often confined in pens or cages to use minimal energy, allowing them to put on as much weight as possible in as short a time. The animals are killed early relative to their total lifespans because the return on investment (the amount of meat produced compared to animal feed) is a curve of diminishing returns. CAFOs’ primary goal is efficiency: fifty billion animals are “processed” in CAFOs every year.

The bioethical questions raised by CAFOs include whether it is acceptable to kill the animals, and if so, under what circumstances, whether the animals have rights, and what animal welfare standards should apply. While there are laws and standards in place, they tend to reflect the farm lobby and fail to consider broader animal ethics.

Another critical issue applicable to industrial animal agriculture is the problem of the just distribution of scarce resources. There is a finite amount of food that the world can produce, which is, for the moment, approximately enough to go around. [1] The issue is how it goes around. Despite there being enough calories and nutrients on the planet to give all a comfortable life, these calories and nutrients are distributed such that there is excess and waste in much of the global North and rampant starvation and malnutrition in the global South. The problem of distribution can be solved in two ways: either by efficient and just distribution or by increasing net production (either increase productivity or decrease waste) so that even an inefficient and unjust distribution system will probably meet the minimum nutritional standards for all humans. This essay explores four bioethical fields (animal ethics, climate ethics, workers’ rights, and just distribution) as they relate to current industrial agriculture and CAFOs.

l.     Animal Ethics

Two central paradigms characterize animal ethics: welfarism and animal rights. These roughly correspond to the classical frameworks of utilitarianism and deontology. Welfarists [2] hold the common-sense position that animals must be treated well and respected as individuals but do not have inalienable rights in the same ways as humans. A typical welfare position might be, “ I believe that animals should be given the best life possible, but there is no inherent evil in using animals for food, so long as they are handled and killed humanely .” Animal rights theorists and activists, on the other hand, would say, “ I believe non-human animals should be given the best lives possible, but we should also respect certain rights of theirs analogous to human rights: they should never be killed for food, experimented upon, etc. ”

Jeremy Bentham famously gave an early exposition of the animal rights case: “The question is not Can they reason?, nor Can they talk? , but Can they suffer? Why should the law refuse its protection to any sensitive being?”

Those who take an animal welfare stance have grounds to oppose the treatment of animals in CAFOs as opposed to more traditional grass-fed animal agriculture. CAFOs cannot respect the natural behaviors or needs of animals who evolved socially for millions of years in open plains. If more space was allowed per animal or more time for socialization and other positive experiences in the animal’s life, the yield of the farm would drop. This is not commercially viable in a competitive industry like animal agriculture; thus, there is very little incentive for CAFOs to treat animals well. Rampant abuse is documented. [3] Acts of cruelty are routine: pigs often have teeth pulled and tails docked because they often go mad in their conditions and attempt to cannibalize each other; chickens have their beaks clipped to avoid them pecking at each other, causing immense pain; cows and bulls have their horns burned off to avoid them damaging others (as this damages the final meat product, too); male chicks that hatch in the egg industry are ground up in a macerator, un-anaesthetized, in the first 24 hours of their life as they will not go on to lay eggs.

These practices vary widely among factory farms and among jurisdictions. Yet, arguably, the welfare of animals cannot be properly respected because all CAFOs fundamentally see animals as mere products-in-the-making instead of the complex, sentient, and emotional individuals science has repeatedly shown them to be. [4]

ll.     Climate Ethics

The climate impact of farming animals is increasingly evident. Around 15-20 percent of human-made emissions come from animal agriculture. [5] and deforestation to create space for livestock grazing or growing crops to feed farm animals. An average quarter-pound hamburger uses up to six kilograms of feed, causes 66 square feet of deforestation, and uses up to 65 liters of water, with around 4kg of carbon emissions to boot – a majority of which come from the cattle themselves (as opposed to food processing or food miles). [6] According to environmentalist George Monbiot, “Even if you shipped bananas six times around the planet, their impact would be lower than local beef and lamb.” [7] The disparity between the impact of animal and plant-based produce is stark.

Not all animal products are created equally. Broadly, there are two ways to farm animals: extensive or intensive farming. Extensive animal farming might be considered a “traditional” way of farming: keeping animals in large fields, as naturally as possible, often rotating them between different areas to not overgraze any one pasture. However, its efficiency is much lower than intensive farming – the style CAFOs use. Intensive animal farming is arguably more environmentally efficient. That is, CAFOs produce more output per unit of natural resource input than extensive systems do. However, environmental efficiency is relative rather than absolute, as the level of intensive animal agriculture leads to large-scale deforestation to produce crops for factory-farmed animals. CAFOs are also point-sources of pollution from the massive quantities of animal waste produced – around 1,000,000 tons per day in the US alone, triple the amount of all human waste produced per day – which has significant negative impacts on human health in the surrounding areas. [8]

The environmental impacts of CAFOs must be given serious ethical consideration using new frameworks in climate ethics and bioethics. One example of a land ethic to guide thinking in this area is that “[it] is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise.” [9] It remains to be seen whether CAFOs can operate in a way that respects and preserves “integrity, stability, and beauty” of their local ecosystem, given the facts above.  The pollution CAFOs emit affects the surrounding areas. Hog CAFOs are built disproportionately around predominantly minority communities in North Carolina where poverty rates are high. [10] Animal waste carries heavy metals, infectious diseases, and antibiotic-resistant pathogens into nearby water sources and houses.

lll.     Workers’ Rights

The poor treatment of slaughterhouse workers has been documented in the US during the COVID-19 pandemic, where, despite outbreaks of coronavirus among workers, the White House ordered that they remain open to maintain the supply of meat. The staff of slaughterhouses in the US is almost exclusively people with low socioeconomic status, ethnic minorities, and migrants. [11] Almost half of frontline slaughterhouse workers are Hispanic, and a quarter is Black. Additionally, half are immigrants, and a quarter comes from families with limited English proficiency. An eighth live in poverty, with around 45 percent below 200 percent of the poverty line. Only one-in-forty has a college degree or more, while one-in-six lacks health insurance. Employee turnover rates are around 200 percent per year. [12]

Injuries are very common in the fast-moving conveyor belt environment with sharp knives, machinery, and a crowd of workers. OSHA found 17 cases of hospitalizations, two body part amputations per week, and loss of an eye every month in the American industrial meat industry. This is three times the workplace accident rate of the average American worker across all industries. Beef and pork workers are likely to suffer repetitive strain at seven times the rate of the rest of the population. One worker told the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) that “every co-worker I know has been injured at some point… I can attest that the line speeds are already too fast to keep up with. Please, I am asking you not to increase them anymore.” [13]

Slaughterhouses pose a major risk to public health from zoonotic disease transmission. 20 percent of slaughterhouse workers interviewed in Kenya admit to slaughtering sick animals, which greatly increases the risk of transmitting disease either to a worker further down the production line or a consumer at the supermarket. [14]

Moreover, due to poor hygienic conditions and high population density, animals in CAFOs are overfed with antibiotics. Over two-thirds of all antibiotics globally are given to animals in agriculture, predicted to increase by 66 percent by 2030. [15] The majority of these animals do not require antibiotics; their overuse creates a strong and consistent selection pressure on any present bacterial pathogens that leads to antibiotic resistance that could create devastating cross-species disease affecting even humans. The World Health Organization predicts that around 10 million humans per year could die of antibiotic-resistant diseases by 2050. [16] Many of these antibiotics are also necessary for human medical interventions, so antibiotics in animals have a tremendous opportunity cost.

The final concern is that of zoonosis itself. A zoonotic disease is any disease that crosses the species boundary from animals to humans. According to the United Nations, 60 percent of all known infections and 75 percent of all emerging infections are zoonotic. [17] Many potential zoonoses are harbored in wild animals (particularly when wild animals are hunted and sold in wet markets) because of the natural biodiversity. However, around a third of zoonoses originate in domesticated animals, which is a huge proportion given the relative lack of diversity of the animals we choose to eat. Q fever, or “query fever,” is an example of a slaughterhouse-borne disease. Q fever has a high fatality rate when untreated that decreases to “just” 2 percent with appropriate treatment. [18] H1N1 (swine flu) and H5N1 (bird flu) are perhaps the most famous examples of zoonoses associated with factory farming.

lV.     Unjust Distribution

The global distribution of food can cause suffering. According to research commissioned by the BBC, the average Ethiopian eats around seven kilograms of meat per year, and the average Rwandan eats eight. [19] This is a factor of ten smaller than the average European, while the average American clocks in at around 115 kilograms of meat per year. In terms of calories, Eritreans average around 1600kcal per day while most Europeans ingest double that. Despite enough calories on the planet to sustain its population, 25,000 people worldwide starve to death each day, 40 percent of whom are children.

There are two ways to address the unjust distribution: efficient redistribution and greater net production, which are not mutually exclusive. Some argue that redistribution will lead to lower net productivity because it disincentivizes labor; [20] others argue that redistribution is necessary to respect human rights of survival and equality. [21] Instead of arguing this point, I will focus on people’s food choices and their effect on both the efficiency and total yield of global agriculture, as these are usually less discussed.

Regardless of the metric used, animals always produce far fewer calories and nutrients (protein, iron, zinc, and all the others) than we feed them. This is true because of the conservation of mass. They cannot feasibly produce more , as they burn off and excrete much of what they ingest. The exact measurement of the loss varies based on the metric used. When compared to live weight, cows consume somewhere around ten times their weight. When it comes to actual edible weight, they consume up to 25 times more than we can get out of them. Cows are only around one percent efficient in terms of calorific production and four percent efficient in protein production. Poultry is more efficient, but we still lose half of all crops we put into them by weight and get out only a fifth of the protein and a tenth of the calories fed to them. [22] Most other animals lie somewhere in the middle of these two in terms of efficiency, but no animal is ever as efficient as eating plants before they are filtered through animals in terms of the nutritional value available to the world. Due to this inefficiency, it takes over 100 square meters to produce 1000 calories of beef or lamb compared to just 1.3 square meters to produce the same calories from tofu. [23]

The food choices in the Western world, where we eat so much more meat than people eat elsewhere, are directly related to a reduction in the amount of food and nutrition in the rest of the world. The most influential theory of justice in recent times is John Rawls’ Original Position wherein stakeholders in an idealized future society meet behind a “veil of ignorance” to negotiate policy, not knowing the role they will play in that society. There is an equal chance of each policymaker ending up poverty-stricken or incredibly privileged; therefore, each should negotiate to maximize the outcome of all citizens, especially those worst-off in society, known as the “maximin” strategy. In this hypothetical scenario, resource distribution would be devised to be as just as possible and should therefore sway away from animal consumption. 

Evidence is growing that animals of all sorts, including fish and certain invertebrates, feel pain in ways that people are increasingly inclined to respect, though still, climate science is more developed and often inspires more public passion than animal rights do. Workers’ rights and welfare in slaughterhouses have become mainstream topics of conversation because of the outbreaks of COVID-19 in such settings. Environmentalists note overconsumption in high-income countries, also shining a light on the starvation of much of the low-income population of the world.

At the intersection of these bioethical issues lies the modern CAFO, significantly contributing to animal suffering, climate change, poor working conditions conducive to disease, and unjust distribution of finite global resources (physical space and crops). It is certainly time to move away from the CAFO model of agriculture to at least a healthy mixture of extensive agriculture and alternative (non-animal) proteins.

[1] Berners-Lee M, Kennelly C, Watson R, Hewitt CN; Current global food production is sufficient to meet human nutritional needs in 2050 provided there is radical societal adaptation.  Elementa: Science of the Anthropocene. 6:52 , 2018. DOI:  https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.310

[2] : Lund TB, Kondrup SV, Sandøe P. A multidimensional measure of animal ethics orientation – Developed and applied to a representative sample of the Danish public. PLoS ONE 14(2): e0211656. 2019. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1371/ journal.pone.0211656

[3] Fiber-Ostrow P & Lovell JS. Behind a veil of secrecy: animal abuse, factory farms, and Ag-Gag legislation, Contemporary Justice Review, 19:2, p230-249. 2016. DOI:  10.1080/10282580.2016.1168257

[4] Jones RC. Science, sentience, and animal welfare.  Biol Philos  28, p1–30 2013. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10539-012-9351-1

[5] Twine R. Emissions from Animal Agriculture—16.5% Is the New Minimum Figure. Sustainability, 13, 6276. 2021. DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.3390/su13116276

[6] Capper JL. "Is the Grass Always Greener? Comparing the Environmental Impact of Conventional, Natural and Grass-Fed Beef Production Systems"  Animals  2, no. 2: 127-143. 2012. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/ani2020127

[7] Monbiot, George. “In Trying to Reduce the Impact of Our Diets, … Their Impact Would Be Lower than Local Beef and Lamb.” Twitter , Twitter, 24 Jan. 2020, twitter.com/GeorgeMonbiot/status/1220691168012460032.

[8] Copeland C. Resources, Science, and Industry Division. "Animal waste and water quality: EPA regulation of concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs)." Congressional Research Service, the Library of Congress, 2006.

[9] Leopold A. A Sand County Almanac, and Sketches Here and There. 1949.

[10] Nicole W. “CAFOs and environmental justice: the case of North Carolina.”  Environmental health perspectives  vol. 121:6. 2013: A182-9. DOI: 10.1289/ehp.121-a182

[11] Fremstad S, Brown H, Rho HJ. CEPR’s Analysis of American Community Survey, 2014-2018 5-Year Estimates. 2020. Accessed 08/06/21 at https://cepr.net/meatpacking-workers-are-a-diverse-group-who-need-better-protections

[12] Broadway, MJ. "Planning for change in small towns or trying to avoid the slaughterhouse blues." Journal of Rural Studies 16:1. P37-46. 2000.

[13] Wasley A. The Guardian. 2018. Accessed 08/06/2021 at https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2018/jul/05/amputations-serious-injuries-us-meat-industry-plant

[14] Cook EA, de Glanville WA, Thomas LF, Kariuki S, Bronsvoort BM, Fèvre EM. Working conditions and public health risks in slaughterhouses in western Kenya. BMC Public Health. 17(1):14. 2017. DOI: 10.1186/s12889-016-3923-y.

[15] Global trends in antimicrobial use in food animals. Van Boeckel TP, Brower C, Gilbert M, Grenfell BT, Levin SA, Robinson TP, Teillant A, Laxminarayan R.

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences May 2015, 112 (18) 5649-5654; DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1503141112

[16] Resistance, IICGoA. "No Time to Wait: Securing the future from drug-resistant infections."  Report to the Secretary-General of the United Nations : p1-36. 2019.

[17] Espinosa R, Tago D, Treich N. Infectious Diseases and Meat Production.  Environ Resource Econ  76,   p1019–1044. 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10640-020-00484-3

[18] “Q Fever Fact Sheet.” Pennsylvania Department of Health, 4 Jan. 2003. https://www.health.pa.gov/topics/Documents/Diseases%20and%20Conditions/Q%20Fever%20.pdf

[19] Ritchie, Hannah. “Which Countries Eat the Most Meat?” BBC News , BBC, 4 Feb. 2019, www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-47057341.

[20] Reynolds, Alan. “The Fundamental Fallacy of Redistribution.” Cato.org , 11 Feb. 2016, 1:22 pm, www.cato.org/blog/fundamental-fallacy-redistribution.

[21] Patricia Justino Professor and Senior Research Fellow. “Welfare Works: Redistribution Is the Way to Create Less Violent, Less Unequal Societies.” The Conversation , 20 Aug. 2021, theconversation.com/welfare-works-redistribution-is-the-way-to-create-less-violent-less-unequal-societies-128807.

[22] Cassidy E, et al, “Redefining Agricultural Yields: From Tonnes to People Nourished Per Hectare.” Environmental Research Letters, V. 8(3), p2-3. IOPScience. 2013, http://iopscience.iop.org/1748-9326/8/3/034015

[23] Poore J, Nemecek T.  Reducing food’s environmental impacts through producers and consumers .  Science , 360(6392), p987-992. 2018.

Rory Cockshaw

MS Natural Sciences Candidate University of Cambridge

Article Details

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Peer-reviewed

Research Article

‘Factory farming’? Public perceptions of farm sizes and sustainability in animal farming

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Methodology, Project administration, Supervision, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

Current address: Food Consumption and Wellbeing, Department of Sustainable Agriculture and Energy Systems, University of Applied Sciences Weihenstephan-Triesdorf, Freising, Germany

Affiliation Marketing for Food and Agricultural Products, Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Development, University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany

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Roles Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Roles Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing – review & editing

Roles Conceptualization, Methodology, Supervision, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

  • Gesa Busch, 
  • Elisa Bayer, 
  • Achim Spiller, 

PLOS

  • Published: October 28, 2022
  • https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032
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Table 1

Farm sizes play an important role in increasing public debates surrounding the sustainability of agriculture, specifically of animal farming. While research cannot find consistent relationships between sustainability and farm sizes, the ‘small-is-beautiful’-hypothesis remains still prominent in public perceptions. The aim of this study is to deeply analyze public associations coming with small and large farms with a focus on sustainability issues, including animal welfare. We additionally consider the memory of media reporting on farms with different sizes, wishes for legal regulations on farm and herd sizes, and the persuasiveness of scientific results that disentangle farm size from sustainability aspects. To answer these questions, an online survey with 985 German residents was conducted in May 2021 and descriptively analyzed. Although the attribute ‘small numbers of animals’ range among the less important ones that constitute an ‘ideal animal farm’ (rank 10 of 12 attributes), the large majority of participants (75.8%) reveal a preference for small over large animal farms. This is backed up by the perception that small farms are advantageous in terms of good animal welfare, environmental protection and product quality, but disadvantaged when it comes to profitability. Additionally, negative media reporting on animal farms (remembered by 92%) is more frequently related to large farms (82.5%) whereas positive media reporting (remembered by 81.4%) are mainly linked to small farms by 56.8%. More than half of respondents wish for regulations that limit farm and barn sizes. Scientific results finding no relationship between farm size and animal protection or climate protection are convincing for only 33.0% and 39.8% of the sample, respectively. A large farm size acts as a proxy for farming systems with low animal welfare and conservation levels. This challenges communications about the future of farming with the public as it can be assumed that farm sizes will further increase.

Author summary

In public discussions, farm size is often mentioned as an important factor for good animal welfare and high environmental protection in animal farming. Scientific findings contrast this ‘small-is-beautiful’ perceptions by not finding such simple relationships. In this study, we analyze peoples’ associations with farm sizes in order to better understand the underlying mechanisms of preferences for small farms. We could find that farm size is used by people from the broader public as proxy for good animal welfare and environmental protection on farms. It is not farm size per se that is perceived as important and sustainability aspects are more important but large farms are associated to consider sustainability less and focus more on profit on the expense of sustainable practices. Our findings point to a challenge in the communication of future sustainable farming systems that might rely on larger operations due to their advantages in terms of technology adaption, professionalism and economies of scale.

Citation: Busch G, Bayer E, Spiller A, Kühl S (2022) ‘Factory farming’? Public perceptions of farm sizes and sustainability in animal farming. PLOS Sustain Transform 1(10): e0000032. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032

Editor: Amanda E. Sorensen, Michigan State University, UNITED STATES

Received: April 4, 2022; Accepted: September 21, 2022; Published: October 28, 2022

Copyright: © 2022 Busch et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All data are available in Figshare public data repository under DOI: dx.doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.19493783 .

Funding: We are grateful to the Federal Office for Agriculture and Food (BLE) and Federal Programme for Organic Farming and Other Forms of Sustainable Agriculture (BÖLN) for financing this study in the project: “Improving social acceptance of organic livestock systems – Analysis of public expectations and development of trust marketing concepts” (grant number 2818OE097 to AS). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

1 Introduction

In recent years, the sustainability of agriculture including livestock farming is highly debated in many countries public and politics such as in Germany or the Netherlands. This leads to pressure on farmers to transform the sector towards more sustainability under insecurity, resulting in discontent and even protest [ 1 , 2 ]. Farm size plays an important role in public discussions surrounding agriculture and critiques on livestock farming [ 3 , 4 , 5 ]. The public often perceives large-scale farming as being detrimental for animal welfare and achieving lower sustainability levels [ 5 – 8 ]. Contrastingly, scientific studies show that farm size is not a good indicator for sustainability [ 4 , 9 – 12 ]. Both large as well as small farms have their advantages and disadvantages concerning sustainability aspects. For example, biodiversity decreases as the size of the cropland plots increases [ 13 , 14 ] and large-scale dairy farms manage less grasslands, resulting in higher pesticide use [ 15 ]. At the same time, large farms usually show clear advantages in productivity and efficiency per production unit [ 3 , 16 – 18 ], financial outcome [ 3 , 16 , 18 ] and contribute to low food prizes due to economies of scale [ 19 ]. They are further more advantageous because of specialization, which favors high levels of knowledge [ 20 , 21 ], and the development of modern technologies i.a. those that have the potential to reduce the use of pesticides [ 16 ]. Small family farms in Germany are not generally more sustainable compared to larger farms [ 22 ]. Although slightly more production diversification is observed, small farms are likely to cultivate somewhat more monoculture, a little more bare soils during winter and slightly less conservation of structural elements in crop lands such as hedges, walls and trees, probably due to higher scarcity of land and increased economic pressure [ 22 ]. However, small farms may favor a more diverse agriculture [ 23 ], support local food availability [ 24 ], are more flexible in implementing new forms of agriculture such as the concept of Community Supported Agriculture [ 25 ] and provide space for endangered livestock breeds and varieties. Some argue that ‘small pioneers’ may be more likely to make an important contribution to the sustainable transitioning of a sector [ 26 ] which would also make small farms more advantageously.

Looking at animal welfare levels, a literature review [ 21 ] shows that farm size is not the decisive factor for animal welfare. It is rather the type of husbandry system and farm management that plays an important role [ 5 , 11 , 21 , 27 , 28 ]. In addition, farmers’ behavior and attitudes towards the animals affect the human-animal relationship more than herd size [ 29 ]. However, large farms may be more specialized which can be beneficial for good management [ 20 ]. Contrastingly, practices like access to pasture that benefit animal welfare tend to decrease with increasing farm size [ 15 , 21 ]. Additionally, large-scale livestock farms bear a higher risk to impair welfare of a higher number of animals at once in the event of disasters such as stable fires, disease outbreaks or bad management.

Thus, there is no clear evidence on the overall effect of farm size towards sustainability and animal welfare. However, since many years the ‘small is beautiful’-hypotheses shapes public discussions on agriculture and food production [ 30 ] and may bias perceptions regarding the relationship between size of operation on the one and sustainability and animal welfare on the other hand. The term ‘factory farming’ is often used to describe large operations with little welfare and low sustainability levels. In a survey with German residents in 2011, it was found that people have negative associations with the term ‘factory farming’, such as animal-abuse and cruelty, high stocking densities and diseases [ 7 ]. Regarding farm sizes, ‘factory farming’ started for many respondents with a number of animals clearly below average herd sizes in Germany [ 7 ]. Another study points into similar directions and shows that intensive livestock production is evaluated as unethical by a majority of respondents in five European countries and the most seen risks are animal stress, unnaturalness and an increased incidence of animal diseases [ 31 ]. The mentioned might contribute to why consumers prefer products from small farms, with purchase motivations similar to those for organic or locally sourced foods–especially with regard to the treatment of animals but also in terms of support for farmers [ 32 ]. Indeed, organic farms are assumed to be smaller than conventional ones and the idea of fair payment for ‘small family farms’ is an important motive for buying organic produces [ 33 ].

Nevertheless, so far, little is known about the ‘small is beautiful’-frame and what farm characteristics and associations contribute to this perception. Therefore, the aim of this study is to determine how the public perceives farm sizes in animal farming and how people relate sustainability aspects and animal welfare to farm size. This is particularly important as large-scale farming is increasingly dominating agriculture in Western countries [ 24 ] and public acceptance is needed as one dimension of long-term sustainability [ 34 ]. We further investigate how convincing scientific results about disentangled farm size and sustainability aspects are for citizens. The latter is important for science communication about sustainability aspects in farming (other than size).

In this context our research questions are the following: 1) Do citizens prefer small or large animal farms and how is media reporting on animal farming and farm sizes perceived? 2) What role plays farm size in citizens’ perceptions of an ideal animal farm? 3) How are different sustainability dimensions related to farm size in public opinions? 4) Do citizens favor regulations concerning farm and herd sizes? 5) How convincing are scientific results that disentangle sustainability from farm size for citizens?

2 Material and methods

2.1 ethics approval.

The study was approved by the Ethics Commission at University of Göttingen before data collection. Participants were informed about the use of data and they provided written informed consent online. They were informed that they can withdraw consent at any time by leaving the survey through closing their internet browser.

2.2 Survey design

To answer our research questions, an online survey with 985 German residents was conducted in May 2021. The survey started with questions about gender identity, age, education, and place of residence. These questions were set as quotas according to the population in Germany. People were further asked about household income and size and what type of diet they follow. The next question asked whether participants prefer small or large farms and this question was repeated at the very end of the survey. By repeating the question at the end, we intended to measure if attitudes have changed after engaging more deeply with the topic. In a next step, participants were shown a set of attributes, including aspects related to farm size such as ‘small numbers of farmed animals’ and ‘few employees’, and were asked to indicate on five-point scales what they consider important for an ‘ideal’ animal farm they want to purchase produce from. They were also asked whether they have seen or read about positive and negative media reporting on animal farming and if yes, whether this was about small or large farms. Subsequently, participants were asked to indicate for different sustainability aspects (animal welfare, ecology, economy, social aspects) if they think these are met on small farms, large farms or independent of farm size. They were additionally asked whether there should be regulations on how many animals should be allowed per farm or per stable and if yes, how many they consider appropriate in the case of poultry, pigs and cattle. For this question, the sample was randomly split into two sub-samples in order to limit survey length. Half of the sample answered the questions for farm and the other for stable size. Questions were repeated for organic farms/stables, respectively. Finally, participants were confronted with a short text describing that scientific results do not see a clear relationship between farm sizes and animal welfare or farm sizes and conservation and climate protection. Again here, participants were randomly assigned into one of two splits, either the animal welfare or conservation/climate protection sub-sample in order to limit response times adequately.

2.3 Data collection, cleaning and analyses

Recruitment of participants was facilitated by an online panel provider. Data was collected online between May 4 th and May 8 th 2021. A total of 1,686 participants opened the link to enter the survey. 365 participants were screened out due to quota requirements, 174 participants did not pass the quality check questions, and 17 declined their consent. From the remaining 1,130 participants, 1,050 finished the survey. The median response time was 1150 seconds. Participants with a shorter response time than half of the median (575 seconds) were excluded due to speeding behavior which is related to straightlining [ 35 ]. This was true for 65 participants. The final sample for analyses consists of 985 respondents. Data was analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics 26.

2.4 Sample description

Table 1 shows the distribution of demographics in the sample and the German population. It shows that the sample is similar to the population in terms of age, gender education and place of residency.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.t001

3.1 Preference for small vs. large farms

Fig 1 shows a majority of respondents (rather) preferring small over large farms both at the beginning as well as at the end of the survey. Participants preferring large farms constitute less than 10% of the sample. 6.1% do not know or do not care at the beginning and 3.9% after completing the survey.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.g001

Looking at gender differences, we observe that female participants prefer small farms more compared to male participants at the beginning of the survey (mean female = 1.66; standard deviation (SD) = 0.75 and mean male = 1.88; SD = 0.87; p≤0.001; scale from 1 = “I prefer small farms” to 5 = “I prefer large farms”). At the end of the survey, these differences disappear (mean female = 1.85; SD = 1.06 and mean male = 1.89; SD = 0.77; p≥0.05) reasoned by a change in the women’s answers.

There is a weak positive correlation between age and the preference for large farms at the beginning of the survey (r = 0.10; p≤0.01), while this correlation also disappears at the end of the survey (r = -0.05; p≥0.05).

3.2 Media reports on small and large farms

Figs 2 and 3 show how many participants remember to have seen or read about animal farming in a positive or negative way on TV or in the newspaper. 92.0% of respondents indicate to already have seen a negative report about animal farming on TV or to have read a negative article in newspapers. Only 4.7% of respondents state to never have seen or read a negative reporting (3.4% do not know). From those 92.0% who already encountered negative reports, 82.5% state that it was about large farms. In total, 81.4% indicate that they have seen or read a positive report/article about agricultural husbandry on TV or in newspapers and 11.7% deny this (6.9% do not know). From those remembering a positive report, 67.2% state it was always/predominantly about small farms.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.g003

3.3 Important attributes of an ideal farm

On an ideal farm, from which participants like to buy animal produce, farm size (‘small numbers of farmed animals’), range among the less important attributes, although 46.0% of respondents consider it as very or rather important ( Fig 4 ). Animal protection is considered as important by the highest share of participants (93.7%), followed by environmental protection (84.1%), location of the farm in the region (78.3%) and climate protection (78.0%).

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3.4 Perceptions of sustainability dimensions on small and large farms

Sustainability dimensions (ecologic, animal welfare, social and economic) are perceived to be fulfilled differently depending on farm size.

Fig 5 shows how participants believe that different attributes related to ecology are fulfilled on small and large farms or independent of farm size. All aspects related to good ecology are perceived to be (rather) fulfilled on small farms. More than 80% of the sample believes that only/rather small farms are connected with nature, nearly 70% believe that only/rather small farms protect biodiversity and conserve nature. Also, more than half of the sample thinks that organic farms are (rather) small farms but around 30% consider organic farming not related to farm size. Around 40% also believe that environmental and climate protection is not depending on farm size, whereas nearly 60% trust that small farms have advantages. Whether farms comply with law is perceived as being independent from farm size by more than half of the respondents. Monoculture tend to be associated with large farms (45.4%).

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The overwhelming majority of respondents perceives that animal welfare, care and esteem for animals are better on small farms ( Fig 6 ). Only for a few aspects, more than 20% of respondents assume that this is equally met on large farms. Animal health is the aspect where the highest share states that it is same on small and large farms (26.1%), followed by long life of animals (24.1%) and outdoor access (22.0%). But again, with high agreement, these aspects are also seen as more likely to be met on small farms.

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Product characteristics also differ between small and large farms, according to participants ( Fig 7 ). Naturalness of products is attributed to small farms by 83.6% and only 15.6% perceive naturalness independent of farm size. 75.5% also think that small farm products are more expensive. 66.7% assume that only/rather products from small farms are healthy, whereas 33.3% state this to be the same on small and large farms. This evaluation is similar for the taste of produce.

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Looking at economic sustainability, large farms are perceived as advantageous ( Fig 8 ). The majority of participants (more than 70%) believes that only/rather large farms put profit first and that these farms make a lot of money. Correspondingly, large farms are perceived by more participants as well-equipped to deal with crises and to offer farmers good financial protection compared to small farms. While half of participants believe that large farms receive many financial subsidies, nearly 40% perceive this to be the same on small and large farms. 45.0% of participants assume that good payment of employees is the same on small and large farms and 37.8% suspect this to be more the case on larger farms. 57.1% of respondents think that small and large farms are both depending on world market prices, 29.3% think this holds true more for large farms. In addition, the clear majority supposes that small farms are more likely to go out of business soon.

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3.5 Needs for regulations of farm sizes from a public point of view

Most of respondents felt that there is a need for regulations by law on animal numbers that should be allowed to be kept in organic as well as in a conventional stables (split a, n = 486) and on farms (split b, n = 499) (see Fig 9 ). There is no difference in respondents agreeing to a need for regulations on organic compared to conventional stables (t-value = 1.91, p = 0.06) but for farms there is a slightly higher whish for regulations on organic compared to conventional farms (t-value = 2.46, p = 0.01).

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Those participants that stated to be in favor of regulations were asked about the number of animals per stable or farm they think should be allowed. Fig 10 shows the results per stable and Fig 11 per farm. Displayed are the 90-percentiles. The numbers in a poultry stable should be limited to 1,000 animals in conventional, and 820 in organic stables. For pigs, a maximum of 300 conventional and 200 organic pigs should be allowed to live together. For cattle, the maximum number should be 200 for conventional, and 100 for organic cattle stables.

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On poultry farms, a maximum of 3,000 animals for conventional, and 1,000 for organic is perceived as adequate by 90% of respondents ( Fig 11 ). In the case of pigs these numbers are a maximum of 600 for conventional and 382 for organic farms, and for cattle 500 and 250 heads per farm respectively.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.g011

3.6 Persuasion of scientific results on relationships between farm size and animal/climate protection

Participants were finally asked to read a short text about scientific findings on farm size and either animal protection or climate/environmental protection they were randomly assigned to. Fig 12 shows the results for animal protection. Around one third of participants do not perceive the scientific results that animal protection is not related to farm size as convincing, another third is undecisive and another third is convinced. The findings for trust in scientific results are similarly, with a higher share of partly/partly-answers.

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In the case of climate and environmental protection, less people perceive the results as (rather) not convincing (21.3%) and more people are convinced (39.8%) ( Fig 13 ). The same holds true for trust in the results. In the latter case nearly half of respondents (46.0%) answer with partly/partly.

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No differences between female and male participants regarding these questions could be observed. There are further no correlations between age or education and conviction as well as trust in scientific results neither for animal nor for climate/environmental protection.

4 Discussion

The public has, on average, a general preference for small farms [ 5 , 12 , 30 ]. This is supported by our findings showing that a large majority prefers small over large farms with a stronger manifestation in women, which however, converges to the mean value of men at the end of the questionnaire. Other studies also show that women are generally more critical of animal husbandry in agriculture [ 36 ]. However, the stronger alignment in a discussion of the topic, as it was the case during the survey, is a new result. It could indicate uncertainty in the initial assessment, but requires further investigation. The clear position of preferring small over large farms in general might be influenced by media reports surrounding agriculture. It is well known that media coverage influences opinion formation, e.g. in cases of scientific findings such as global warming [ 38 ] or vaccinations [ 39 ]. In case of scandals, media reporting might even influence behavior through popularizing meat scandals which lead to lower meat consumption [ 40 ]. An evaluation of reports about animal farming in German newspapers showed that the coverage is balanced between negative and positive topics [ 41 ]. This fits with the results of a survey in Germany [ 42 ] showing that reporting on agriculture is perceived as balanced by the public. However, to the best of our knowledge, there is no evaluation that considers farm size in reporting. Thus, our study is the first taking farm size systematically into account when analyzing people’s perceptions of media reports. The results clearly show that when reporting is remembered, large farms are more likely to be evoked with negative reports and small farms with positive ones.

However, when respondents select what constitutes an ‘ideal farm’, the number of animals per farm is of less importance compared to aspects related to animal and environmental protection or local and traditional production. These results indicate that it is mainly not farm size per se but rather the associated husbandry systems and production methods that shape the negative image of large farms. Indeed, all sustainability dimensions, except economic assessment, are perceived to be better fulfilled on small compared to large farms, especially with regard to animal welfare. This is in line with existing studies showing that large-scale farming or intensive livestock production is associated with animal cruelty, stress for the animals and a higher risk for animal diseases [ 7 , 27 , 31 ]. Large farms are perceived as primarily being profit-oriented. This image may contribute to the perception of these farms neglecting sustainability and the observed sympathy with small farms. It is known that, in the public’s view, profit-orientation is contrasting a company`s sustainable and responsible behavior [ 43 , 44 ]. Consumers often perceive profit-oriented companies as less sympathetic but more competent leading to a higher desire to buy products from large companies. However, this preference vanishes when small companies achieve high credibility values [ 45 ]. This seems to be the case for small farms as respondents assume small farms to comply more with existing laws. It is further known that people prefer buying products from small farms because they wish to support (allegedly) disadvantaged farmers [ 32 , 33 ]. Furthermore, due to the perceived better level of animal health and naturalness, products from small farms are expected to be more natural, healthier and of better taste. A relation between the assessment of husbandry systems and a perceived better quality of products was also found by others [ 46 ].

Summing up, small farms are perceived to be better for animal welfare, the environment and product quality. This leads to many respondents pleading for limited herd sizes at farm and barn level for conventional and organic production systems. The maximum number of animals per farm rated as appropriate by the majority is thereby far below the average number of animals per farm in Germany for pigs and especially for poultry. In 2020, the average number of animals per farm was 1,243 for fattening pigs and 71 for dairy cattle [ 47 ]. For poultry it is known that in the year 2016 almost 80% of broilers and more than 50% of laying hens in Germany were kept on farms with more than 50,000 animals [ 48 ]. This large gap between actual farm sizes and farm sizes accepted by the broader public points on either people having little knowledge about actual farm sizes and underestimating current sizes of production or that they really feel the current sizes to be larger than what is tolerable. Based on our results, we cannot answer this question comprehensively. However, the literature shows that even when knowledge is low, communicating information does not automatically increase acceptance [ 49 , 50 ]. Additionally, the fact that the majority of respondents state that there should be an upper limit of animals per farm or barn indicates that this topic is potentially conflicting.

Due to large economies of scale, farm sizes are expected to further increase [ 4 ]. This indicates that agricultural policy that aims to preserve small farming structures and keeping farm numbers stable will be expensive. The latter has just recently been recommended by the Future Commission Agriculture of the German government [ 51 ]. In order to maintain competitiveness of these farms, economic disadvantages on small farms would need to be compensated. Although participants in our study acknowledge differences in economic efficiency between different farm sizes, it remains open from this study whether real costs of subsidizing small farms and keeping farm numbers stable, are known and supported by the public.

However, next to economic advantages, larger farms might also increase sustainability through ecologies of scale, e.g., by a more efficient use of resources, i.e. the application of new technologies that are often not economical on small farms [ 15 ]. Moreover, there is no clear correlation between farm size and animal welfare or environmental protection. Production systems and management as well as farmers personality and attitudes are better indicators [ 29 ]. Thus, a return to small-scale agriculture or strict limitation of farm sizes are neither feasible nor desirable.

This issue might challenge public communications both for scientists as well as for the sector. Especially as our findings have shown that people have very heterogeneous attitudes towards scientific findings that disentangle farm size from sustainability. The conclusion that can be drawn from this: there is a group of about 21–32% that cannot be convinced by scientific argumentation, at least as it was conducted in this study. One explanation can be motivated reasoning in which peoples’ preferences affect their beliefs. This is grounded in that evidence is frequently evaluated dependently on existing preferences and beliefs [ 50 ]. In our case such motivated reasoning might have happened when judging the scientific evidence we presented. This makes especially sense when considering that the preferences for small farms seem to be quite stable as they did not change in the course of the survey for most participants. With regard to animal welfare, it seems to be even more difficult to detach society from the ‘small is beautiful’-perception. For small farms or farms with small herd sizes these results offer the opportunity to highlight farm size when selling their product.

Further, it should be remembered that in the past the strong focus on economic outcome and high specialization in animal farming led to a series of animal welfare problems [ 52 ], which now have to be improved. In society this may be strongly associated with large scale farming. Future sustainable farming systems will very likely involve large farms due to their advantages in being more specialized with high levels of knowledge as well as economies of scale. This makes it likely that such farms are more prone to adapting new technologies that enhance sustainability of animal farming, including animal welfare. This development is contrasting widely hold public perceptions of small farms being per se advantageous and might challenge social acceptance of future animal farming systems on large scales, although with improved animal welfare levels. This should encourage particularly larger farms to demonstrate their corporate social responsibility through a stronger commitment to animal welfare, and to further communicate these efforts publicly.

Supporting information

S1 questionnaire. full questionnaire in english language (translated from the german original)..

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.s001

S1 Letter. Approval of the study by the Ethics Commission at Göttingen University.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000032.s002

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  • 37. Statista 2021. Bildungsstand: Verteilung der Bevölkerung in Deutschland nach höchstem Schulabschluss (Stand 2019). Available at: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/1988/umfrage/bildungsabschluesse-in-deutschland/

2021 Articles

The End of Factory Farming: Alternatives to Improve Sustainability, Safety, and Health

Cockshaw, Rory

The UK-based campaign group Scrap Factory Farming has launched a legal challenge against industrial animal agriculture; the challenge is in the process of judicial review. While a fringe movement, Scrap Factory Farming has already accrued some serious backers, including the legal team of Michael Mansfield QC. The premise is that factory farming is a danger not just to animals or the environment but also to human health. According to its stated goals, governments should be given until 2025 to phase out industrialized “concentrated animal feeding organizations” (CAFOs) in favor of more sustainable and safer agriculture. This paper will discuss the bioethical issues involved in Scrap Factory Farming’s legal challenge and argue that an overhaul of factory farming is long overdue.

  • Medical ethics
  • Bioethics--Philosophy

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Agriculture, Animal Ethics, Animal Rights, Climate, Factory Farming, Sustainability

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Social Sciences


This paper examines the intricacies of factory farming by analyzing its social, political, economic, and environmental impacts in an age of capitalist consumption. Factory farming has become a pervasive institution with which most Americans engage on a daily basis by consuming meat and other animal derivatives. This mode of food production has vastly exacerbated the effects of climate change while creating a plethora of health, ecological and social problems. My research utilizes sentiment analysis to reveal the nature of factory farm discourse. Understanding the use of rhetoric is important because it brings to light the incongruity between action and speech. Oftentimes, institutional actors use carefully crafted rhetoric in order to shape public opinion in their favor. As such, the issue of factory farming can only be fully understood when we take care to assess the actors’ language. This approach helps illuminate how institutional actors deal with animal welfare and environmental concerns. In order to accomplish my goal, which is to explain the role of politics and discourse within the realm of factory farming, I apply a data-oriented approach by using natural language processing in Python to investigate institutional documents. My findings suggest that corporations and NGOs treat factory farming largely in positive terms, given their sentiment score. On the other hand, governmental bodies’ results show nearly neutral scores as they discuss the issue both in negative and positive terms. This reveals the potential for external variables which may influence the way in which these actors approach their discourse. Ultimately, I argue that this discursive analysis can inform the truth behind factory farming, while suggesting possible alternatives that value both human and animal wellbeing.

The topic of factory farming has come to be a very complex matter. Involving a plethora of actors and producing profound social, economic, health and environmental consequences, the subject holds relevance in many fields of study. Thus, my research will combine critical analysis and discursive study in order to examine the issue of factory farms. Moreover, I intend for this research to shed some light on the available literature as well as the institutional actors at play. However, prior to the details, I will provide some general background knowledge to set the scope of this paper. Throughout the paper, the terms factory farms and CAFOs (Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations) will be used interchangeably. As such, The Cambridge Dictionary defines factory farming as, “a system of farming in which a lot of animals are kept in a small closed area, in order to produce a large amount of meat, eggs, or milk as cheaply as possible” (Factory Farming, n.d.). The advent of factory farms marked a prolific point in history due to the resulting production of massive quantities of food for a growing human population. However, it has enabled very costly ramifications for the environment and humans alike. Likewise, there are a variety of actors involved in this process, namely corporations, NGOs, governmental bodies, and lobbying groups. Therefore, I inquire, “What degree does the language of these actors reflect their true intentions? Moreover, what sentiment does each actor demonstrate in relation to CAFOs, and what other institutional factors may be at play?”

Of course, one must ask, “Why are these questions important in the first place?” They are important because language is a discernible marker of how actors attempt to portray themselves to the public. Likewise, asking these questions allows us to see how these major players view the issue (or non-issue) of factory farming and its subsequent effects. Ultimately, these questions are significant because their responses reveal the true extent of the alignment between the actors' underlying intentions and their public story. We must have a way to evaluate this relationship, which is precisely why I implement sentiment analysis, an objective form of data inquiry. This is done with the hope that we can highlight the institutional factors at play and their role in policy-making. This is a multifaceted issue, and my analysis attempts to bring various factors together. Ultimately, discourse and policy are intimately related, which makes language a powerful analytical tool. Thus, I will begin my analysis with a formal literature review and follow this with the research itself.

As the prevalence of animal agriculture has increased in modern times, it has severely exacerbated the effects of global climate change. The primary evidence for this impact is through greenhouse gas emissions. Cole et al. (2009) note that, “meat and dairy products contribute more than 50% of the total GHGs emitted from the food chain,” (p. 162). Meanwhile, the FAO of the United Nations reports a figure of “18% as the global contribution of the animal farming sector to GHG emissions (Steinfeld et al., 2006)” (Cole et al., 2009, p. 162). While this is not as significant as the energy sector, it marks an important contribution to the global climate. This is precisely why Garnett (2009) says, “[M]eat and dairy products are the foods carrying the greatest environmental burden” (p. 491). Moreover, this problem has proliferated at an accelerated rate because of the very structure of the capitalist system. Mass-scale efficiency is prioritized over smaller, sustainable modes of production. While the United States enjoys unprecedented outputs of food, it risks environmental calamity as climate change continues to worsen. GHG emissions are far from being curtailed, one study reporting that “[global] emissions could increase by a further 17 percent by 2050 (Bennetzen et al., 2016)” (Garnett, 2017, p. 33). Furthermore, accelerated climate change is not the sole consequence of factory farming.

With the increased demand for meat output, the animals themselves require increased input. This has resulted in detrimental environmental impact, as the farmed animals (specifically cattle) demand large quantities of soy and grain for feeding. Unsustainable practices such as the continuous production of corn and soy cause the land to become arid (Garnett, 2009, p. 493-494). Likewise, this endless production has caused vast swathes of forest land to be cleared (Garnett, 2009, p. 494). This is done on a massive scale, all for the raising and production of livestock (Garnett, 2017, p. 39). Coupled with overgrazing, this has caused desertification, which has effectively reduced the amount of usable land (Horrigan et al, 2002, p, 447). Animal agriculture has indirect impacts on water quality as well. Cassuto (2010) explains, “Worldwide, such livestock-related land use changes as deforestation and overgrazing cause desertification, ground water and soil contamination, and other environmental problems” (p. 9). CAFOs cause a myriad of environmental harms, each problem linked to another, such as sea level rise, increased natural disasters and loss of biodiversity. Of course, factory farms are only exacerbating these impacts. This is precisely why the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005) called factory farming the “largest threat to biodiversity and ecosystem function of any single human activity” (as cited in Weis, 2010b, p. 136). Overall, the ecological footprint of CAFOs is potentially devastating if it continues at such massive rates. If we wish to prevent the worst of the consequences, we have to ask, “How has this problem manifested in the first place?” I argue that we must examine the nature of capitalism in order to answer this question.

Now that the link between factory farming, environmental degradation, and climate change has been established, I address the economic foundation that allows for it. Capitalism has achieved something amazing in that it revolutionized the means of production, so much so that we have evolved into a massive consumer society. Now more than ever, we can get anything we need with the upmost rapidity. However, this comes with a dire cost; there are severe biophysical consequences for such increased production (Weis, 2010a). This massive level of consumption requires an equally large amount of input, namely through natural resources. Thus, the capitalist class accumulates capital by exploiting the environment for its resources. A quintessential example of this exploitation is the burning of fossil fuels to produce energy. As Weis (2010b) points out, “The failure to account for the atmospheric burden associated with fossil energy, and its impact on the Earth’s climate system, represents one of the most fundamental biophysical contradictions of industrial capitalism” (p. 318-319). This contradiction is a fundamental aspect of our current climate crisis. There is an inherent conflict between the way in which the capitalist system produces mass goods for a consumer society and the way in which capital overuses the environment (Moore, 2016). Interestingly, this is why Moore (2016) claims that the world is not in the age of the Anthropocene, but the “Capitalocene.” He explains that world history is in “the ‘Age of Capital’—and the era of capitalism as a world-ecology of power, capital, and nature” (p. 6). Therefore, capitalism pursues its power through the co-production of nature by transforming it into a commodity. Although, it seems that the environmental consequences of production will eventually prevent the further accumulation of capital because these ramifications will create a limited supply of resources and fundamentally alter Earth’s climate system, thereby making it harder to produce goods.

Thus, we have found ourselves in a scenario akin to the tragedy of the commons. As corporations take natural resources or pollute the Earth so much so that we can no longer obtain resources, the system will hit an inescapable point of collapse. In theory, capitalism provides the best allocation of resources which in turn produces economic growth and social prosperity (Magdoff, 2015). However, the system does not function this way—capitalism has overexploited and endangered its very foundation of power. The Age of Capital relies on nature for its success, but if capital accumulation relies on the unsustainable depletion of natural resources, capitalism runs on a damning contradiction (Magdoff, 2015). The consequences for both the Earth and the future accumulation of wealth are disastrous. Referring to the tragedy of the commons, Magdoff (2015) states, “A rational economic decision for each individual farmer goes against the supposed capitalist economic logic and ends up being irrational for the entire group of farmers together” (p. 13). Similarly, as Weis (2010a) argues, all of the rational capitalists have overexploited in order to accumulate massive amounts of capital. Unfortunately, this has resulted in an irrational outcome for the entire group. Weis (2010a) states, “[T]he deceptive efficiency of industrial capitalist agriculture and its manifestation in cheap, bountiful food have long overshadowed the instability and inequalities of the system” (p. 317-318). So, the question that we must inevitably ask is this: “Can Capitalism solve a crisis of its own making?”

Unfortunately, the answer that I provide is not very optimistic. I say this because the United States’ excessive consumption and increased reliance on factory farms may make a capitalistic solution impossible. High rates of consumption contribute to growing levels of greenhouse gas emissions from the animal agriculture industry (Cole et al., 2009). Thus, I must analyze the issue of animal agriculture in relationship to the greater issue of mass consumerism.

To begin, Lavin (2009) argues that industrial animal agriculture rose to prominence as it integrated “the mechanization, division of labor, and intensified regulation of activities endemic to industrial manufacture” (p. 72). More so, the advent of factory farming came with the increased demand for meat and dairy while capitalist production continued to accelerate. In this way, farming became a factory system because its sole purpose was to exponentiate the production of goods for consumers (Lavin, 2009). Moreover, Lavin marks a second driving factor of consumption: capital concentration (p. 73). While the factorization of food production certainly sounds like an appropriate solution for a growing population, the incentive to factorize has been driven by the desire for more wealth. Lavin makes a compelling point as he analyzes various critiques of factory farming. Namely, “the common theme of these critiques, similar to others of industrial life, is that the pursuit of efficiency causes great harm to people, animals and the environment” (p. 76). Therefore, industrial life does not just produce negative outcomes for the animals, but also for the environment and the humans in it.

Perhaps the most important factor when it comes to the rise of animal agriculture in the age of consumption is the commodification of animals. Capitalism has transformed living beings into products that are bought and sold on the market. This fact is crucial to understanding the United States (and global) food system because it reveals the way in which capital can control what the public eats. As such, Gunderson (2013) explains that “the primary purpose of rearing livestock today is not to create food, but to make money – or, for exchange values, not use values” (p. 261). This is precisely why authors have been raising awareness about the possible health concerns associated with industrial animal agriculture (Horrigan et al., 2002). Production for exchange value is not a new thing, but rather, a historical fact of production that has emerged in tandem with mass consumerism. Likewise, this is not unique to factory farming. In fact, capitalism has relied on the categorization of exchange value as its basis for capital accumulation. Unsurprisingly, Marx pointed this out long ago: “Use-value, not exchange-value, is the purpose of the whole system of production, and use-values accordingly cease to be use-values and become means of exchange, or commodities, only when a larger amount of them has been produced than is required for consumption” (as cited in Gunderson, 2013, p. 261). Evidently, mass consumerism is only a new stage in the process of capital accumulation.

The process of commodification has accelerated over the years, resulting in unprecedented levels of meat and dairy consumption. As Lavin (2009) demonstrates, the power of food production now lies in the hands of corporations. Not only does this have ramifications for the animals themselves, but also for the consumers. Lavin explains how in becoming a consumer society, the burden of discipline now falls onto the consumers instead of producers (p. 85). It is no longer the obligation of corporations to engage in ethical production; this notion comes with a plethora of quandaries and injustices. This newest stage of commodification enables corporations and producers to move the blame to consumers. Meanwhile, Lavin argues that this has marked a transformation in the way corporations control their workers and the public. Quoting two prolific authors, Hardt and Negri, Lavin explains, “Now, individuals are monitored and regulated not only when they visit the factory, schoolhouse, or hospital, but also in more prosaic and ubiquitous ways in their daily activities; disciplinary power spreads across this space, with the result that coercive authority organizes subjects ‘in the totality of their activities’” (p. 84). Hardt and Negri demonstrate how corporations intervene by accumulating information on us. This is no surprise in the age of big data. However, the individual’s information is now collected in a more casual manner, through the products one consumes. It is this buying history that informs corporations about each person in society.

Furthermore, Lavin (2009) goes on to show the intense effects of mass consumerism. He states, “My position in cultural politics depends not on my status as worker or owner, but my preference for NASCAR or lattes. This is surely why the factory metaphor travels to so many domains of life: the concerns about alienation and control that inhere in the metaphor are not anachronistic in an age of casualized labor; they are instead generalized to work, leisure, and politics” (p. 85). In this sense, commodification has bled into all aspects of society, including politics. Corporations can now control consumer life through indirect and untraceable means. Likewise, commodification is intimately connected to the discourse corporations use to attract consumers. Under modern capitalism, this is the only means of control that corporations need. Corporations dominate the consumer narrative, selling people the idea that they need to eat more meat. They shape discourse in a way that appears to shift decision-making onto the consumers, while masking their true intentions. Gunderson (2013) explains how the notion of ethical consumerism is simply a means to defer decision-making to the individual without effecting significant change. “‘Ethical consumerism’ is a reflection of bourgeois market ideology that alienated individuals are expected to subscribe to,” he says. “The problem is that individualist ethical consumerism is not only limited and ineffective in the face of larger socioeconomic forces, but it also halts social justice movements from pursuing radical means of altering society because they have been co-opted” (p. 269). The author makes it incredibly clear that not only is the promotion of ethical consumerism a calculated move by capitalist powers, but it is also an extremely ineffective tool when it comes to creating meaningful change. Instead of trying to change the system that allows this, ethical consumerism reduces actions to the individual level. As we will later find out, this is reinforced by a manipulative rhetoric, furnished by corporations and rich investors to further their agenda.

Of course, many still argue that capitalism is not the cause of this crisis. Green investors and the like try to argue that a free market solution is just beyond the horizon. Corporations have now “greened” themselves by transitioning to more sustainable energy usage and more environmentally friendly practices. However, authors have rightly pointed out that these individuals are simply trying to capitalize on the downfall of fossil fuels. While the capitalists may be taking measures that seemingly benefit everyone, they are only attempting to gain wealth for themselves. Regardless of their prerogative, capitalism’s goal is endless growth, and that can never be compatible with sustainability (Guerrero, 2018). Likewise, Big Green (highly influential environmental organizations like the NRDC, Greenpeace, Nature Conservancy etc.) are not a great option either. All of these entities attempt to address symptoms of the climate crisis rather than the root of the problem: capitalism. Furthermore, Naomi Klein (2014) claims that these Big Green organizations are actually linked to fossil fuel companies. They attempt to implement policies that are seemingly better for the environment; meanwhile, they are sympathetic towards corporations (Klein, 2014, p. 198). This is no surprise considering Big Green has often taken funding from fossil fuel corporations. Klein goes on to explain that “several of these groups have consistently, and aggressively, pushed responses to climate change that are the least burdensome, and often directly beneficial, to the largest greenhouse gas emitters on the planet” (p. 198-199). Thus, environmental NGOs are attempting to institute a green capitalism that will only result in austerity and further environmental degradation.

This form of “sustainable capitalism” is an oxymoron in itself. Guerrero (2018) argues, “A growth-driven and market-dependent system is incompatible with environmental security” (p. 43). In actuality, corporations simply try to disguise their actions as green and eco-efficient so they can build public support while continuing their exploitative actions. For this reason, Magdoff and Foster (2010) assert that “a system that has only one goal, the maximization of profits, has no soul, can never have a soul, can never be green, and, by its very nature, it must manipulate and fabricate whims and wants” (p. 19). This two-faced nature of capitalism is seen in corporate rhetoric which disguises its sentiment towards factory farms as positive. The truly unsettling part is that many of these claims are nothing but ploys, just a means of masking the unethical exploitation. In fact, Clark (2012) explains, “[W]hat is perhaps most troubling of all about these practices is that an even shrewder, more calculating, and more ruthless efficiency is being celebrated as ‘ecoefficiency,’ greenwashing the underlying violence” (p. 120). This is in complete accordance with capitalism’s nature; it has always tried to hide its unjust and unethical practices. The oppression of animals and workers alike is simply a byproduct of capitalism. Just as I pointed out previously, the heart of this problem lies in the inherent contradiction between capital and the environment. This being said, the most significant aspect of green capitalism is not its contradiction, but the façade it creates. Capitalism has managed to co-opt discourse and maintain power by manipulating what the public hears.

While actions are a key indicator of how an actor regards a particular issue, discourse can be much more useful in showing how an underlying sentiment may define those actions. Therefore, I spend a considerable amount of time detailing the actions of factory farm stakeholders and highlighting how these various actors’ decisions are intertwined with one another. This coupled with a discursive analysis can reveal the political alignments of the actors as they pertain to animal agriculture. In other words, I will reveal the underlying coalitions that form around the issue of factory farming and greater environmental problems such as climate change. Moreover, this will help explain how our system comes to make decisions and whether confounding factors (such as increased capital) disrupt ethical policymaking. This section will fulfill two important roles within my analysis: it will establish the significance of discourse in politics, and it will demonstrate how current authors interpret rhetoric surrounding issues of the environment and animal welfare.

Foremost, I want to provide a discursive basis for why discourse within politics is even worth examining in the first place. Therefore, I will employ elements of Michel Foucault’s approach to discourse as a means of showing discourse’s power to shape society. Freeman (2009) helps offer some insight into Foucault’s philosophy as she explains, “Foucault felt discourse serves to define the limited ways that were suitable to talk about, treat, or engage the topic so its meaning is comprehensible to a society” (p. 83). It is important to understand that this has powerful political implications, as institutional agents have the means to decide how this information is conveyed to the public. In many ways, agents such as corporations, governmental bodies and NGOs have the power the shape perception and opinion. Furthermore, these actors can work to formulate a dominant ideology which controls how we view an issue. In this way, discourse analysis can be a very useful tool for delineating what constitutes suitable engagement or rhetoric when it comes to factory farming. Likewise, Leipold et al. (2019) believe that discursive analysis is especially useful for understanding why things happen and what sort of political motivations lie behind them. So how does this apply to our endeavor? Well, the way in which society approaches animal production is determined by how institutional actors talk about the issue (Freeman, 2009, p. 84). In addition, the public often adopts the same sentiment as its institutions through the things it reads. Thus, discourse acts as an important identifier of both actor and public attitude towards structures such as factory farms.

In order to better establish the role of discourse in politics, Leipold et al. (2019) offer the following explanation: “[T]hese patterns also determine the understanding of specific practices and events in the policy process, they are fundamental to the formation and expression of political truth claims, the engagement in, as well as the self-positioning of individuals and collectives for or against policy change” (p. 447). This seems especially pertinent to the issue at hand, as a careful analysis of the rhetoric of these actors reveals the underlying patterns of their attitude. Even more important, the discourse they use determines what policies are implemented and whom the policy decisions favor. Leipold et al. go on to explain, “The contributions to this special issue demonstrate that discourses can affect change or inertia at various levels of policy making – from discourse itself and its rules to policy outcomes and institutional settings (p. 452). Of course, all of this is contextual, and the rhetoric of an individual actor is largely dictated by the perception they want to create. Regardless, discourse has a clearly discernable impact on policy and on the associated decision-making. The way society’s various institutions treat factory farming informs the status quo and any potential alternatives to the current state of politics.

Unfortunately, language can have some negative effects in terms of policymaking and its consequences. While this discursive analysis is meant to shed light on the types of sentiment expressed by these actors, I must bring up prior assumptions that can help form my hypotheses. Firstly, as Glenn (2004) recognizes, corporations, and the U.S. government for that matter, tend to treat animals as objects rather than living beings. As the author states, “It is a recognizable discursive move that removes the ‘beingness’ or subjectivity of animals and replaces it with a word that morphs a subject for its own purposes into an object for consumption” (p. 69). As I suggested earlier, a corporation will employ positive rhetoric to create a benevolent persona that truly cares about the animals it kills. Meanwhile, this may prevent the public from realizing the truth – in other words, positive sentiment makes it less likely that people will recognize the animals’ pain (Glenn, 2004). Of course, one would expect this from corporations as they attempt to maintain their positive image and continue their profit-making. However, the position of NGOs is much different from that of the government. While I would expect the government to try to remain neutral on this position as it tries to provide just the facts, environmental NGOs are much more likely to be critical of the issue. This difference is predominantly because each of these actors occupies a different position within institutional politics. Accordingly, each employs a unique discursive strategy – though I do not suggest that this investigation is completely black and white, as the actors blend into one another at times.

I will undergo this research with the aforementioned expectations in mind. There is no doubt that actors of different categories have competing interests, which leaves them in a clash of discourses and public effect. Each category provides a different interpretation of factory farming. This is largely because each comports itself differently with regard to the issue. Moreover, each occupies a different perspective and has a unique goal when it refers to factory farming. For example, a corporation likely perceives CAFOs as a means toward profit, something that must be kept according to current regulations. However, corporations also want to retain public support to create more business; thus, they try to win over the public through their discourse. Manipulation of discourse allows them to paint the issue in their own terms while gaining public support. Alternatively, the government has no such agenda; its discursive strategy is to state the facts and explain the topic in its apparent truth. In doing so, government agencies provide an objective position based on the evidence they have. What is key is that the government is not attempting to win over the public with its discourse. NGOs are an interesting case because they certainly have an agenda, but one that is significantly different from corporations. They may try convincing the public that the issue of factory farming is important and needs comprehensive reform. Therefore, they depict CAFOs in a negative light, possibly highlighting their environmental harm in order to make the public see CAFOs as negative. Consequently, this creates a clash of discourses as one agent tries to make factory farming seem positive, the other negative, while the government remains ambivalent. Thus, with these discursive elements in mind, I formulate my hypotheses as such:

In order to undergo this discursive analysis, I will analyze a total of 62 documents, produced and published publicly by the actors outlined below. I haven noted a range of actors that hold salient information pertaining to industrial animal agriculture. As such, I have divided the actors into four categories: corporations, governmental agencies, lobbying groups, and non-government environmental organizations. These categories are thought to represent the actors’ goals as they pertains to factory farming. I should note that all these actors reside in the United States. Accordingly, I have chosen several from each category:

List of actors, by category, from which documents were taken for the purposes of this discursive analysis.

Furthermore, I have chosen these specific actors for differing reasons based on their category. The corporations were chosen based on their impact and levels of production in the animal agriculture industry. In short, these are the companies who produce the most meat and dairy for consumption in the United States (Sharma, 2018). Alternatively, the various government agencies were chosen based on their relation to the issue, the most pertinent being the FDA and USDA since they had the most available information. Similarly, there was a narrow range of lobbying groups that I could have used for this analysis, so I have chosen the few that have a measurable impact on Congressional lobbying. Finally, the environmental NGOs were chosen based on available literature related to factory farming as well as their discernable impact on U.S. politics.

In establishing the most relevant actors of this study, I will now move on to why I have chosen the outlined documents for my sentiment analysis. I should preface this by saying that I searched for specific buzz words that are related to the issue at hand, namely, words such as “factory farming,” “animal agriculture,” “climate change,” “industrial agriculture,” and “animal welfare.” For the purposes of this inquiry, I sifted through open access documents furnished by each actor on its respective website. In the case of the government agencies, I used their database of documents as it pertains to the issue of animal agriculture. The NGOs and corporations were rather different because they did not provide a list of their documents as PDFs. As such, I often resorted to referencing their webpages, as this provided a concrete (yet concise) depiction of their communications meant for the public. In each scenario, the documents detail the actor’s discourse as it approaches the issue of factory farming. Even at first glance, the actors’ discourses vary greatly according to their various institutional positions. Therefore, the following section outlines my approach to evaluating these texts through Nature language processing and text analysis.

To analyze the data, I use sentiment analysis in the coding language Python. Sentiment analysis is a branch of data science that uses natural language processing and text analysis to extract information from a given piece of text. This is predominantly used to categorize specific words in the text and assign them sentiment values which will ultimately determine the writer’s (or actor’s) attitude toward the topic. This method is incredibly useful for a variety of fields, and I believe it to be especially applicable to this one. Hutto and Gilbert (2014) provide insight on the cross-disciplinary nature of sentiment analysis, stating, “Sentiment analysis is useful to a wide range of problems that are of interest to human-computer interaction practitioners and researchers, as well as those from fields such as sociology, marketing and advertising, psychology, economics, and political science” (p. 216). Consequently, sentiment analysis is a very valuable tool to test my hypotheses because it will allow me to inspect documents from each individual actor and compare sentiment scores. Likewise, each of these actors is likely attempting to produce a distinct sentiment in its writing, which will become evident through this study. In undergoing this analysis, I will examine the discursive elements behind the actors’ language and consider what these elements mean for their attitudes toward factory farming.

I utilized Python with a variety of packages to facilitate this endeavor. However, the most important and integral of these is VADER (Valence Aware Dictionary for Sentiment Reasoning) (Hutto and Gilbert, 2014). This acts as the core sentiment identifier for this project by utilizing its lexicon to determine a positive to negative compound ratio. Hutto and Gilbert (2014) explain how they “use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to produce, and then empirically validate, a gold-standard sentiment lexicon that is especially attuned to microblog-like contexts” (p. 216). I should note that the VADER is a tool designed especially for social media contexts. However, there are three reasons why VADER is a sufficient mode of analysis for this project. Firstly, Hutto and Gilbert acknowledge that this engine can be used “across several domain contexts,” as this tool is extremely accurate in identifying sentiment regardless of the text’s origin (p. 216). Additionally, the authors note that VADER has been found to be even more accurate than individual human raters – the model has a 0.96 classification accuracy as opposed to 0.84 (p. 216). Finally, the focus content of this inquiry is very similar to that of the original VADER subject matter. These documents were produced for public eyes on an online domain, and the sentiment of each individual word is likely to remain consistent across platforms. With that being said, I will now provide a brief explication of the coding process.

I began by importing all the necessary packages, the most important being NLTK (Natural Language Toolkit), VADER, pandas, matplotlib and wordcloud. Next, I loaded the document (according to the category of actor) into Python and downloaded the VADER-specific lexicon. Then, I implemented the basic steps of completing sentiment analysis, in the following order: I tokenized the data (splitting it into individual words), put all words into lower case, stripped the text of punctuation, and eliminated all stop words. Next, I lemmatized the data, a process which removes plural forms and groups like words together (e.g. “great” and “greater”). Subsequently, I took the lemmatized text and removed characters that were not needed, such as numbers and any other forms of punctuation that may have slipped by. Finally, I created an Excel sheet to organize the list of sentimented words with their scores into a data frame using pandas. From here, I was able to obtain the list of sentimented words with their corresponding compound score as well as information about the dataset such as the mean and standard deviation. My final steps correspond to the way in which the data has been visualized, which includes an assortment of graphs and word clouds. For more information, the entire script is listed below in Appendix A.

From this analysis, we have gained several insights into the sentiment value of the cleaned words for each of the four categories. This includes the means, along with other notable data features as displayed in Table 2.1. The average value is the combined sentiment score of all sentimented words, which ranges from a score of -1 to 1. These words and their values were determined by the VADER lexicon and are further detailed in Hutto and Gilbert’s paper. As rendered below, one can see that all of the sentiment averages are on the positive side, ranging from 6.8% to 24%. This indicates that some types of actors were attempting to create more positive images in their rhetoric than others. Of course, corporations and lobbyists have the highest positive mean scores, which coincides with Hypothesis One. Likewise, the government discourse was positive but very close to 0, indicating that it has taken a near neutral stance with a slight lean toward positive. This supports Hypothesis Two. The one category that was predicted to be negative, however, yielded a positive score of 14.4%. The NGO score reveals that these actors were using predominantly positive language, but I believe this result must be examined with more context.

: The average sentiment score for each of the following categories (including all combined), along with the subsequent word count, standard deviation, maximum and minimum.

In an attempt to provide more details for these sentiment scores, Table 2.2 shows the top five negative and positive words used by each category. This is followed with each category’s corresponding word count and sentiment score. I should note that I omitted several words for being clearly unsentimental but high in count (“energy” under the “All” category (previously second most frequent), “energy” under “Lobbyist” (previously first) and “number” under “Government” (previously second)). While I believe the words in this table to be a strong indicator of the actors’ tones regarding CAFOs, it is possible that the positive words used by NGOs exist within a negative context. It is likely that the sentiment analyzer was unable to pick up on the underlying meaning behind longer strings of words. As such, I have manually gone through the documents, searching for these words, in order to discover the context in which they are used. I have taken ten random samples of each of the top five negative and positive words used by NGOs, using the random integer function on the TI-84. I placed these sentences into the sentiment analyzer and determined an average sentiment score. This data is displayed in Table 2.3, indicating each positive word and its nth use in the document along with its sentiment score. The averages are provided below. Contrary to expectations, these sentences are predominantly positive given their context. Thus, the results indicate that Hypothesis Three cannot be supported. I will provide further commentary on why this may be in the following section.

: A comprehensive list of the top five negative and positive words for each type of actor.

: This table was exported from Excel and shows the sentence number (generated randomly) with its corresponding sentiment compound score.

Furthermore, I have provided a set of histograms and word clouds at the end of the paper in order to better exemplify the data. Figure 1.1 shows the distribution of sentiment across the word counts for each category of actor. All four categories are displayed side by side to better represent the differences in their distribution. As one may notice, there is a significant difference in the frequency of negative words. Corporations and lobbyists have substantially more positive words with very limited instances of negatives. Not surprisingly, the government’s results are much more interesting, demonstrating a near balance in the spectrum, as is shown by its bimodal distribution. Alternatively, the NGO distribution is much less even, with a strong preference for positive words but with some examples of negative, thus lowering its average score. Additionally, Figure 1.2 provides more explicit detail for Table 2.2, representing the dominate words used by each category, calculated by frequency of usage. While they possess many words in common, the word clouds reflect each category’s unique sentiment toward factory farming. As such, the government tends to have a more even distribution of positive and negative words. Meanwhile, the other categories show that positive words dominate the word cloud with few instances of negative words.

Through this discursive analysis, we have revealed the true sentiment behind the rhetoric that is publicly used by various stakeholders in the factory farming system. This being said, what do these results indicate for meaningful change of the status quo and the state of policymaking? Well, I argue that these results support two of my initial hypotheses and provide evidence for the arguments asserted in the preliminary theory. Corporations and lobbyists are undoubtedly exhibiting a positive persona in order to garner public support while obscuring their actions. It is no surprise that these actors have such high sentiment scores, as their discourse is likely intended to show the benefits of their actions rather than the negative outcomes. By using positive language, corporations are able to overshadow the oppressive and exploitative nature of their production. Furthermore, the government has remained largely neutral on the issue of factory farming, providing both positives and negatives regarding the advent of CAFOs. This was to be expected, and it reveals the way in which the government attempts to maintain the appearance of objectivity and avoid staking value judgements. I believe this could be the case for many reasons, such as the desire to maintain scientific credibility or to mask the influence of corporate power and wealth – most likely a mix of both.

Finally, NGOs have exhibited surprisingly positive attitude, showing relatively little negative sentiment toward the issue of factory farming, a subject that they typically oppose. This could be because the organizations want to provide an optimistic outlook while envisioning and exploring the potential for a future that relies on alternative means of food production. However, I believe there may be another explanation for this positive tone: it is simply a disguise for the NGOs’ unequivocal support of market solutions, which ultimately favor corporations. In fact, I believe this sentiment analysis explains how these actors engage in a discourse dominated by green capitalism and its evident lack of solutions toward the issue of factory farming. This belief is supported by the various organizations’ use of market-oriented language when discussing solutions. Likewise, while much of their rhetoric presents factory farming as an issue, it lacks a coherent critique of the status quo, preferring neutral language to evaluate the problem and positive language in reference to solutions. The NGOs use words such as “improve” and “increase” to denote a need for change, but their calls for action reside within the market system. Throughout these instances, the organizations refer to policymakers as needing to improve sustainable production and practices; however, the language sounds eerily similar to the rhetoric expressed by green capitalists. On the other hand, much of their negative language is used in reference to market impacts —I note words such as "loss," "low," and "risk." These words are used largely in the context of economic consequences of the system of factory farming. Meanwhile, the NGOs often discuss CAFOs in a negative lens but fail to truly condemn the actions of any one institutional actor. Rather, the organizations utilize ambiguous language that leaves corporations and governmental bodies free from real criticism. I found that the NGOs’ discourse only analyzes factory farms on the surface level, mentioning a few problems that CAFOs create but nothing more. Likewise, they give no indication of how CAFOs became an issue, though corporate greed was their creator. Finally, the non-profits focus their rhetoric on superficial solutions that are seen as positive but only treat symptoms of the problem, not the issue itself. This is coupled by the fact that the NGOs only criticize an anonymous evil creator of CAFOs while failing to attack specific corporations or leaders. Thus, the organizations provide green capitalist solutions while making factory farms seem much more positive than reality proves them to be.

As I have suggested throughout the literature review, factory farming and the discourse surrounding the topic is largely dictated by power and wealth. Unfortunately, this discourse has significant ramifications for the way in which policy is produced. The sentiment of various actors regarding CAFOs is largely positive, which indicates that these actors do not realize the severity of the consequences. While factory farming creates an obvious ethical dilemma, it also manifests profound economic, environmental, and health risks. If society and its primary actors treat the issue as if it has predominantly positive implications, it endangers everything in the process. This is precisely because factory farming exacerbates a host of environmental problems while reproducing an inherently unethical hierarchy of labor. The animals themselves suffer as corporations and the like amass incredible profits. Yet, this wealth does not go toward supporting the local communities or solving the consequences it has caused. Rather, the wealth remains in the hands of those whose objective is to accumulate it. Capitalism enables this idea that endless growth and efficiency is more important than the environment itself. Meanwhile, the powerful are able to mislead the public by painting a positive image of animal welfare and profiteering, all in the name of green efficiency. I believe this sentiment analysis provides evidence for my claim. Corporate actors and the like attempt to convince the public of their “green” production, and this positivity is reflected in their language. In each case, the predominant actors favor capitalistic solutions that are insufficient to solve the true crisis we face. Thus, with my argument in mind, I will raise a few solutions with the hope that we can ultimately move toward a more sustainable means of food production.

While I advocate for many solutions, I choose none in particular because any approach to changing our food system and addressing issues of climate change must come from multiple sources. There is no one fix; although, some solutions may prove to be more effective than others. It is my aim to lay out options that policymakers could implement. As such, the most revolutionary and transformative change would come with changing the economic system. While this could take on many forms, I predominantly refer to reshaping the nature of capitalism and the power dynamics that it creates. The government ought to engage in a redistributive politics that diminishes the relationship between power and wealth. An obvious example of such a policy is a corporate and wealth tax which eliminates a portion of the profit associated with factory farms. This money could then be put toward the revitalization of the communities most harmed by CAFOs. Moreover, this must be coupled with a people-centered approach. This would provide the people a greater say in the political realm, allowing them to gain the power taken away from the wealthy. Of course, this solution may work in tandem with the promotion of small farms, which have become nearly extinct as industrialized farming takes over. I believe small farms will engage in far more ethical practices that are more beneficial for the environment and human health alike. Accordingly, the government may be able to assist in this process by providing increased subsidies and tax benefits to small farms. Meanwhile, the federal government can implement stronger regulations on factory farms. This could include more stringent animal welfare laws, as well as proper control of waste management and a carbon tax which accounts for the farms’ increasing emissions. This will allow small farms to become more integrated into the world economy while improving environmental health and reducing the power of corporations.

Finally, any solution must be accompanied by a change in the discursive narrative. This will be a gradual change, encouraged by constant awareness and correction of the language we use. If nothing else, this paper has demonstrated the façade that these actors create in order to make factory farming seem more positive than it is. This façade only hides the unethical practices and consequences of CAFOs. It is this truth that helps change the discourse. Likewise, the public must push institutional actors to treat animals as living beings rather than commodities that are to be sold on a market. As a result, the corporations ought to have a higher sense of accountability. Furthermore, the environmental damage from factory farms should be present in the media and public news. This environmental degradation cannot be hidden forever, and to continue to hide it is to cause greater harm. Lastly, rather than looking toward corporations, the public should look toward professionals, such as health experts or environmental officials, for information. People need to know what they are eating, and the ramifications associated with it. This requires a transparency that corporations do not provide. Ultimately, the dominant discourse is determined by how we treat the issue of factory farming, and that can be changed by pushing institutional actors to promote transparency and accountability.

I have used this paper to provide a comprehensive analysis of the current literature on factory farming and its subsequent relation to capitalism. Likewise, I have described the clear link between discourse and policymaking. Concurrently, sentiment analysis has revealed the true intentions of institutional actors and their disposition toward CAFOs. They try to portray a positive picture of factory farming in order to further their own agenda or to simply deny the truth of their actions. I find that this form of analysis is widely untapped and offers plentiful options for future research. Likewise, I argue that this approach is novel in that it combines the fields of computer science, discourse, and politics. Moreover, sentiment analysis allows one to find a deep and substantive comparison between actions and speech. I used this technique on a topic that has rarely been analyzed in these terms. The issue of factory farming is one that is intimately related to discourse and provides useful insights into the institutional framework of animal agriculture. In this sense, my research has utilized sentiment analysis in a field of study that has otherwise failed to acknowledge the potential benefits of its application. We must acknowledge the need for change in our food systems as well as in the rhetoric we use in relation to food. This is an incredibly complex matter, but the goal of this analysis is to shed light on the issue of factory farming and its surrounding discourse.

My approach certainly has its own limitations. Namely, the sources of data were limited to the information provided by the actors, which oftentimes was quite narrow in scope. Likewise, these documents were rather similar across specific entities within each category, which means there is relatively little diversity in the dataset. This is not to say that individual actors did not have their own unique aspects, just that the content of any one actor was of similar sentiment to the content of other actors of the same category. Alternatively, the lexicon of words and their correlating sentiment scores were limited by the VADER package and its predetermined categorization. While I believe the lexicon is accurate and effective, it may not be as nuanced and specific as a lexicon that was made specifically for this endeavor. Although, something of that stature would take much more time and research, likely an entirely new project. Finally, the last limitation I would like to acknowledge is the range of actors used in this paper. There are likely more types of institutional actors involved in the process of factory farming, such as state agencies, agricultural experts, and international bodies. These and many more most certainly play a role in navigating the discourse and policymaking when it comes to CAFOs and their environmental impact. Unfortunately, including all of these categories of actors in my research would have been incredibly demanding, and there are likely too many to account for, so I chose to limit my search to the main four. With that being said, these are only limitations of my methodological scope and do not take away from the validity of the process or results.

Despite these innate limitations, I have discovered that there is still a lot to learn from discursive analysis. In analyzing the language used by institutional actors, we can begin to understand the relationship between action and dialogue. Moreover, sentiment analysis acts as an important tool for analyzing language without the restrictions of manual linguistics. By automating the process, we have found valuable results, showing how corporations and lobbyists attempt to manipulate public discourse through positive sentiment. Of course, NGOs also show this, indicating that there are many factors that may hold more or less influence than the desire to paint an honest portrayal of factory farms. If anyone were to see the real conditions of CAFOs, they would be very amiss to call them positive. Moreover, this sentiment analysis is incredibly important for policymakers, who must recognize the inherent contradiction in the use of language versus action. In my literature review, it became very clear that this issue has exacerbated a host of environmental problems and is propagated by an economic system solely motivated by profit. Sentiment analysis has provided evidence for these conditions, showing that these leading actors will do whatever they can to protect their enterprise and downplay the actual effects of CAFOs. Finally, and most importantly, this process has revealed the importance of changing the way in which we all approach the food system and incorporate it into our discourse.

Ultimately, I think the field of sentiment analysis is ripe for further research and exploration. Its potential for application is expansive and can lead to unprecedented findings across many different academic fields. Likewise, there is much more to be learned on the topic at hand. This analysis of factory farming could be broadened to include a variety of other actors, as well as additional documentation on the issue. Further research could develop a methodology that analyzes the broader system of food production and includes research on countries other than the United States. The way in which a society produces food affects every person and may be examined within a variety of disciplines. With this being said, I believe there are still many unknowns, which are awaiting further research.

The article was written and researched by myself (Cael Jones), and copy edited by a fellow student, Sarita Gara. My mentor and advisor for this project was Professor Ramiro Berardo at The Ohio State University.

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Garnett, T. (2017).Livestock and Climate Change. In D'Silva, J., & Webster, J. (Eds.), (pp. 31-51). Retrieved from

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Guerrero, D. (2018). The Limits of Capitalist Solutions to the Climate Crisis. In Satgar, V. (Ed.). (pp. 30-46). Wits University Press. https://doi.org/10.18772/22018020541

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Research on Factory Farming and Its Implications—Feb. 21

New York University’s Department of Environmental Studies will host a series of presentations on factory farming and its larger implications on Fri., Feb. 21.

New York University’s Department of Environmental Studies will host a series of presentations on factory farming and its larger implications on Fri., Feb. 21, 1-6 p.m., at NYU’s Hemmerdinger Hall, Silver Center for Arts and Science, 100 Washington Square East (enter at 32 Waverly Place or 31 Washington Place [wheelchair accessible]).

Factory farming has come under increasing scrutiny, with its critics alleging it causes harm to humans, animals, and the environment. However, global support for factory farming is increasing, not decreasing, over time.

The event will feature five award-winning presentations from early-career scholars working on topics related to factory farming. The presentations will cover a wide range of areas—including production, consumption, and policy—from several disciplinary perspectives, including the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. The day will also feature Timothy Pachirat, associate professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and author of Every Twelve Seconds , who will deliver the keynote address, “Our Own Souls to Damn: Scapegoating and Complicity in Industrialized Animal Agriculture.”

Other speakers and presentations include the following:

  • Lingxi Chenyang (University of Michigan and Yale University), “Is Meat the New Tobacco?”
  • Sydney Heiss (University at Albany), “The Moralization of Food Choice in Vegetarians”
  • Natalie Rubio (Tufts University) and Kyle Fish (Tufts University), “Possibilities for Engineered Insect Tissue as a Food Source”
  • Matti Wilks (Yale University), “Testing Potential Psychological Predictors of Attitudes Towards Cultured Meat”
  • Allen Zimmerman (Georgia State University), “Organizational Non-Communication: The Art of Public Deception Through the Concealment of Factory Farming Practices in Modern Corporate Slaughterhouses”

The event, supported by the Animal Welfare Fund at EA Funds and the Brooks Animal Studies Academic Network, is free and open to the public.

Seating is on a first-come, first-served basis. To register, please visit: https://bit.ly/372ZIio . For more information, call 212.992.7950 or email [email protected] .

Subway Lines: 6 (Astor Place); R, W (8th Street); A, B, C, D, E, F, M (West 4th Street).

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Hogs are seen in the Cher Pork Farms facility in Lone Rock, Iowa, U.S., August 28, 2018.

John Flesher, Associated Press John Flesher, Associated Press

  • Copy URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/factory-farms-provide-abundant-food-but-environment-suffers

Factory farms provide abundant food, but environment suffers

AKRON, Iowa (AP) — In recent years, Fred Zenk built two barns housing about 2,400 hogs between them — long, white, concrete-and-metal structures that are ubiquitous in the Midwestern countryside.

The Iowa farmer didn’t follow state requirements to get construction approval and file a manure disposal plan. But Zenk’s operation initially flew under the radar of regulators, as have many others across the United States because of loopholes and spotty enforcement of laws intended to keep the nation’s air and water clean.

Beef, chicken and pork have become more affordable staples in the American diet thanks to industry consolidation and the rise of farms with tens of thousands of animals. Yet federal and state environmental agencies often lack basic information such as where they’re located, how many animals they’re raising and how they deal with manure.

The animals and their waste have fouled waters. The enclosures spew air pollutants that promote climate change and are implicated in illnesses such as asthma. The stench of manure — stored in pits beneath barns or open-air lagoons and eventually spread on croplands as fertilizer — can make life miserable for people nearby.

READ MORE: Does modern society worsen allergies and asthma? Ask the Amish

For most of the nation’s history, meat and dairy products came from independent farms that raised animals in barnyards, pastures and rangeland. But the system now is controlled by giant companies that contract with farmers to produce livestock with the efficiency of auto assembly lines inside warehouse-like barns and sprawling feedlots.

The spread of corporate animal farms is turning neighbor against neighbor in town halls and courtrooms. Iowa, the top U.S. producer of swine and egg-laying chickens, has been a major battleground.

“It’s a fight for survival,” said Chris Petersen, who still raises pigs in outdoor pens.

Michele Merkel, a former EPA attorney who quit over the agency’s reluctance to punish polluting mega-farms and is co-director of the advocacy group Food & Water Justice, said the industry “has avoided any effective regulation and accountability for a long time.”

Industry groups say there are plenty of regulations and livestock agriculture is simply adapting to improved technology, equipment and methods.

“We’re responding to what the market is giving us,” said Brady Reicks, whose company runs numerous large hog structures in northeastern Iowa. “We’re doing it responsibly; we’re passionate about doing it. It increases growth in rural Iowa and it helps feed the world.”

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency began to count the nation’s factory farms during the Obama administration but retreated when industry groups sued. Instead, the agency uses state data to produce annual statistics about only the biggest operations.

As of 2018, the nationwide EPA tally was about 20,300 — a roughly five-fold increase over nearly four decades.

WATCH: How these Massachusetts farmers are turning manure and food waste into power

Yet it’s a tiny fraction of all confined animal operations. The U.S. Department of Agriculture estimates there are more than 450,000, most too small for inclusion in the EPA count.

Iowa has 80 million farm animals and 3 million people. Yet in 2017, regulators didn’t know how many livestock farms were in the state. Under federal pressure, the Department of Natural Resources pored over aerial photos, discovering 4,200 previously unknown facilities.

Zenk’s Plymouth County farm was among them.

“We knew nothing about his operation,” said Sheila Kenny, an environmental specialist with the state agency.

Zenk acknowledged breaking the rules but said no harm was done. He paid a $4,500 fine.

“You think you can get by with something once in a while and you can’t,” he said, strolling among his barns, tractor and feed bins.

To state regulators, such discoveries mean the system works. Critics say the Iowa experience shows how easily livestock operations can escape detection.

Putting thousands of animals in one enclosure produces huge amounts of manure. Unlike human sewage, which is treated and released to waterways, animal waste is stored, then spread on croplands as fertilizer.

Farmers insist they are careful.

“We take soil tests, we decide how much manure it needs and that’s how much we apply,” Reicks said.

Environmental groups say fields often can’t handle the volumes of manure produced, leading to runoff. Such pollution is exempt from regulation under the 1972 Clean Water Act, even though agriculture is the biggest contaminator of rivers and streams, according to the EPA.

READ MORE: How more organic farming could worsen global warming

In Emmett County, Iowa, small farmer Gordon Garrison sued a nearby operation with 4,400 hogs, contending manure from its croplands fouls a creek that runs through his property and feeds the Des Moines River.

“They’re using me for a waste disposal site,” Garrison said.

Livestock farms generate about 70% of the nation’s ammonia emissions, plus gases that cause global warming, particularly methane. Yet they aren’t required to get permits under the Clean Air Act. The government hasn’t decided how to measure emissions from barns, feedlots, storage lagoons and croplands.

And under President Donald Trump, EPA has exempted livestock operations from requirements under other laws that industries report significant releases of air pollutants including ammonia and hydrogen sulfide.

Critics say yesteryear’s barnyard whiffs were nothing like the overpowering stench from today’s supersized operations.

“You don’t want to be anywhere near them,” said Brad Trom, a crop producer in Minnesota’s Dodge County, who lives within three miles of 11 structures housing 30,000 swine. He says he’s been staggered by powerful odors barreling across his fields.

Farmers say they’re trying to reduce the smells but contend they’re a normal part of country life.

“I’ve never lived on a farm that didn’t have nature’s fragrances on it,” said Gary Sovereign, a swine producer in Iowa’s Howard County.

Research has linked proximity to factory farms to various health risks. But scientists acknowledge it’s nearly impossible to pin someone’s illness on a certain polluter.

Jeff and Gail Schwartzkopf say after a hog mega-barn was built a quarter-mile from their home in northern Iowa, they developed burning and itching eyes, throat soreness and body rashes. They fear the manure odors are making them sick and ruining their home.

“Nobody’s going to want to buy it. We’re stuck,” Jeff Shwartzkopf said.

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research papers on factory farm

Factory Farming Versus Environment and Society. The Analysis of Selected Problems

PROBLEMY EKOROZWOJU – Problems of Sustainable Development, 2016, Vol. 12, No. 1, 143-156

14 Pages Posted: 21 Oct 2016

Ignacy S. Fiut

Independent

Marcin Urbaniak

Date Written: October 20, 2016

The thesis examined in the article is the argumentation against a popular belief that industrialised agricultural systems and intensive agriculture are beneficial. Objective facts, reports and commonly available data confirm such argumentation. Intensification in animal farming – in a long-term and multi-faceted approach – turns out to be a practice which not only abuses ecosystems and livestock, but also our health. When we consider all moral, medical and ecological controversies, it seems is meaningful and necessary to express doubts regarding the economic value of factory farming.

Keywords: factory farming, intensive agriculture, monocultures, fishmeal industry

JEL Classification: O13, Q20, Q32, Q41, R11, M14

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Ignacy S. Fiut (Contact Author)

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The Impact of Factory Farming Research Paper

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Harm to Animals

Harm to humans, harm to ecology.

In the past, factory farming was regarded as a technological triumph that would sustain food sufficiency in the growing world population. Today, a growing concern from various experts, including agriculturalists, as well as scientists and policymakers, perceives factory farming as a dead end, a mistaken agricultural approach, and destructive invention to the living systems (Pluhar 455). Factory farming poses serious health threats that cannot be overlooked. Several scientific researchers have shown that the modern practice of factory farming is an increasingly acute danger to human health, the environment, and animal welfare. Until recently, animal welfare associations have avoided the controversial factory farming debates, focusing instead on other conventional aspects such as pet overpopulation and frequent instances of animal cruelty. However, a clash between the moral agents including the animal rights activists and the influential agribusiness businesses appears unavoidable.

Intensive animal confinement and mechanized production procedures generate an enormous volume of animal products used in human consumption (Williams 373). An urgent attention on effects of factory farming to human health, environment and animals is paramount to curb possible disastrous effects in future. Failure to contain and control these methods can lead to a global crisis. Despite the many merits associated with this method, the extent of danger it poses to humanity overweighs all outstanding advantages associated with it. The Pew Commission on Industrial Farm Animal Production investigation research 2008 on the impact of factory farming confirmed the harmful effect posed by products produced through this method and recommended a 10 year for the closure of the most intensive production techniques used in factory farming, including battery cages, force feeding birds to reap their fatty livers for foie gras and gestation crates (The Characteristics of Industrial Agriculture 1). The researchers concluded that the current factory farming is quite purely unacceptable due to its harmful effects on humans, environment, and animals. These findings came at a time when not only the United States but also the global demand for animal products, particularly meat, has risen to their highest point yet. Based on findings explored from a variety of ethical viewpoints, especially utilitarian and rights based perspectives, there is a need to consider other alternatives.

This short writing was meant to highlight that the world we live in today is highly dependent on factory farming and the deep, everlasting impacts it has on our society and lifestyles. Although highlighting the advantages that provide sustainability and economic stability is important, the aim of this paper is to bring forth the wide array of disadvantages and threats to the society and environment that these methods bring. But with all that being said, the industrial livestock production has become a very important part of how the world functions and how the food supply is dependent on it and is distributed across the globe.

Disease and Life Expectancy

Most of the issues that are connected with the factory farming effect on animals are caused by such factor as overcrowding. Large numbers of birds and animals are kept on small territories, which facilitates the spreading of infections. The fish population is also subject to this problem, as the long-term overcrowding may lead to the higher competition for food and result in stress and decline of the immune defense, which can cause the growth of disease rates (Gregory & Grandin, 2007, p. 136). Moreover, the inability of animals to live a natural life results in their shorter life span, which is also disadvantaging for humans as they do not receive enough proteins that could potentially be developed through more sustainable methods (Fick, 2008, p. 163). Thus, the conditions of flock and cattle raising are not only harmful to animals but they also strongly decrease the population, resulting in the lack of food for people.

Painful Practices

The ways of keeping birds and animals used in factory farming are often cruel and causing pain. For instance, there is a practice of beak trimming of chicken that is done to prevent the cases of cannibalism among birds kept in small rooms (Poultry Hub, 2017, para. 1). Besides, most chickens are kept in cages for the most of their lives, which causes various health issues with legs and feathers since they are not adjusted to stand or rub against the wire. These birds need worms and other organic food found in the earth for their optimal growth and functioning (Healthy Eating Politics, 2017, para. 2). However, in the case of factory farming, it is almost impossible to keep an eye on the great numbers of chicken roaming the open ground. Moreover, not all countries have yet adopted the regulations that would allow slaughtering farm animals without them feeling stressed during the process.

Ethical Concern

It is not surprising that more and more people become concerned with the conditions in which farm animals are raised. Although it is true that the large portion of the world’s population is primarily concerned about the cost of products, most people in the developed countries are willing to pay more for food that has been produced in a sustainable way. This is one of the results of the grand survey conducted for ASPCA the last year (ASPCA, 2016, para. 5). Other key findings include the misconceptions about the popular labels regarding the industry and the small literacy in the field of monitoring the farm animal welfare. These results show that although people are concerned with the state of farm animals, they do not make much effort to study the subject in depth. Marketing is a powerful tool to make people believe that the food they consume is eco-friendly, yet a little portion of customers studies whether these claims are true. It is possible that the primary concern of people who choose sustainable food producers is to look better in public through supporting the modern ethical trends. However, even this artificial interest has already created a demand for the new agricultural techniques that would prevent the animal suffering. It may possibly occur in the future that the developed countries will pass the laws prohibiting the factory farming. In any case, the survey made for ASPCA clearly shows that people lack education in matters concerning animal cruelty in the field of the food production.

Farmers’ Health State

It is not only animals who suffer health issues from the factory farming methods. People who work on farms also go through the illness cases directly caused by the use of chemicals during their work. For instance, the study of the rice field workers in the Philippines has shown that they experience problems with sight, blood pressure, and digestion (Naylor, 1996, p. 64). The research connects these problems with the extensive use of pesticides for tackling weeds. Another evidence shows that the long-term exposure to the sun can cause problems with skin such as the early aging and melanoma cases (Ulimwengu, 2009, p. 1). Besides, people who work directly with animals are regularly exposed to viruses and diseases that can be transmitted to humans. While this issue can be present in natural farming, the intensive methods pose higher risks due to the larger numbers of cattle.

Disease Spreading

The spreading of diseases among other people is also influenced by the factory farming. The overcrowded facilities create perfect conditions for the development of viruses and pathogenic bacteria (Geer, 2014, para. 2). Because of a large number of animals, viruses can mutate to get new forms, which is happening every year. Studies suggest that the factory farming could lead humanity to the situation of the so-called “antibiotic apocalypse” when new viruses would be resistant to all forms of medicine (Woolfe, 2016, para. 1). This estimation seems particularly accurate, as scientists are currently observing the growing number of flu forms which become harder to treat each year. All the vaccines that are currently used in the healthcare system may become ineffective due to the rapid development of the new disease types, and humanity may need to rethink the whole treatment ways to tackle this problem along with changing the ways in the agricultural field.

Antibiotics and Hormones

Apart from the threat of the disease spreading, factory farming is a source of the population’s health state worsening, as the majority of meat and dairy products are full of antibiotics and hormones used on animals to prevent them from falling ill or to help them gain mass. When antibiotics are consumed by people, they can cause the extinction of the natural microflora in the digestion system, resulting in the malfunctioning of the whole body. Hormones are even more dangerous, as they change the vital processes in a body that can lead to such problems as diabetes and obesity. The recent survey made by the National Research Center shows that people become more concerned about reducing antibiotics in food production (National Research Center, 2015, p. 3). More than half of the respondents answered that they find this matter to be very important. However, it is impossible to reject the usage of medicine in factory farming since the large numbers of animals cannot be kept healthy if they live at the same place. It becomes evident that the current methods in agriculture are not satisfying as perceived by the majority of the American population. The problem is further deepened by the food producers who do not state on their products that animals were treated with antibiotics and hormones. It might be the task of the government that needs to address this issue and make the farming safer by obliging producers to regulate the amount of medication they use since ensuring the interest of citizens is the country’s top priority.

Deforestation

The fact of destroying the natural landscape by factory farming is probably the most pressuring issue caused by this industry. Such problem as deforestation is the biggest one, as it can be traced in the emerging states like Ghana, where there is an urgent need to create a more effective department of agriculture, as the country is suffering from the inappropriate land usage (Asante, 2005, p. 185). Asia is also suffering from the current practices. For instance, vast territories of the mangrove forests are suitable for shrimp farming, which is causing a gradual destruction of these areas (Barbier & Sathirathai, 2004, p. 56). It is easy to predict that if the current methods of farming continue to prevail, the state of the Earth will change in the next several decades. Forests provide oxygen and protect the planet from overheating. Failure to save these precious territories will result in the climate change.

Loss of Species

Deforestation and changing of other areas lead directly to the shortage of fauna species. As animals lose their natural habitats, they have to adapt to the new conditions, which is impossible to achieve in the short run. The World Wide Fund for Nature claims that 50 percent of the world’s lands have been turned into farming territories, which is threatening animals living there (WWF, 2016). The fauna world is not the only one suffering, as plants are also endangered in the changing world. The growth of the population in the United Kingdom has caused the increase in the territories used for the farming purposes, which resulted in the extinction of hundreds of domestic species (Marshall, 2016). While people strive to feed themselves properly, they forget the importance of their surrounding and it may soon happen that humanity will find itself to be one of the few species left on Earth.

Pollution and Starving

The issue of pollution is widely discussed in public. It is no longer surprising that farming causes water and soil contamination that heavily impacts the environment. However, it is much less discussed that pollution can harm the food production itself. The research made recently is based on the interview conducted with several farmers in Thailand who are growing rice (Khai & Yabe, 2013). One of the most peculiar answers given by the respondents is that water pollution is causing the production of rice to grow in cost. Contaminated water and soil prevent crops from the proper development, as many of them die. This information may serve as a reason for rethinking the modern ways of farming. Many regions of the world, and especially Asia, are dependent on rice, and the increasing cost of this product may lead to the starvation of millions of people. This fact undermines the initial idea of factory farming which lies in providing affordable food to as many people as possible through cheaper technologies and less workforce required to produce the product. It is possible that the problem of overpopulation is the primary cause to the fact that humanity cannot afford to switch to the more natural methods in agriculture. However, if things will be kept the way they are now, humanity may face famine along with the other problems already described in this paper. It is evident that the more lands are polluted by farming, the less territories can be used for food production in the future.

Summarizing all the factors stated above, it becomes clear that factory farming presents more disadvantages than offers benefits to people. Although this method of agriculture provides food for the large numbers of consumers, it cannot satisfy this need in the long run. Factory farming affects the whole planet and can no longer be supported if humans want to ensure they live in the healthy environment It becomes evident that, while this method of farming is extremely developed in the world and is currently the only option to produce large quantities of food, countries’ administration offices must thing of the new ways to eliminate the existing problems.

This paper has discussed in detail the issues caused by factory farming. Firstly, the cruel practices regarding animals can no longer be sustained in the modern world where people have come to an understanding of the life importance of every creature. Secondly, the impact of factory farming on the human health is also disturbing, as many people are currently suffering from diseases and viruses acquired through the consumption of meat and dairy products. Finally, the effect that the current methods in agriculture industry have on the environment are devastating as they destruct the land and sea habitats and cause many species of flora and fauna to go extinct.

It becomes evident that people are becoming more concerned with the situation. While the mass interest in the topic is essential, it should become the task of the governments to form laws and regulations that would change the current situation. Luckily, many administration representatives, especially in the developed states, have already paid their attention to the problem. It may be expected in the nearest future that factory farming would become much less harmful for people and environment since there are no real alternatives that could substitute this technique at the moment.

Nowadays, more and more businesses start campaigns to support the environment. Even food producers try to ensure potential customers their products are eco-friendly and good for health. The growing number of food suppliers who use natural farming methods supports the demand for the green technologies in agriculture. All of these trends can serve as a signal to the forthcoming end of such practice as the factory farming as it is known today.

Asante, M. S. (2005). Deforestation in Ghana: Explaining the chronic failure of forest preservation policies in a developing country . Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

ASPCA. (2016). New research finds vast majority of Americans concerned about farm animal welfare, confused by food labels and willing to pay more for better treatment . Web.

Barbier, E., & Sathirathai, S. (2004). Shrimp farming and mangrove loss in Thailand . Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

Fick, G. W. (2008). Food, farming, and faith . Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Geer, A. (2014). 5 modern diseases on the rise because of factory farming. One Green Planet . Web.

Gregory, N. G., & Grandin, T. (2007). Animal welfare and meat production . Cambridge, MA: CABI.

Healthy Eating Politics. (n. d.). Free range chickens . Web.

Khai, H. V., & Yabe, M. (2013). Impact of industrial water pollution on rice production in Vietnam. In N. W. T. Quinn (Ed.), International perspectives on water quality management and pollutant control (pp. 61-85). Rijeka, Croatia: INTECH.

Marshall, C. (2016). Nature loss linked to farming intensity. BBC News . Web.

National Research Center. (2015). Natural food labels survey . Web.

Naylor, R. (1996). Herbicides in Asian rice: Transitions in weed management . Stanford, CA: Stanford University.

Poultry Hub. (2016). Beak trimming . Web.

Ulimwengu, J. M. (2009 ). Farmers health status, agricultural efficiency, and poverty in rural Ethiopia . Washington, D.C.: International Food Policy Research Institute.

Woolfe, S. (2016, October 17). Factory farming could lead us to “antibiotic apocalypse.” The Canary . Web.

WWF. (2016). Farming: Habitat conversion & loss . Web.

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Ethical Aspects Of Factory Farming

Factory farming: development and its major environmental problems, aristotle, mills and kant's views on factory farming, the effects of factory farming on our environment, environmental impact of dairy farming in new zealand, actual problems in the current system of animal agriculture and the inability of the fda and usda to solve them, can the human body benefit from eating vegan or are we meant to consume animal products, farming today, and what it means for our tomorrow, animal farming as one of the primary contributors of major problems in the world.

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Farm Research Papers Samples For Students

120 samples of this type

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Good Research Paper On United Farm Workers of America

United Farm Workers of America, also known as UFWA was a result of the coming together of two lesser labor unions. These labor unions were led by two people, Cesar Chavez and Larry Itilong. Larry Itilong was the founder and organizer of Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, also known as AWOC whilst Cesar Chavez was the founder and organizer of National Farm Workers Association, also known as NFWA.

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Sample Research Paper On Factory Farms

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Public policy in the United States refers to legislature on the production, distribution and selling practices of food products. Ever since the Great Depression, the federal government came up with regulations known as the Farm Bill that would assist the farmers by increasing and stabilizing their farm earnings (Godwin, Mishra and Ortalo- Magne, 6). Over the history of the country, the government has used two tools, price supports and price control to ensure that the income of the farmers is not adversely or negatively affected.

Example Of Research Paper On The United States Farm Bill

In January 2014, Congress passed an act that would promote reform of agricultural programs in the United States which would become known as the Farm Bill (GPO.gov, 2014) and it was signed into law in February 2014 (NIFA.usda.gov, 2016). In addition to agricultural programs, the bill supports employment and research within the industry (YouTube, 2014). It also relegates funding for tribal institutions for Native Americans and black institutions such as Central State University in Ohio.

Research Paper On Effect Of Federal Milk Marketing Orders On Possible Farm Milk Processing

(School Affiliation)

Federal milk marketing orders (FMMO) hoist prices of fluid milk produce and decrease the values of manufactured dairy goods for example cheese and ice cream. What consequences do the prices alterations have on the welfare of a variety of groups of customers? Do the milk marketing orders favour the wealthy over the unfortunate? To vividly answer these questions it is better to have an understanding of the effect of Federal Milk marketing orders on possible Farm Milk Processing. This paper gives an overview of facts about the milk marketing orders presenting an understanding of it effects.

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Lastly, The Same Report Indicates The Number Of Dairy Related Firms In Egypt, Numbering Research Paper Examples

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I have reviewed your memo regarding our client Howdy Brewster describing his business activities and the recent events which have occurred that could have an impact on his 2011 tax returns. His business is a farm and dairy operation on 850 acres of land. The land has been in the family for close to 125 years. There are three existing houses on his property.

Struggle For Rights By The Chicano People Research Paper

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The story is the story of the grandfather of David, one of my best friend. I knew that his family was migrated from Mexico, so I asked my friend to arrange my meeting with his grandfather. His name is George and now 90 years old. He told that they were six brothers, and he was the youngest one. He was graduated at that time.

Junk Food As A Catalyst For Obesity In Americans And How It Can Be Avoided Research Paper

Free research paper on the linkages and impacts of the, dust bowl in the great plains.

ABSTRACT The nineteen thirties was the time of great tragedy and crisis in America. Together with the recession that hit its economic fields, an ecological and agricultural problem came next as drought brought the Dust Bowl. It was caused by environmental changes and man-made land degradation. The effects of the Dust Bowl added to the recession and downfall of the American economy, but have resulted to the development of technologies that helped agriculture. It was a remarkable moment for the west as it moulded what it is and where it is in the map of the world today.

INTRODUCTION

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Executive Summary: 3 Introduction 4 Goals and Objectives 5 Method Used 6 Key Trends: 6 Economic Trend 6 Culture and Social Trend 7 General Trends 8 Ecological Trend: 8 Agriculture 9 Data Analysis 9 Questionnaire Analysis: 10 Interview: 11 Focus Group Interview: 12 Data on Birds: 13 Recommendations 14 Limitations 15

References 16

Appendix: 17

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