Engagement occurs as traumatic stress influences school-based behaviors
Psychoeducation . | Assessment . | Individualized Support . |
---|---|---|
Conduct psychoeducational conversations with all students on the impact of traumatic exposure across developmental domains: social, emotional, cognitive, and academic | Informal process accompanying psychoeducation that leads to the identification of students requiring further, more intensive support | One-on-one counseling related to student's adverse experience Engagement occurs as traumatic stress influences school-based behaviors |
Note: ALIVE = Animating Learning by Integrating and Validating Experience.
The classroom is a place traditionally dedicated to academic pursuits; however, it also serves as an indicator of trauma's impact on cognitive functioning evidenced by poor grades, behavioral dysregulation, and social turbulence. ALIVE practitioners conduct weekly trauma-focused dialogues in the classroom to normalize conversations addressing trauma, to recruit and rehearse more adaptive cognitive skills, and to engage in an insight-oriented process ( Sajnani et al., 2014 ).
Using a parable as a projective tool for identification and connection, the model helps students tolerate direct discussions about adverse experiences. The ALIVE practitioner begins each academic year by telling the parable of a woman named Miss Kendra, who struggled to cope with the loss of her 10-year-old child. Miss Kendra is able to make meaning out of her loss by providing support for schoolchildren who have encountered adverse experiences, serving as a reminder of the strength it takes to press forward after a traumatic event. The intention of this parable is to establish a metaphor for survival and strength to fortify the coping skills already held by trauma-exposed middle school students. Furthermore, Miss Kendra offers early adolescents an opportunity to project their own needs onto the story, creating a personalized figure who embodies support for socioemotional growth.
Following this parable, the students’ attention is directed toward Miss Kendra's List, a poster that is permanently displayed in the classroom. The list includes a series of statements against adolescent maltreatment, comprehensively identifying various traumatic stressors such as witnessing domestic violence; being physically, verbally, or sexually abused; and losing a loved one to neighborhood violence. The second section of the list identifies what may happen to early adolescents when they experience trauma from emotional, social, and academic perspectives. The practitioner uses this list to provide information about the nature and impact of trauma, while modeling for students and staff the ability to discuss difficult experiences as a way of connecting with one another with a sense of hope and strength.
Furthermore, creating a dialogue about these issues with early adolescents facilitates a culture of acceptance, tolerance, and understanding, engendering empathy and identification among students. This fostering of interpersonal connection provides a reparative and differentiated experience to trauma ( Hartling & Sparks, 2008 ; Henderson & Thompson, 2010 ; Johnson & Lubin, 2015 ) and is particularly important given the peer-focused developmental tasks of early adolescence. The positive feelings evoked through classroom-based conversation are predicated on empathic identification among the students and an accompanying sense of relief in understanding the scope of trauma's impact. Furthermore, the consistent appearance of and engagement by the ALIVE practitioner, and the continual presence of Miss Kendra's list, effectively counters traumatically informed expectations of abandonment and loss while aligning with a public health model that attends to the impact of trauma on a regular, systemwide basis.
Participatory and Somatic Indicators for Informal Assessment during the Psychoeducation Component of the ALIVE Intervention
Participatory . | Somatic . |
---|---|
Attempting to the conversation | A disposition |
Subtle forms of | Bodily of somatic activation |
A in specific dialogue around certain trauma types | Physical displays of or |
, functions as a physical form of avoidance |
Participatory . | Somatic . |
---|---|
Attempting to the conversation | A disposition |
Subtle forms of | Bodily of somatic activation |
A in specific dialogue around certain trauma types | Physical displays of or |
, functions as a physical form of avoidance |
Notes: ALIVE = Animating Learning by Integrating and Validating Experience. Examples are derived from authors’ clinical experiences.
In addition to behavioral symptoms, the content of conversation is considered. All practitioners in the ALIVE program are mandated reporters, and any content presented that meets criteria for suspicion of child maltreatment is brought to the attention of the school leadership and ALIVE director. According to Johnson (2012) , reports of child maltreatment to the Connecticut Department of Child and Family Services have actually decreased in the schools where the program has been implemented “because [the ALIVE program is] catching problems well before they have risen to the severity that would require reporting” (p. 17).
The following demonstrates a middle school classroom psychoeducation session and assessment facilitated by an ALIVE practitioner (the first author). All names and identifying characteristics have been changed to protect confidentiality.
Ms. Skylar's seventh grade class comprised many students living in low-income housing or in a neighborhood characterized by high poverty and frequent criminal activity. During the second week of school, I introduced myself as a practitioner who was here to speak directly about difficult experiences and how these instances might affect academic functioning and students’ thoughts about themselves, others, and their environment.
After sharing the Miss Kendra parable and list, I invited the students to share their thoughts about Miss Kendra and her journey. Tyreke began the conversation by wondering whether Miss Kendra lost her child to gun violence, exploring the connection between the list and the story and his own frequent exposure to neighborhood shootings. To transition a singular connection to a communal one, I asked the students if this was a shared experience. The majority of students nodded in agreement. I referred the students back to the list and asked them to identify how someone's school functioning or mood may be affected by ongoing neighborhood gun violence. While the students read the list, I actively monitored reactions and scanned for inattention and active avoidance. Performing both active facilitation of discussion and monitoring students’ reactions is critical in accomplishing the goals of providing quality psychoeducation and identifying at-risk students for intervention.
After inspection, Cleo remarked that, contrary to a listed outcome on Miss Kendra's list, neighborhood gun violence does not make him feel lonely; rather, he “doesn't care about it.” Slumped down in his chair, head resting on his crossed arms on the desk in front of him, Cleo's body language suggested a somatized disengagement. I invited other students to share their individual reactions. Tyreke agreed that loneliness is not the identified affective experience; rather, for him, it's feeling “mad or scared.” Immediately, Greg concurred, expressing that “it makes me more mad, and I think about my family.”
Encouraging a variety of viewpoints, I stated, “It sounds like it might make you mad, scared, and may even bring up thoughts about your family. I wonder why people have different reactions?” Doing so moved the conversation into a phase of deeper reflection, simultaneously honoring the students’ voiced experience while encouraging critical thinking. A number of students responded by offering connections to their lives, some indicating they had difficulty identifying feelings. I reflected back, “Sometimes people feel something, but can't really put their finger on it, and sometimes they know exactly how they feel or who it makes them think about.”
I followed with a question: “How do you think it affects your schoolwork or feelings when you're in school?” Greg and Natalia both offered that sometimes difficult or confusing thoughts can consume their whole day, even while in class. Sharon began to offer a related comment when Cleo interrupted by speaking at an elevated volume to his desk partner, Tyreke. The two began to snicker and pull focus. By the time they gained the class's full attention, Cleo was openly laughing and pushing his chair back, stating, “No way! She DID!? That's crazy”; he began to stand up, enlisting Tyreke in the process. While this disruption may be viewed as a challenge to the discussion, it is essential to understand all behavior in context of the session's trauma content. Therefore, Cleo's outburst was interpreted as a potential avenue for further exploration of the topic regarding gun violence and difficulties concentrating. In turn, I posed this question to the class: “Should we talk about this stuff? I wonder if sometimes people have a hard time tolerating it. Can anybody think of why it might be important? Sharon, I think you were saying something about this.” While Sharon continued to share, Cleo and Tyreke gradually shifted their attention back to the conversation. I noted the importance of an individual follow-up with Cleo.
Natalia jumped back in the conversation, stating, “I think we talk about stuff like this so we know about it and can help people with it.” I checked in with the rest of the class about this strategy for coping with the impact of trauma exposure on school functioning: “So it sounds like these thoughts have a pretty big impact on your day. If that's the case, how do you feel less worried or mad or scared?” Marta quickly responded, “You could talk to someone.” I responded, “Part of my job here is to be a person to talk to one-on-one about these things. Hopefully, it will help you feel better to get some of that stuff off your chest.” The students nodded, acknowledging that I would return to discuss other items on the list and that there would be opportunities to check in with me individually if needed.
On reflection, Cleo's disruption in the discussion may be attributed to his personal difficulty emotionally managing intrusive thoughts while in school. This clinical assumption was not explicitly named in the moment, but was noted as information for further individual follow-up. When I met individually with Cleo, Cleo reported that his cousin had been shot a month ago, causing him to feel confused and angry. I continued to work with him individually, which resulted in a reduction of behavioral disruptions in the classroom.
In the preceding case example, the practitioner performed a variety of public health tasks. Foremost was the introduction of how traumatic experience may affect individuals and their relationships with others and their role as a student. Second, the practitioner used Miss Kendra and her list as a foundational mechanism to ground the conversation and serve as a reference point for the students’ experience. Finally, the practitioner actively monitored individual responses to the material as a means of identifying students who may require more support. All three of these processes are supported within the public health framework as a means toward assessment and early intervention for early adolescents who may be exposed to trauma.
Students are seen for individualized support if they display significant externalizing or internalizing trauma-related behavior. Students are either self-referred; referred by a teacher, administrator, or staff member; or identified by an ALIVE practitioner. Following the principle of immediate engagement based on emergent traumatic material, individual sessions are brief, lasting only 15 to 20 minutes. Using trauma-centered psychotherapy ( Johnson & Lubin, 2015 ), a brief inquiry addressing the current problem is conducted to identify the trauma trigger connected to the original harm, fostering cognitive discrimination. Conversation about the adverse experience proceeds in a calm, direct way focusing on differentiating between intrusive memories and the current situation at school ( Sajnani et al., 2014 ). Once the student exhibits greater emotional regulation, the ALIVE practitioner returns the student to the classroom in a timely manner and may provide either brief follow-up sessions for preventive purposes or, when appropriate, refer the student to more regular, clinical support in or out of the school.
The following case example is representative of the brief, immediate, and open engagement with traumatic material and encouragement of cognitive discrimination. This intervention was conducted with a sixth grade student, Jacob (name and identifying information changed to ensure confidentiality), by an ALIVE practitioner (the second author).
I found Jacob in the hallway violently shaking a trash can, kicking the classroom door, and slamming his hands into the wall and locker. His teacher was standing at the door, distressed, stating, “Jacob, you need to calm down and go to the office, or I'm calling home!” Jacob yelled, “It's not fair, it was him, not me! I'm gonna fight him!” As I approached, I asked what was making him so angry, but he said, “I don't want to talk about it.” Rather than asking him to calm down or stop slamming objects, I instead approached the potential memory agitating him, stating, “My guess is that you are angry for a very good reason.” Upon this simple connection, he sighed and stopped kicking the trash can and slamming the wall. Jacob continued to demonstrate physical and emotional activation, pacing the hallway and making a fist; however, he was able to recount putting trash in the trash can when a peer pushed him from behind, causing him to yell. Jacob explained that his teacher heard him yelling and scolded him, making him more mad. Jacob stated, “She didn't even know what happened and she blamed me. I was trying to help her by taking out all of our breakfast trash. It's not fair.”
The ALIVE practitioner listens to students’ complaints with two ears, one for the current complaint and one for affect-laden details that may be connected to the original trauma to inquire further into the source of the trigger. Affect-laden details in case example 2 include Jacob's anger about being blamed (rather than toward the student who pushed him), his original intention to help, and his repetition of the phrase “it's not fair.” Having met with Jacob previously, I was aware that his mother suffers from physical and mental health difficulties. When his mother is not doing well, he (as the parentified child) typically takes care of the household, performing tasks like cooking, cleaning, and helping with his two younger siblings and older autistic brother. In the past, Jacob has discussed both idealizing his mother and holding internalized anger that he rarely expresses at home because he worries his anger will “make her sick.”
I know sometimes when you are trying to help mom, there are times she gets upset with you for not doing it exactly right, or when your brothers start something, she will blame you. What just happened sounds familiar—you were trying to help your teacher by taking out the garbage when another student pushed you, and then you were the one who got in trouble.
Jacob nodded his head and explained that he was simply trying to help.
I moved into a more detailed inquiry, to see if there was a more recent stressor I was unaware of. When I asked how his mother was doing this week, Jacob revealed that his mother's health had deteriorated and his aunt had temporarily moved in. Jacob told me that he had been yelled at by both his mother and his aunt that morning, when his younger brother was not ready for school. I asked, “I wonder if when the student pushed you it reminded you of getting into trouble because of something your little brother did this morning?” Jacob nodded. The displacement was clear: He had been reminded of this incident at school and was reacting with anger based on his family dynamic, and worries connected to his mother.
My guess is that you were a mix of both worried and angry by the time you got to school, with what's happening at home. You were trying to help with the garbage like you try to help mom when she isn't doing well, so when you got pushed it was like your brother being late, and then when you got blamed by your teacher it was like your mom and aunt yelling, and it all came flooding back in. The problem is, you let out those feelings here. Even though there are some similar things, it's not totally the same, right? Can you tell me what is different?
Jacob nodded and was able to explain that the other student was probably just playing and did not mean to get him into trouble, and that his teacher did not usually yell at him or make him worried. Highlighting this important differentiation, I replied, “Right—and fighting the student or yelling at the teacher isn't going to solve this, but more importantly, it isn't going to make your mom better or have your family go any easier on you either.” Jacob stated that he knew this was true.
I reassured Jacob that I could help him let out those feelings of worry and anger connected to home so they did not explode out at school and planned to meet again. Jacob confirmed that he was willing to do that. He was able to return to the classroom without incident, with the entire intervention lasting less than 15 minutes.
In case example 2, the practitioner was available for an immediate engagement with disturbing behaviors as they were happening by listening for similarities between the current incident and traumatic stressors; asking for specific details to more effectively help Jacob understand how he was being triggered in school; providing psychoeducation about how these two events had become confused and aiding him in cognitively differentiating between the two; and, last, offering to provide further support to reduce future incidents.
Germane to the practice of school social work is the ability to work flexibly within a public health model to attend to trauma within the school setting. First, we suggest that a primary implication for school social workers is not to wait for explicit problems related to known traumatic experiences to emerge before addressing trauma in the school, but, rather, to follow a model of prevention-assessment-intervention. School social workers are in a unique position within the school system to disseminate trauma-informed material to both students and staff in a preventive capacity. Facilitating this implementation will help to establish a tone and sharpened focus within the school community, norming the process of articulating and engaging with traumatic material. In the aforementioned classroom case example, we have provided a sample of how school social workers might work with entire classrooms on a preventive basis regarding trauma, rather than waiting for individual referrals.
Second, in addition to functional behavior assessments and behavior intervention plans, school social workers maintain a keen eye for qualitative behavioral assessment ( National Association of Social Workers, 2012 ). Using this skill set within a trauma-informed model will help to identify those students in need who may be reluctant or resistant to explicitly ask for help. As called for by Walkley and Cox (2013) , we suggest that using the information presented in Table 1 will help school social workers understand, identify, and assess the impact of trauma on early adolescent developmental tasks. If school social workers engage on a classroom level in trauma psychoeducation and conversations, the information in Table 3 may assist with assessment of children and provide a basis for checking in individually with students as warranted.
Third, school social workers are well positioned to provide individual targeted, trauma-informed interventions based on previous knowledge of individual trauma and through widespread assessment ( Walkley & Cox, 2013 ). The individual case example provides one way of immediately engaging with students who are demonstrating trauma-based behaviors. In this model, school social workers engage in a brief inquiry addressing the current trauma to identify the trauma trigger, discuss the adverse experience in a calm but direct way, and help to differentiate between intrusive memories and the current situation at school. For this latter component, the focus is on cognitive discrimination and emotional regulation so that students can reengage in the classroom within a short time frame.
Fourth, given social work's roots in collaboration and community work, school social workers are encouraged to use a systems-based approach in partnering with allied practitioners and institutions ( D'Agostino, 2013 ), thus supporting the public health tenet of establishing and maintaining a link to the wider community. This may include referring students to regular clinical support in or out of the school. Although the implementation of a trauma-informed program will vary across schools, we suggest that school social workers have the capacity to use a public health school intervention model to ecologically address the psychosocial and behavioral issues stemming from trauma exposure.
As increasing attention is being given to adverse childhood experiences, a tiered approach that uses a public health framework in the schools is necessitated. Nevertheless, there are some limitations to this approach. First, although the interventions outlined here are rooted in prevention and early intervention, there are times when formal, intensive treatment outside of the school setting is warranted. Second, the ALIVE program has primarily been implemented by ALIVE practitioners; the results from piloting this public health framework in other school settings with existing school personnel, such as school social workers, will be necessary before widespread replication.
The public health framework of prevention-assessment-intervention promotes continual engagement with middle school students’ chronic exposure to traumatic stress. There is a need to provide both broad-based and individualized support that seeks to comprehensively ameliorate the social, emotional, and cognitive consequences on early adolescent developmental milestones associated with traumatic experiences. We contend that school social workers are well positioned to address this critical public health issue through proactive and widespread psychoeducation and assessment in the schools, and we have provided case examples to demonstrate one model of doing this work within the school day. We hope that this article inspires future writing about how school social workers individually and systemically address trauma in the school system. In alignment with Walkley and Cox (2013) , we encourage others to highlight their practice in incorporating trauma-informed, school-based programming in an effort to increase awareness of effective interventions.
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