literature review on domestic violence in india

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Violence Against Women in India: An Analysis of Correlates of Domestic Violence and Barriers and Facilitators of Access to Resources for Support

Bushra sabri, arthi rameshkumar.

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Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Bushra Sabri, School of Nursing, 525 North Wolfe Street, Room N530L, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD-21205. Contact: [email protected] ; Twitter: @bushrasabri. Phone: 410-955-7105

Issue date 2022.

Domestic violence (DV) is a significant public health problem in India, with women disproportionately impacted. This study a) identified risk and protective correlates of DV and, b) barriers and facilitators for seeking and receiving help for DV among women in India.

A systematic search of 5 databases was performed to identify correlates of DV in the quantitative literature. The search resulted in inclusion of 68 studies for synthesis. For qualitative exploration, data were collected from 27 women in India.

While factors such as social norms and attitudes supportive of DV were both risk correlates and barriers to addressing DV, omen’s empowerment, financial independence and informal sources of support were both protective correlates of DV as well as facilitators in addressing DV.

Conclusions:

Strong efforts in India are needed to reduce DV-related risk factors and strengthen protective factors and enhance access to care for women in abusive relationships.

Keywords: Domestic violence, women, help-seeking, resources

Domestic violence (DV) is a global social problem with devastating physical and mental health effects on individuals experiencing victimization. India suffers a high burden of DV against women. In the 2019-2021 India National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), 32% of ever-married women in India reported experiencing physical, sexual, or emotional violence by their current or former husband. Women’s experiences of any DV varied across states or union territories, with the highest prevalence in the southern state of Karnataka (48%) ( International Institute of Population Sciences, 2022 ). According to the National Crime Records Bureau (2019) report, approximately 31% of the cases reported under crimes against women were classified under DV (i.e., the category of cruelty by husbands or his relatives). A systematic review of 137 quantitative studies examining DV experiences of Indian women identified that median and range of lifetime estimates of multiple forms of DV among women were 41% (18-75%) and past year estimates were 30% (4-56%) ( Kalokhe et al., 2017 ). Of note is that women in rural areas were more likely than those in urban areas to experience DV victimization (36% versus 28%) ( International Institute of Population Services, 2017 ).

DV has been defined as “all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim” ( Chernikov & Goncharenko, 2021 ; p.811). The United Nations defines DV as a “pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over any intimate partner.” “This includes any behaviors that frighten, intimidate, terrorize, manipulate, hurt, humiliate, blame, injure, or wound someone” ( United Nations, n.d. ; 1 st para). In India, the definition of DV under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA) (2005) is in consonance with the UN definition of DV. DV in Indian context is defined as “harming, injuring, or endangering the health, safety, life, limb or well-being, whether mental or physical, of the aggrieved person” ( The Gazette of India, 2005 ; p. 3). Similar to the UN definition, the definition of DV in India includes actual or the threat of physical, sexual, economic and/or psychological harm perpetrated on the woman by her spouse or intimate partner ( The Gazette of India, 2005 ). However, the perpetrators of DV in Indian context expands the global definition to include both spouse and/or in-laws ( Sabri et al., 2015 ; Sabri & Young, 2021 ). Additional behaviors included in DV in India are honor killings, unwarranted dowry demands and related harassment by husband and/or in-laws ( Bhandari & Hughes, 2017 ; Sabri et al., 2015 ; Sabri & Young, 2021 ; The Gazette of India, 2005 ). Entrenched patriarchy, rigid gender norms and unequal power and control between spouses are some of the factors that play a role in perpetration of DV by the spouse and/or by spouse’s family members (i.e., in-laws) ( Bhandari & Hughes, 2017 ; Rai & Choi, 2021 ; Ragavan & Iyengar, 2020 ; Sabri & Young, 2021 ). DV has a devastating impact on physical and mental health of women. Furthermore, experiences of DV are associated with prolonged trauma, decreased self-worth, emotional distress ( Campbell, 2002 ; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2008 ; Sabri et al., 2014 ) and extreme consequences such as, homicides and suicides ( Sabri et al., 2015 ; Sabri & Young, 2021 ). A large number of DV-related deaths have been reported in India, with most frequently identified motive being dowry demands followed by a history of DV or harassment and family conflict ( Sabri et al., 2015 ).

Correlates of Domestic Violence

Identifying correlates of DV can be useful for developing prevention and intervention efforts for DV in India. Research has associated several factors operating at multiple levels of the socio-ecological model (societal, community, relationship, and individual) with DV among women (World Health Organization (WHO), 2020). In the Indian context, the correlates of DV at the societal level include patriarchal attitudes and beliefs, social and cultural norms (e.g., dowry) as well as justification of violence against women when they deviate from gender inequitable norms ( Koenig et al., 2006 ; Sabri et al., 2015 ; Sabri et al., 2021 ). At the community level, residence in slums with concentrated poverty, stigma of DV, and limited access to resources can enhance women’s exposures to DV ( Sabri & Campbell, 2015 ). Gender-role expectations and partner/husband’s and in-laws’ characteristics and behaviors (e.g., husband’s controlling behavior, both emotional and financial, ( Bhandari & Hughes, 2017 ; Dalal & Lindqvist, 2012 ) are examples of factors at the relationship level and personal history factors, such as low socio-economic status are factors at the individual level ( Sabri et al., 2014 ; Sabri et al 2021 ).

Barriers and Facilitators of Help-seeking or Addressing Abuse

Despite the high prevalence estimates of DV, there is under-reporting of cases of DV in India. Culturally, women bear the burden of upholding family values and honor. The importance of keeping family consistency, honor and preserving the public image of a happy, healthy, and successful family, can lead to underreporting of DV by survivors ( Husain, 2019 ). The Indian cultural values as well as perception of DV as more of a private or family matter ( Nigam, 2017 ) impact reporting or help-seeking as well as receiving help for abuse. The rigid gender-roles for men and women, and patriarchal values can cause women to occupy a lower social standing compared to men ( Rai & Choi, 2021 ; Rai, 2020 ; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005 ; Sabri, Simonet et al., 2018 ; Sabri, 2014 ). This lower status is one of the barriers to help-seeking. Marriage in the Indian community is distinct from the American culture, which is a union of families rather than two individuals. Often the couple has had limited contact prior to the marriage festivities ( Sharma et al.,2013 ). The salience of family honor (Izzat) and the expectations attached to being a good daughter-in-law can deter women from disclosing matters relating to domestic abuse outside of the home, further reducing the likelihood of seeking help ( Gangoli & Rew, 2011 ; Mahapatra & Rai, 2019 ; Raghavan & Iyengar, 2020 ). Living in joint families with in-laws may also be a risk factor due to high instances of in-laws’ abuse, therefore living separately from in-laws may serve as a protective factor in certain cases where partner is not abusive and only in-laws are abusive ( Raj et al., 2011 ; Ragavan & Iyengar, 2020 ; Rai, 2020 ; Vindhya, 2007 ). In-laws’ behaviors such as instigating fights between the couple have also been found to contribute to abuse of women by a partner ( Sabri & Young, 2021 ).

Even with regards to help-seeking, informal help-seeking through friends and family members is more common than formal help-seeking through DV agencies or other professionals ( Decker et al., 2013 ; Mahapatro & Gupta; 2014 ). According to the NFHS-4 data, about 86% of women in India who experienced DV victimization did not seek help and about 77% of them did not mention the incident to anyone ( International Institute of Population Services, 2017 ). Among the 14.3% of women who did seek help, 7% sought formal help through authorities, the police, lawyers, and social service agencies, whereas 90% of those who sought help received it from their immediate family ( International Institute of Population Services, 2017 ).

Study Rationale

Drawing from the socio-ecological model (World Health Organization, WHO, 2021), we conducted a systematic review to examine factors at multiple levels that shape risk and protective factors for DV as well as influence help seeking and access to services. The socio-ecological model is a prevention framework that can help identify factors at various levels: societal, socio-cultural, community, relationship, and individual, while informing prevention approaches. This model accounts for the interplay of factors at various levels and allows us to “understand the range of factors that put people at risk for violence or protect them from experiencing or perpetrating it” ( CDC, n.d. , 2 nd para, WHO, 2021).

Relying on the socio-ecological framework, the literature for the systematic review was compiled to identify most frequently reported risk and protective correlates. The goal was to move beyond static (unchangeable) risk factors to identify dynamic (or changeable) risk and protective factors or actions that can decrease risk for women. For example, dynamic risk factors such as alcohol or drug use or hesitancy to seek help, can be addressed by reducing alcohol or drug use ( Dutta et al., 2016 ; Mahapatro et al., 2012 ), and promoting help seeking which may have a strong protective effect against DV. Findings from the existing literature on dynamic risk and protective factors can be part of safety planning interventions for abused women in India. Many studies have examined correlates of DV in India. However, there has not been a systematic review of quantitative literature identifying risk and protective correlates of DV at multiple levels of the socio-ecological model. Further, although studies have examined patterns of help-seeking among abused women in India, to the best of our knowledge, studies have not explored barriers and facilitators of help-seeking or addressing DV among women using a socio-ecological approach. Therefore, the present study adds to the existing literature on DV in India by conducting a systematic review and a qualitative study to examine a) risk and protective correlates of DV, and b) barriers and facilitators for help-seeking or addressing abuse among women in India at the socio-cultural, community, and individual levels.

While the systematic review of quantitative studies helped identify correlates of DV to highlight groups at risk and factors that could be protective, the qualitative exploration identified barriers and facilitation of seeking and receiving help for DV. These two separate analyses could provide insight into the target areas of prevention and intervention collaboratively, as well as strategies to strengthen access to care among women in abusive relationships in India. The integration of these two strands of data is vital for not only identifying risk factors of victimization but for also highlighting barriers for help-seeking, that may collaboratively be discouraging women from seeking help. Victimization within Indian households can manifest in complex ways that is distinct from Western communities, therefore, merely examining risk factors without understanding barriers is only solving part of the problem. Through our integrated approach, we advance existing evidence by providing an insight into risk factors and barriers, that can both impede help-seeking.

Systematic Review of Quantitative Studies on Risk and Protective Factors for DV in India

To examine risk and protective correlates of DV, a systematic review was conducted in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Protocols ( Moher et al., 2015 ). The PRISMA checklist ( Page et al., 2021 ) is included in appendix . The following databases were searched: PubMed New, CINAHL, Embase, Web of Science, and PsychInfo. The five databases were chosen in consultation with an experienced university librarian. The databases selected were identified as one of the most comprehensive social science databases for published peer-reviewed literature on the topic under investigation in this study. The terms related to correlates such as “risk,” “protective factors,” “barrier,” and “facilitator,” were combined using the Boolean connector “OR.” The violence-related terms such as “Domestic Violence” “Intimate Partner Violence” and “Battered women” were also connected using the Boolean connector “OR”. The terms related to correlates and violence and Indian setting (e.g., “India”) were combined using the Boolean connector “AND.” Detailed search terms are included in appendix .

Peer reviewed studies were included if they were: 1) quantitative or mixed methods studies that reported quantitative findings, 2) included quantitative outcomes of domestic violence and/or examined correlates of DV, 3) were conducted in India, and 4) were published in English. Studies were eliminated if they: 1) did not report results on DV as an outcome, 2) were published before 2010, and 3) were only qualitative analyses or systematic and literature reviews. The articles were imported into Covidence ( Covidence Systematic Review Software, n.d. ), and duplicates were identified and removed. To reduce risk of bias, two members of the research team conducted independent screening of titles and abstracts for inclusion and exclusion. The full text of selected articles was thoroughly reviewed for data extraction. Any disagreements regarding inclusion and exclusion criteria and extracted data were discussed in individual meetings and resolved. Correlates of DV included factors at the socio-cultural, community and individual levels of the socio-ecological model such as availability of services, help seeking behaviors, safety strategies used by women, and beliefs and attitudes. Figure 1 presents the flowchart of the article selection process.

PRISMA Flow Diagram of Study Selection

Qualitative Exploration of Barriers and Facilitators for Help-seeking or Addressing Domestic Violence among Women in India

Qualitative data was collected from women survivors of DV from two regions in India: Delhi and Uttar Pradesh. Participants were recruited using purposive and snowball sampling techniques ( Trochim & Donnelly, 2008 ). Recruitment strategies included flyers, word of mouth, snowball sampling and assistance from a women’s health clinic in Delhi run by a non-profit called MAMTA Health Institute for Mother and Child. For eligibility, women had to be 18 years or older, in an intimate partner relationship for 6 months or more with a history of DV, and India as the country of birth. After obtaining oral consent, seventeen individual in-depth interviews and a focus group ( n =10) were conducted in-person using semi-structured interview and focus group guides, at a safe and convenient location for the participants. Women who participated in the focus group did not participate in the individual interviews. A trained doctoral-level interviewer conducted the focus group and interviews. Utilizing two data-gathering methods (focus group and interviews) enhanced the credibility and trustworthiness of our study findings. While focus groups were helpful in gaining insight into women’s shared understanding of issues related to DV, and group understanding of barriers and facilitators of women’s help seeking and access to resources, in-depth interviews provided a deeper understanding of women’s experiences, attitudes, and beliefs about DV and help seeking.

Participant characteristics are presented in Table 1 . Participants ( n =27) were, on average, 34.6 years old ( SD =11.1). All participants reported being in a heterosexual relationship with an abusive male partner. Sixty-seven percent were married ( n =18), 29.6% ( n =8) were divorced or separated, and one woman was widowed, with average relationship length being 15.71 years ( SD =9.89). Most participants reported physical abuse (92.3%, n =24), sexual abuse (52%, n =13), and psychological abuse (95.5%, n =21). Only 11.1% ( n =3) completed high school, with remaining women educated under high school (48.1%, n =13) and 40.7% ( n =11) having no schooling or education. Our sample size of 27 participants was adequate to reach data saturation. Saturation was achieved when no new information or themes were identified ( Charmaz, 2006 ). The study was approved by the institutional review board of the home institution of the lead author (IRB00046370).

Participant Demographics

In the parent study, both the interview and focus group guides included questions on perceptions and experiences of abuse including risk factors for abuse, strategies and resources used for coping, help seeking patterns, needs for services and overall health. The quantitative questionnaires were used to collect information such as age, income, marital status, and level of education. The study completed data collection when it appeared saturation had been reached and there was no emergence of new findings. Both the focus group and the interview sessions lasted for 60-90 minutes. The sessions were audio-recorded using digital recorders. Data was collected in Hindi and the transcripts were translated and back translated in English ( Behr, 2017 ; Brislin, 1970 ). Each participant received Rs. 1400 (approx. 19.4 USD) for compensation of their time. All study procedures were approved by the institutional review board of the primary author.

Data was analyzed using a hybrid process of deductive and inductive thematic analysis procedure underpinned by the socioecological framework identifying multilevel barriers and facilitators for help-seeking and addressing abuse. The process involved manually listing of a priori themes based on the socio-ecological framework, and independent coding of the transcripts by two coders (1 PhD level and 1 masters’ level coders), with simultaneous development of inductive themes in the process. Inconsistencies in coding and any discrepancies in content and meaning of each code was resolved in individual meetings. An audit trail through detailed notes of data collection experiences and thoughts, and analytic triangulation with the two coders established trustworthiness of the data (Saldana, 2013).

To identify commonalities in findings from the systematic review and the qualitative interviews, the quantitative and qualitative data was analyzed separately. This was followed by reviewing the content to identify similarities and differences in the barriers and facilitators of addressing abuse in the qualitative data and risk (barriers) and protective (facilitators) correlates of addressing DV in the systematic review. Since the purpose of analysis using the two sources of data was different, we identified commonalities in areas such as correlates of DV also being a barrier to addressing abuse of help seeking and protective factors identified in the systematic review also being a facilitator for addressing abuse of seeking help. For example, our systematic review findings identified attitudes supportive of IPV as a risk correlate for DV. Similarly, the qualitative findings revealed justification of wife beating as a barrier to help seeking or addressing abuse. Using a comparative method, we were able to compare findings across themes and the quantitative findings from the systematic review.

Systematic Review Findings

Risk and protective correlates of dv.

The initial search across the different databases identified 1851 articles, with additional 14 identified through hand searching the references in the retrieved articles. After removing duplicates ( n =851), 1014 abstracts and titles were screened for relevance. This screening resulted in 92 articles that were retained for full text review. After full text review, 63 articles were selected for inclusion and synthesis ( Figure 1 ). Drawing from the socio-ecological model, risk, and protective correlates of DV in the articles were identified at the socio-cultural, community, relationship or interpersonal and individual levels ( Table 2 ). The most frequently reported risk correlates of DV at the sociocultural level were norms and attitudes that supported violence against women, male dominance, and ideals of masculinity ( n =13). Further, cultural practice of dowry, where husband/in-laws were dissatisfied with the dowry amount ( n =6) also resulted in increased DV and women’s deaths. At the interpersonal level, the most frequently reported risk correlates of DV were partner’s characteristics such as alcohol dependence, smoking, substance abuse and/or gambling/betting practices ( n =32). Other partner characteristics associated with DV included their low education ( n =10), unemployment or having an unskilled occupation ( n =9) and controlling behaviors ( n =8). A larger family with more children ( n =11) was also associated with increased risk for DV. At the individual level, the most frequently reported correlates that were associated with enhanced risk for DV were women being employed or having higher earnings than their partner ( n =21), women coming from a low socioeconomic status or standard of living ( n =18), having no or low education ( n =17), being married at a younger age (<18 years, n =9) and living in a rural setting ( n =7). The findings on education were mixed with some studies ( n =5) reporting that women’s higher education was associated with their greater exposure to DV and others reporting no or low education as a risk factor for DV. Other reported correlates associated with enhanced risk for DV included women’s HIV positive status, and childhood exposures to DV.

Findings from the Systematic Review

Achchappa, et al., 2017

Ahmad & Mozumdar, 2019

Babu & Kar,2010

Babu, G. & Babu, B.

Begum et al., 2015

Biswas, 2016

Borah et al., 2017

Bourey et al., 2013

Hayes & Franklin, 2016

Chakraborty et al., 2016

Chibber et al., 2012

Dalal, 2011

Dalal & Lindqvist, 2012

Das et al., 2013

Das et al., 2018

Das & Roy, 2020

Dasgupta, 2015

Dasgupta, 2019

Donta et al., 2016

Gaikwad & Rao, 2014

Gupta et al., 2019

Hackett, 2011

Hartmann et al., 2020

Jain et al., 2017

Jayaram et al., 2014

Kalokhe et al., 2018a

Kalokhe et al., 2018b

Khandare, 2017

Kimuna et al., 2013

Krishnamoorthy et al., 2020

Krishnan et al., 2010

Ler et al., 2020

Madhivanan et al., 2014

Mahapatro et al., 2011

Manohar & Kannappan., 2010 .

Mathew et al., 2019

Mehta et al., 2019

Mukherjee & Joshi, 2019

Murugan et al., 2020

Naveen Kumar et al., 2012

Patrikar et al., 2017

Patrikar et al., 2012

Raj et al., 2010

Raj et al., 2018

Ram et al., 2019

Reed et al., 2015

Sabarwal et al., 2014

Sabri et al., 2014

Sabri et al., 2015

Showalter et al., 2020

Shrivastava, P.S., & Shrivastava, S.R., 2013

Simister & Mehta, 2010

Singh et al., 2014

Sinha et al., 2012

Sinha & Kumar, 2020

Stanley, 2012

Subodh et al., 2014

Thomas, 2020

Thirumalai, 2017

Weitzman, 2020

Zhu & Dalal, 2010

The systematic review was also used to identify correlates at different levels that could protect women from DV or prevent future DV. At the sociocultural and community levels, greater gender equity ideologies ( n =1), and wife’s social support from the community ( n =1) respectively, were found to be protective against women’s victimization by DV. At the interpersonal/relationship level, empowerment where wives had joint control of partner’s income and made joint household decisions ( n =5) were significant protective factors. At the individual level, women who had higher education ( n =12), were married at >18 years of age ( n =5), were empowered in household decision making, had sexual and financial autonomy and freedom of movement ( n =7), were employed, or had higher earnings than their partner ( n =5), and who came from higher socioeconomic statuses were at a reduced risk of DV.

Although the findings on correlates such as women’s education and empowerment were mixed with these correlates reported as risk correlates in some studies and protective correlates in other studies, most studies reported these as protective. For example, empowerment in household decision making, financial and sexual autonomy, and freedom of movement was more frequently reported as protective ( n =7) than as a risk factor for DV( n =5). Similarly, a woman’s higher education was more frequently reported as protective ( n =12) than a factor that enhanced risk for DV ( n =5). However, most studies reported women’s employment being significantly associated with increased DV ( n =21) than reducing the risk for DV ( n =5).

Qualitative Findings

Barriers for seeking or receiving help for dv.

At the socio-cultural level, adherence to patriarchal norms, family honor and justification of wife beating were barriers to seeking or receiving help for DV. At the community level, factors related to police involvement and inadequate help from police were significant barriers. At the relationship level, family obligations were a barrier. Barriers at the individual level was identified as learned helplessness ( Table 3 ).

Participant Quotes

Patriarchal Norms and Justification of Wife Beating.

Some women ( n =5) did not seek help for abuse or try to help other women facing abuse because of their justification of wife beating. Being raised in a society with strict gender norms, abuse was normalized in their families. Overall adherence to such norms was also a barrier to women receiving help for abuse: Problems happen because no one listens to the woman (Participant 2).

Commonly identified reasons for justification of abuse by women were if a woman is having an affair, not taking care of her family, talking back to her husband or in-laws, spending money, or making any mistake. One participant justified that it was acceptable for men to mildly abuse their wives during an argument and that the wife should not argue back to prevent further abuse. These participants felt that if the woman made no mistake, then the abuse was unacceptable. For example, a participant shared:

If the wife does something wrong. Like if she goes in the wrong road, or if she is using up the money for expenses, or if she is not fulfilling her responsibilities in the house. Then, the husband is compelled to hit her. Then he’s right to hit her because it’s for a reason. Then it’s fine (Participant 14).

Need to Protect Family Honor.

Family honor prevented some women ( n =4) from seeking help for abuse. Stigma of IPV and blaming the woman and her parents for her abusive situation led women to continue to endure abuse and kept them from seeking help. One participant stated that:

My parents had told me that whoever I marry, with honor I have to spend the rest of my life with him, and so it was nothing but this honor that I was after… I’m not afraid of people. I just want to maintain the honor of my maternal home, my parents, and my in-laws (Participant 1).

One participant described how her mother talked to her about staying in a marriage because that was essential for a girl to live a fulfilled life.

My mother would tell me before marriage, that I should be able to tolerate. I should remember that I need to stay with my husband for the rest of my life, whether it’s for better or for worse. If a woman considers her husband her life, she will have a fulfilled life (Participant 4).

Lack of parents’ support and their need to protect their image in the community was also a barrier to addressing abuse: Three times I came home. They [parents] tried to convince me and then sent me back (Participant 14).

Perceptions of the Police.

When asked about asking police for help, some women identified that if the abuse was severe or if they felt that their life was in danger, then they should contact the police. However, the same women ( n =6) shared their hesitancy in reaching out to the police. One factor was the perception that their situation did not warrant police involvement: So much has happened to me, but even then, I didn’t call the police (Participant 1). Another participant stated: Someone who is fed up with her husband would call the police. But even in a situation like that, no one calls the police (Participant 9). Lack of courage was another barrier: Many times, I thought I should get him beaten a little by the police; that would straighten him up. But I never got the courage (Participant 10).

Two participants identified lack of trust in the police and legal system, stating that money played a huge factor in whether their complaints were taken seriously. Anywhere you go, people just listen to money. Whether it be at the police station, or anything, you just give them money and tell them what to do and they do it. No one listened to me (Participant 2).

Similarly, another participant cited how she did file a formal complaint, but her husband and his family had bribed the police, so she never received any help: We went to the police station. I put in an application here, and then they buried it for 20,000 rupees (approx. 265.9 USD) (Participant 5).

Fear of retaliation from the abuser was another barrier. For some women abuse increase with reporting: I had the letter the police wrote. I could not file a complaint because my husband could be at the police station waiting for me. He would just beat me and drag me back to his home (Participant 5).

Family Obligations.

Some women ( n =2) reported staying in their abusive marriages and not seeking help because of their children and the perception that leaving the abuser will only hurt the children. Their children were dependent on them and would need their father for financial support.

I left so many times. Sometimes for 15 days at a time to a month, I would go stay with my mother. I planned on leaving him, I even told them to bring my children to me, but then I kept going back for my children. (Participant 11)

Another woman identified how she lost her individuality and had to change her life to suit her family obligation. She was not independent because she had to be there for her children, and husband. As a result, she was not able to pursue a career or support herself, which was a barrier to seeking help for abuse in marriage: I realized that I live for my children and husband, so I have to compromise to be with them. Before I thought I could earn myself and live on my own, but that’s no more (Participant 3).

Learned Helplessness.

Several women ( n =5) were not able to seek help or leave their abuse because of their learned helplessness. Because they have endured abuse for so long and have not been able to change their current situation, they did not try to seek help. Additionally, the way they coped with the abuse prevented them from seeking help. Not feeling empowered or strong enough has forced them to stay in the relationship with their abuser. One participant felt that her life was unsuccessful and lost faith in other possibilities: Why would I call this life successful? When I’ve endured so much, what is left (Participant 1)? Four women specifically cited how their timid and obedient personality prevented them from standing up for themselves. These women were not as confident and accepted that this was their life. For example, a participant shared: I kept everything within me. I think about things, but I don’t respond to anything, regardless of how anyone treats me. I’m very timid (Participant 2).

One participant was never supported by her neighbors or people who witnessed the abuse. This discouraged her and prevented her from helping herself as well as other women who could be experiencing abuse: When I was being beaten, the people at home would look on and laugh at me, so why would I do anything for anyone else. The neighbors would look at the spectacle, as if it’s something I deserve (Participant 1).

Facilitators for Seeking or Receiving Help for DV

Participants shared that factors that facilitated help seeking and receiving help for abusive situations involved available resources in the community, support from family, friends and neighbors and economic independence. Other facilitators of addressing abuse were women’s own strengths and use of religion or faith to cope with abusive situations.

Community Resources.

According to participants ( n =4), having support from the community and government could help them become economically independent, empowered, and provide an opportunity to live abuse-free lives. A participant highlighted the need for services for safety: There is so much persecution of women, so services should definitely be there… the government should do something to make us safe (Participant 3). Another participant stated that the services should focus on abuser’s behavior as well as supporting the woman being abused:

There should be help for women whose husbands abuse them. They should teach the husbands. For some days, they should lock them up and beat them, so they understand what the pain is like. And since he threatens to leave me, there should be endeavors like MAMTA (non-profit) to help women. If he tells me to leave, then I have somewhere to go where they would help me. (Participant 4)

Financial stress in the family being a significant risk factor for abuse of women, a need was highlighted for policies to meet basic needs:

The government should provide services to help unemployed men get jobs. There should also be services to help pay the fees for children’s education and give jobs to those providing for children. Children should also receive uniforms from the government to attend school. (Participant 3)

Although there was hesitancy in reaching out to the police for help, one participant stated how important it is for women in abusive relationships to get the police involved in order to find a solution to their problem:

She should file a complaint with the police. There are a lot of women who have this problem, and it’s been solved. The police can figure out what the fight is about, and can talk to them both and find the problem. (Participant 12)

Support from Family, Friends and Neighbors.

Although, there were instances when women in abusive relationships were not supported by their family and friends due to family honor or societal expectations, still several women ( n =10) experienced support from their parents, siblings, and friends. This support was perceived as important for these women because their parents could question their husbands and his family, provide her shelter when the abuse was unbearable, and allowed her to seek help.

Contrary to what some women said about family honor and expectations, this participant stated:

My family hasn’t changed at all. They are exactly as they were before. They try to support me as much as possible. They never make me feel like I’m an outsider after marriage. They will do whatever I need, I just need to tell them. I am not forced to do anything. (Participant 5)

Family was a source of resilience and empowerment:

My family was with me. They supported me through everything. Whenever I told them anything, they said to leave, get educated and become independent (Participant 6).Another participant also stated how her parents supported her by providing her with money and supplies for her and her children while she was with her husband: Whenever something happened, Mummy and Papa would do something such as getting me money, or if the children needed clothes, then Mummy and Papa would get that done for them. My husband did nothing (Participant 14).

For one woman, getting her family involved helped stop the abuse:

My dad sent them a notice saying that if my sister-in-law or mother-in-law hit me, or if anything happened to me, then they [in-laws] would be responsible. He would send me back if they signed the notice. Then they stopped hitting me. (Participant 3)

Additionally, friends have been a source of moral support helping women build the strength to stand up for themselves and finding resources to support them. My friend told me to fight and stay happy. Whatever happened, happened, but the future shouldn’t be worsened by it. You only get one life. I share everything with him, and he gives me the strength to fight (Participant 2).

In some cases, neighbors and people outside the family intervened to help women being abused: Some people would see him hitting me with a slipper and snatched the slipper away from him. A few other people, when they saw him insulting me, they would come between us and save me (Participant 1).

Economic Independence.

Women expressed that economic dependence and poverty were one of the main reasons why they continued to endure abuse in marriages. Financial independence ( n =2) was perceived as a factor in ability to address abuse:

It doesn’t matter that my husband doesn’t give me money, because I can work hard and earn my own money. In Delhi (India), no one stays hungry, people work hard and earn their food, they’ll do anything like scrubbing people’s floors. (Participant 1)

Another participant believed that economic independence could protect her from her abuser: I’m good at cooking, and I know how to do beauty parlor work very well. I feel like the day I try doing a job, I’ll save myself from him (Participant 2).

Inner Strengths.

Although learned helplessness prevented women from seeking help, women who were empowered and more resilient were able to leave their abuser ( n =4). They were able to stand up for themselves and face the challenges in their lives. One participant stated that she felt she was resilient and strong enough to face her issues. She also had the confidence in her abilities and her role as a mother and wife: I take responsibility for my children. I fulfill my duties as a wife in society. I have the strength to fight life’s problems (Participant 3).

When asked what advice they had for other women, three participants who left their abuser stated very strongly that women have rights as well and a sense of individuality. They deserved justice, and these participants felt that women need to stand up for themselves. They supported women becoming more resilient and empowered, so they did not have to keep enduring their abuse. For example, one participant stated.

I would say that women should stand up for themselves. These days, men aren’t everything, women also have a voice. They need to take their rights. They should stand up against the things happening to them, so that the same things don’t happen to other people (Participant 2).

Another participant echoed the same sentiment: She shouldn’t tolerate the injustice. She should become independent. It depends on the husband’s temperament; we can’t say anything about him. I have no idea how to handle that (Participant 6).

One participant shared how her urge to be independent and support herself and her children led her to seek help through a center (non-profit organization) for support. It was important for her to have her own source of income and she was empowered enough to seek that support.

I went to the center because regardless of whether my husband liked it or not, I wanted to be able to stand on my own two feet. Once I am independent, I won’t listen to anyone, I won’t be backed into a corner. I’ll be able to feed my own children. That’s why I went to the center and learned to sew (Participant 4).

Religion or Faith.

Religions and faith were strong factors in how women coped with their abuse. Additionally, many women ( n =8) said that religion and their faith was a source of happiness and strength and offered other women to turn to their faith as advice. These participants stated how God gave them the strength to endure the challenges they faced with their abuser and his family. They believed that praying would eventually stop their abuse and lessen their problems. Religion helped these women stay grounded and, in some situations, it was a source of resilience for these women. For example, a participant shared.

It is only because of my courage that I’m able to survive on my own, otherwise I don’t have a father’s or mother’s or anyone’s support. It’s only because God has given me so much courage, that I can survive on my own (Participant 1).

When asked if they have advice for other women experiencing abuse or ways to help them, women also suggested that faith and prayer will help them with their problems: I should tell her my solutions. I would talk to her about my problems and how I dealt with it. You never know, Allah may remove all her problems as well (Participant 9).

We will now discuss our findings from both the systematic review and qualitative data utilizing a socio-ecological framework. Interestingly, in our systematic review, economic independence was a risk factor of DV victimization at the individual level. While economic independence can help women break free from abuse, women’s employment was the most frequently reported factor that was associated with women’s experiences of DV. in the quantitative literature. Since we could not establish cause and effect due to cross-sectional nature of the studies reviewed, it is possible that DV may have caused some women to secure employment as a means of financial support. For employment to serve a protective role, there is need for awareness and modified cultural norms against rigid gender roles ( Dalal, 2011 ; Sabri et al., 2014 ). We also noticed that partner’s addiction (e.g., substance abuse), controlling behaviors and having more children in the family were the most frequently reported correlates of DV at the interpersonal level. Partner’s problem with addiction, financial stress along with the responsibility of large number of children in the family as an added source of stress can further contribute to DV in families as seen in previous research ( Campbell et al., 2003 ; Sabri, Nnawulezi, et al 2018 ).

In our qualitative analysis, we found barriers and facilitators of women’s help-seeking or confronting abuse. Some of these were adherence to patriarchal norms and justification of wife beating. Similar factors of supporting male dominance and attitudes supportive of violence against women, were also found to be significantly associated with enhanced risk for DV in the quantitative literature. Violence normalized as an everyday occurrence is a part of patriarchal ideology prominent in the Indian society, which impacts women’s willingness to address abuse in their lives. Further, in a collectivist society such as India, the norms and ideals surrounding appropriate behaviors and roles of women are often associated with the honor and reputation of the entire family ( Stephens & Eaton, 2020 ). Thus, many women continue experiencing abuse in the name of protecting family honor or Izzat ( Sabri & Young, 2021 ).

We observed thorough our qualitative findings that hesitancy to involve police was found to be an additional barrier to help-seeking. One of the reasons for hesitancy was inadequate response of the police including failure to act against the perpetrators and/or dismissing complaints through bribery. The findings on hesitance to call the police are similar to survivors of DV in other countries, including the U.S. ( Hayes, 2013 ; Rai et al., 2022 ; Yoshihama et al., 2013). Women may not seek help because of the fear of repercussions of involving the police or due to minimization of DV by the police. Further, focus of the criminal justice/law enforcement system on isolated incidents do not capture the complexities of DV situations and how ongoing power and control and other systems of oppression can impact women in abusive relationships ( Hayes, 2013 ). This incident-based focus of the police can be a barrier to help for women who have been living in abusive environments, with lack of support from their families and communities. The lack of support and inadequate help from the police can also be attributed to norms and attitudes that support male dominance in the family and normalize DV as a family matter (one of the risk correlates identified in our systematic review of quantitative literature).

In the qualitative analysis, facilitators of addressing abuse were found to be access to community resources such as resources for economic empowerment, and social support. Other facilitators of addressing abuse were women’s own strengths and use of religion/faith to cope with abusive situations. In the systematic review, women’s high education, empowerment, financial and sexual autonomy, joint household decision making, and high socio-economic status were protective factors against abuse. Social support from neighbors and family were also additional protective factors. Both external and internal sources such as support from family, friends, and neighbors as well as religious faith and beliefs have also been found to help abused women in other cultures or countries of origin ( Sabri et al, 2020 ). Thus, key components needed for intervening with abused women in India are programs facilitating overall empowerment including economic independence and encouraging women to access trusted informal sources of support for safety. These components were identified as common protective factors in both our systematic review of existing literature and the analysis of qualitative data ( Figure 2 ).

An Ecological Framework of Common Risk and Protective Correlates of Domestic Violence in both Quantitative and Qualitative Findings

Strengths and Limitations

An important strength of this study lies in its ability to summarize the correlates of DV, while simultaneously drawing from qualitative experiences about help-seeking. Despite the novel contributions of this research, there are some limitations associated with it. The qualitative portion of the study being limited to northern region of India may impact the transferability of the study results given the geographical and cultural diversity across India. However, the quantitative portion was not limited to any geographical region and used findings across India which strengthens our findings. Systematic reviews while rigorous are associated with the subjectivity of the research team. However, we maintained a detailed record of the decision points for included versus excluded studies for complete transparency. Lastly, multiple points of data are needed to establish consistency of barriers and facilitators for help-seeking which is also a limitation. Notwithstanding the limitations of this study, it is the first one to present findings by drawing from a systematic review and qualitative interviews about the risk and protective factors of DV and barriers and facilitators of help-seeking among Indian women, adding to the new evidence.

Implications for Research and Practice

There is need for additional research with participants across India to have a broader regional representation of barriers and facilitators of addressing abuse among families. Further studies are needed to assess risk and protective factors of DV in under-researched regions in India. Focus group interviews or observations with service providers can also impart a depth of information regarding experiences of abuse. Triangulating information through multiple sources of data collection can be pivotal in strengthening findings. It would also be helpful for scholars in the future to explore the grey literature including agency and other technical reports to investigate the risk and protective factors relating to abuse.

Our findings on risk and protective correlates of DV at multiple levels of the socio-ecology highlight the need for evidence-based DV prevention and intervention approaches to be implemented at multiple levels (e.g., community, society, family) in India. There is a need for approaches that address multiple drivers of DV such as gender inequality and partner’s addiction problem, including the most important drivers of DV in women’s lives. Recent reviews of literature on global interventions identified multiple drivers of violence against women as one of the key characteristics of successful interventions ( Kerr-Wilson, 2020 ). Moreover, the programs could incorporate training of healthcare providers, law enforcement professionals and other providers who encounter survivors of DV so that they can provide trauma-informed services to meet survivors’ needs.

Given the study findings, it is evident that there is an urgent need for change in social norms and practices that promote violence against women. Some study participants described family to be a protective factor and a source of support. Others described family as a deterrent by not allowing women to escape DV. This calls for culturally informed family and community-based intervention programs that address norms promoting gender inequalities and cultural normalization of abuse. Similar interventions have been developed for the South Asian community in other countries including the U.S. (e.g., Yoshihama et al., 2011 ; Yoshihama & Tolman, 2015). Engaging with family members along with survivors of DV is necessary for a large-scale shift in gender-inequitable norms, norms that place burden of family stability only on women, and norms that dissuade help-seeking. Developing interventions to have conversations around DV and ways in which family members can support individuals experiencing DV can be important in providing timely support to survivors. Bystanders can play an active role in providing support to survivors of DV and encouraging survivors to seek help. Additionally due to the importance of religion in South Asian culture and our findings on religion being a protective factor, faith-based interventions are needed that engage religious leaders in spreading community awareness around issues of DV ( Sabri et al., 2018 ). Interventions addressing traditional gender role expectations without threatening the husband’s position in the family ( Sabri et al., 2018 ) can also play a role in reducing DV among families in India.

Financial independence can increase women’s ability to support themselves and their children once they decide to break free from an abusive relationship. Policies are needed to provide interest free student loans and caretaking facilities along with job assistance programs for women struggling to support themselves. It is also important for government agencies to introduce public provisions such as microfinance or small loans in conjunction with vocational training programs ( International Finance Corporation, 2018 ). Non-governmental organizations, supported by government as well as international funding, can be encouraged to provide livelihood training and employment opportunities to women in DV relationships, so that they have the financial independence and opportunity to escape abusive relationships.

Ultimately, it is vital for community agencies to make women aware of the laws concerning DV in India. There exist legal mechanisms such as the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 and the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961. Women experiencing DV may not be aware of the legal recourse available to them, therefore there is a sense of urgency in translating the policies to them. These efforts can be sustained through community awareness drives across India including rural and urban regions. Researchers and practitioners are encouraged to collaborate to engage with communities in unique ways to create awareness around these laws and reduce DV among Indian families.

The findings of our study highlight risk and protective factors of DV and barriers and facilitators of addressing DV. Our findings show that there is need to address risk factors and norms that promote violence against women at all sociological levels. For far too long, Indian women have succumbed to DV, therefore it is imperative for researchers and practitioners to collaboratively develop evidence-informed interventions to help shift harmful norms and address risk factors at multiple levels to reduce the risk of DV victimization. Efforts could be made to strengthen protective factors against DV and establish safe environments for women’s health, safety, and well-being. There is also need for efforts to address barriers and capitalize on the facilitators of seeking or receiving help for women in abusive relationships and empower them to break free from abuse.

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by National Institute of Minority Health and Health Disparities (R01MD013863) and Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute for Child Health & Human Development (R00HD082350). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

List of Search Terms

(‘risk’ OR ‘protective factors’ OR ‘barrier*’ OR ‘facilitator*’ OR ‘strategies’ OR ‘strategy’ OR ‘health resource*’ OR ‘intervention*’ OR ‘safety’ OR ‘psychological resilience’) AND (‘domestic violence’ OR ‘intimate partner violence’ OR ‘battered women’ OR ‘spouse abuse’ OR ‘spousal violence’ OR ‘abused women’) AND India

From: Page MJ, McKenzie JE, Bossuyt PM, Boutron I, Hoffmann TC, Mulrow CD, et al. The PRISMA 2020 statement: an updated guideline for reporting systematic reviews. BMJ 2021;372:n71. doi: 10.1136/bmj.n71

For more information, visit: http://www.prisma-statement.org/

The authors report there are no competing interests to declare.

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Domestic Violence in India Against Women: A Literature Review

Women constitute half of the world population, due to differences in gender-wise as well as bias, women have been a victim of violence and exploitation by the so-called patriarchal society. In India, Women have been exploited since the time immemorial -Socially, economically, Physically, Psychologically and Sexually too, by tradition-bound society. Over the most recent 20 years of the criminal law change, a typical contention made against laws identifying with savagery against women in India has been that women abuse these laws. The police, common society, government officials and even appointed authorities of the High Courts and Supreme Court have offered these contentions of the abuse of laws eagerly. In Indian society, domestic violence is bursting. Behind the closed door of homes, women are being tortured, beaten and killed. Domestic violence happening everywhere in the country either rural and urban. It's becoming a custom or habits in a society that is being treated like inherited from one generation to another generation. The spectrum of domestic violence (which, incidentally, has a high level of recidivism) may include psychological, physical, sexual, financial and emotional abuse which may manifest itself as physical injury, the deprivation of food, money or other resources, intimidation, humiliation and degradation, and may result in a hedonism, pain, exhaustion, isolation, alienation, depression, fear, and decreased levels of self-esteem, productivity and attentiveness Keywords: Domestic Violence, Dowry Death, Women, Equality.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

A global study into indian women’s experiences of domestic violence and control: the role of patriarchal beliefs.

• School of Psychology, Deakin University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Domestic violence (DV) is a serious and preventable human rights issue that disproportionately affects certain groups of people, including Indian women. Feminist theory suggests that patriarchal ideologies produce an entitlement in male perpetrators of DV; however, this has not been examined in the context of women from the Indian subcontinent. This study examined Indian women’s experiences of abuse (physical, sexual, and psychological) and controlling behavior across 31 countries by examining the relationship between the patriarchal beliefs held by the women’s partners and the women’s experience of DV. This study uses an intersectional feminist framework to examine the variables. Data from an online questionnaire was collected from 825 Indian women aged between 18 and 77 years ( M  = 35.64, SD  = 8.71) living in 31 countries across Asia (37.1%), Europe (18.3%), Oceania (23.8%), the Americas (16.1%) and Africa (3.2%) and analyzed using a hierarchical linear regression. A majority of participants (72.5%) had experienced at least one form of abuse during their relationship, and over a third (35.1%) had experienced controlling behavior. In support of the central hypotheses, after controlling for potential confounders, women whose partners showed greater endorsement of patriarchal beliefs were less likely to have access to freedom during their relationship ( ß  = −0.38, p  < 0.001) and were more likely to have been abused by their partner or a member of his family ( ß  = 0.34, p  < 0.001). The findings of this study highlight the need to engage with men in Indian communities through culturally-tailored intervention strategies designed to challenge the patriarchal ideologies that propagate, justify, and excuse DV.

Introduction

Domestic violence (DV) is the most common form of violence against women, and occurs in every country around the world, transgressing social, economic, religious, and cultural divides ( García-Moreno et al., 2005 ; Violence Against Women Prevalence Estimates, 2018 ). Although men can be abused by female partners and violence also occurs in non-heterosexual relationships, the vast majority of DV victims are women, and their perpetrators are a current or former male partner ( World Health Organization, 2019 ). In the context of this study, DV includes physical, sexual abuse, or emotional abuse and controlling behaviors such as enforced isolation, excessive jealousy, and limiting access to economic resources or support ( Our Watch, 2015 ; World Health Organization, 2019 ). In research, the terms, domestic violence, intimate partner violence, family violence, sexual violence and spousal abuse are used interchangeably. For the purposes of the present study, ‘domestic violence’ is used to refer to the violence women experience from their current or former intimate partner.

In addition to representing the leading cause of death for women around the world, with more than 50,000 women being killed by a partner or family member each year ( UNODC, 2018 ), the physical, psychological, and social effects of DV are profound and enduring. Along with physical injuries, women who have been subjected to DV report higher rates of depression, anxiety disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder, cognitive impairment, substance abuse, and are more likely to have thought about or attempted suicide ( Ellsberg et al., 2008 ; Chandra et al., 2009 ). They are also at a heightened risk of experiencing sexually-transmitted infections, gynecological problems, unwanted pregnancies, and miscarriages ( Ellsberg et al., 2008 ; Stephenson et al., 2008 ; Dalal and Lindqvist, 2010 ). Moreover, violence in the home places women at significant risk of homelessness, unemployment, and poverty ( Specialist homelessness services annual report, Summary, 2021 ). Although some men also experience violence from their female partners, prevalence rates from across the world show that women experience violence at three times a greater rate than men; the risk factors for men and women could also vary and therefore, these need to be clearly delineated for each group. Given the deleterious outcomes associated with DV, understanding the factors that drive it is vital in research, policy, as well as in clinical practice ( Ellsberg et al., 2008 ).

A landmark study by the WHO which collected data from over 24,000 women in 10 countries about the extent of domestic violence they experienced found that depending on country and context (e.g., rural versus urban locations), between 15 and 71% of women had been physically or sexually assaulted by an intimate partner during their lifetime ( García-Moreno et al., 2005 ). These findings raise three pertinent points: first, that the apparent universality of DV confirms that its occurrence is not a random aberration, but instead a reflection of gender inequalities that are deeply entrenched and systemically enacted in many cultures and societies around the world. Second, that in addition to gender, factors such as socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and immigration status intersect with gender to shape women’s experiences of abuse. Third, that high rates of violence against women are not inevitable, nor intractable, and therefore should be the aim of global prevention efforts. In sum, it is clear that the harmful effects of DV are universal, but not experienced by all women equally. As such, identifying how diverse groups of women experience DV in their particular cultural context is essential for designing culturally relevant interventions for both victims and perpetrators ( Bhuyan and Senturia, 2005 ). Studies have shown that the experiences of migrant and refugee women can vary significantly to their non-migrant counterparts, therefore, we need a clearer understanding of the nuances of these differences and the impacts of their experiences.

Indian women are one group of women that remain at high risk of DV with or without migration from India ( Natarajan, 2002 ; Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004 ; Bhuyan and Senturia, 2005 ) compared to women from Europe, the Western Pacific or North America ( Violence Against Women Prevalence Estimates, 2018 ). However, the largely Western-centric feminist discourse surrounding DV means there is a dearth of Indian-specific research. In addition, common methodological limitations such as the lack of psychometrically-validated, culturally-appropriate DV measurement tools, small and single-location sample sizes, and a failure to recognize forms of abuse other than physical abuse means that the voices of Indian women remain both under-and mis-represented in the extant literature ( Yoshihama, 2001 ; Kalokhe et al., 2016 ).

While much progress has been made toward gender equality in India ( Bhatia, 2012 ), the prevalence of DV is high. Data from the 2015–2016 Indian National Family Health Survey indicated that 33% of the 67,000 women surveyed in India had experienced DV during their marriage, with the most common type being physical violence (30%), followed by emotional (14%) and sexual violence (7%) ( National Family Health Survey, 2017 ). A recent systematic review of 137 quantitative studies examining DV in India by Kalokhe and colleagues ( Kalokhe et al., 2016 ) also found high rates of these types of violence along with a 41% prevalence of multiple types of abuse. The impact of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse on women’s mental, physical, sexual, and reproductive health is severe and leads to greater levels of depression, suicide attempts, post-traumatic stress disorder, and somatic symptoms and a decreased quality of life ( Kalokhe et al., 2016 ). Research also shows that Indian women who have migrated from India to the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada experience higher rates of DV than the general population ( Raj and Silverman, 2002 ; Ahmad et al., 2004 ; Mahapatra, 2012 ). Little is known about the DV rates among Indian women who migrate to other countries. Taken together, these findings suggest that Indian women across the globe experience high rates of DV. As such, it is important to understand the sociocultural factors that contribute to its occurrence.

While there is no single cause of DV, feminist theories emphasize how the circulation and espousal of patriarchal ideologies in society contribute to, create, and maintain DV ( Pagelow, 1981 ; Smith, 1990 ). Although variously defined, patriarchy refers to the hierarchical system of social power arrangements that affords men more power and privilege than women, both structurally and ideologically ( Smith, 1990 ; Hunnicutt, 2009 ) with the origins of the word ‘patriarchy’ coming from the Greek word Πατριάρχης ( patriakh͞es ), meaning male chief or head of a family.

According to an ecological framework ( Heise, 1998 ), patriarchal control, exploitation and oppression of women occurs within all levels of social ecology, including the macrosystem (e.g., government, laws, culture), mesosystem (e.g., the media, workplaces), microsystem (e.g., families and relationships), and at the level of the individual. Through social learning, patriarchal structures are internalized as patriarchal ideologies, which are a set of beliefs that legitimize and justify the expression of male power and authority over women, including DV ( Smith, 1990 ; Yoon et al., 2015 ). More specifically, patriarchal beliefs include notions about the inherent inferiority of women and girls, men’s right to control decision-making in both public and private spheres, traditional and proscriptive gender roles, and the condoning of violence against women ( Our Watch, 2015 ; Yoon et al., 2015 ). Such ideologies preserve and strengthen the structural gender inequalities that set the necessary social context for DV to occur, by giving men the cultural, legal, and social mandate to use varying degrees of violence and control against women ( Our Watch, 2015 ; Yoon et al., 2015 ; World Health Organization, 2019 ).

Research from the United States indicates that positive attitudes toward violence against women and beliefs in traditional gender roles is associated with perpetration of DV ( Sugarman and Frankel, 1996 ; Stith et al., 2004 ). Similarly, Hah-Yahia ( Haj-Yahia, 2005 ) found that Jordanian men who subscribed to patriarchal ideologies were more likely to justify DV, blame women for violence against them, believe that women benefit from beating, and believe that men should not be punished for hurting their wives. Furthermore, a study of South Asian women living in the United States found that women who endorsed patriarchal beliefs were more likely to have experienced DV ( Adam and Schewe, 2007 ), and men in Pakistan who adhered to patriarchal ideology were more likely to use physical violence against their partners ( Adam and Schewe, 2007 ).

Despite its clear theoretical underpinnings, the relationship between patriarchal beliefs as a single construct and DV perpetration in Indian communities has, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, not been quantitatively examined. This is important, as although patriarchy is omnipresent in all societies on earth, culture shapes its manifestation through values, norms, beliefs, traditions, and familial roles that perpetuate patriarchal structures and ideologies ( Duncan, 2002 ).

In Indian families, power and authority is transmitted from father to the eldest son, meaning that females are expected to be subservient to males throughout their lifetimes; in childhood, to their fathers; upon marriage, to their husbands; and in old age (on occasion of the death of their husband), to their sons ( Bhuyan and Senturia, 2005 ). The impact of a father’s violence on children’s development can last a long time. Research suggests that the effects of this violence against girls in childhood are much more serious and deleterious than the effects of violence used by other men, or even a mother, against women such that women who suffer violence by their father have low levels of resilience in adulthood – even though they might report other perpetrators (such as the husband) as committing greater violence ( Tsirigotis and Łuczak, 2018 ). Therefore, women, as adults, can continue to be affected by patriarchal behaviors of men. In the Indian context, historically too, the hierarchy between men and women prevailed. For example, in ancient India, Smriti, Kautilya, and Manu philosophers demanded total subservience of women to their husbands ( Kumar, 2017 ). In spite of advances in society about gender equality and gender roles, such attitudes still exist in India. For instance, the Indian National Family Health Survey found that less than two-thirds, that is, 63% of married women participated in decision-making about major household matters, and less than 41% were allowed to go to places such as the market, a health facility, or visit relatives alone ( National Family Health Survey, 2017 ).

Prescriptive gender roles contribute to the incidence of domestic violence by positioning women as subordinate, with men therefore tasked with ‘protecting’ women and ensuring they uphold the gendered expectations and moral standards imposed on them ( Haj-Yahia, 2005 ; Satyen, 2021 ). Indeed, physical violence is viewed as a common and acceptable response to women’s “disobedience,” or failure to meet her husband’s expectations ( Jejeebhoy and Cook, 1997 ). For example, 42% of men and 52% of women believed that a husband is justified in beating his wife if she goes outside without telling him, neglects the house, argues with him, refuses to have sex, does not cook properly, is suspected of being unfaithful, or is disrespectful. This demonstrates that women have possibly internalized their “inferior” status in society and are more accepting of the inequality they face in the household. Honor killings, where women are killed by male family members for bringing shame to their families, still occurs in India and may represent the most extreme example of such attitudes ( Kumar and Gupta, 2022 ).

Taken together, the aforementioned findings clearly outline the broad links between DV and elements of patriarchal ideology including ideas about the inherent inferiority of women, men’s right to control decision-making, traditional gender roles, and condoning of violence against women ( Our Watch, 2015 ; Yoon et al., 2015 ). However, lacking from this literature is a culturally-specific, comprehensive assessment of the role of individual-level patriarchal beliefs in influencing Indian women’s experiences of DV. Understanding this relationship is vital in order to develop culturally tailored DV interventions and policies.

While cultural expressions of patriarchy provide the necessary context for DV to occur, according to intersectionality theory ( Kumar and Gupta, 2022 ), gender oppression intersects with other forms of inequality, such as poverty, racism, and migration status to increase the risk of DV for certain groups of Indian women ( Sokoloff and Dupont, 2005 ). For example, those who are younger, have more children, live in rural locations, have fewer years of schooling, or who are unemployed are more likely to experience DV during their lifetime ( Sokoloff and Dupont, 2005 ), and may be less likely to seek help for DV ( Leonardsson and San, 2017 ). Furthermore, migration has been identified as a key risk factor for DV ( Satyen et al., 2018 ; UNODC, 2018 ; Satyen, 2021 ), through practical and cultural barriers to accessing help and support ( Raj and Silverman, 2002 ; Colucci et al., 2013 ), as well as so-called ‘backlash’ factors, whereby men increase their use of violence and control following migration to more egalitarian locations, in response to the threatened loss of status and authority ( Dasgupta and Warrier, 1996 ; Zavala and Spohn, 2010 ). In examining DV, it is therefore important to acknowledge the compounding effects of such factors, while underscoring the central role of patriarchy ( Gundappa and Rathod, 2012 ).

The objective of this study was to examine Indian women’s experiences of abuse (physical, sexual, and psychological) and controlling behavior across 31 countries by examining the relationship between the patriarchal beliefs held by the women’s partners and the women’s experience of DV. Given our understanding of how patriarchal beliefs relate to DV, it was hypothesized that a greater endorsement of patriarchal beliefs by a woman’s partner would predict greater occurrence of abuse and controlling behavior during their relationship.

Research design

We examined the relationship between women’s partners’ patriarchal beliefs (as reported by the women) and the women’s experiences of DV using an intersectional feminist lens. This study used a quantitative, cross-sectional design using an online survey, which explored the impact of partners’ patriarchal beliefs on Indian women’s experiences of DV. The inclusion criteria for partaking in the study included: women who identified culturally as belonging to or having origins in the Indian sub-continent. They needed to have been in the past or currently be in an intimate partner relationship. They could be living in the Indian sub-continent or have migrated elsewhere in the world. They needed to also be 18 years and over to take part in the study and have minimal English language skills to comprehend the questionnaires.

Participants

Participants for this study were recruited from across the world via social media and culturally relevant organizations. Through targeted recruitment, Indian women 18 years or over who were currently in or had previously been in an intimate relationship with a male were asked to participate in the study. In addition to recruiting from India and Australia, data from the Government of India’s Ministry of External Affairs ( Population of Overseas Indians, 2018 ) was used to identify the 15 countries with the highest population of people of Indian origin and these were targeted for recruitment in addition to promoting the study across other countries. Target countries included: the United States, United Arab Emirates, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Myanmar, the United Kingdom, Sri Lanka, South Africa, Pakistan, Canada, Kuwait, Mauritius, Qatar, Oman and Singapore. In total, 349 organizations and community groups were contacted by email and provided details of the study. Further, A Facebook page was set up for the project, and a recruitment advertisement was posted to 1,167 public groups relating to Indian women’s interests. In all, 825 participants aged between 18 and 77 years ( M = 35.64, SD = 8.71) from 31 countries across Asia (37.1%), Europe (18.3%), Oceania (23.8%), the Americas (16.1%) and Africa (3.2%) took part. The majority of them were born in India ( n = 720, 87.3%), but 59.3% had migrated from their country (India or other) of birth. See Table 1 for a detailed summary of their demographic characteristics.

Table 1 . Demographic characteristics of the sample ( N = 825).

Participants completed an online questionnaire that assessed demographic information, their experiences of domestic violence, and their partners’ patriarchal beliefs.

Demographic information

Participants’ age, country of birth, country of residence, migration status, religion, marital status, and educational attainment were collected.

Domestic violence

Experiences of abuse including physical, sexual, and psychological and controlling behaviors perpetrated by women’s partners and/or his family members were measured using the 63-item Indian Family Violence and Control Scale [IFVCS; ( National Family Health Survey, 2017 )]. The IFVCS was designed for use in the Indian population, with items being derived from informant and expert interviews with an Indian sample to ensure it captured culturally-specific forms of DV ( Kalokhe et al., 2015 , 2016 ). Preliminary validation of the IFVCS suggested that the scale has strong internal consistency, and good concurrent and construct validity ( Kalokhe et al., 2016 ). Cronbach’s alphas were calculated for the current sample, indicating that both the control and abuse subscales had very good internal reliability (0.94 and 0.97 respectively).

The control subscale consisted of 14 items which asked women to rate their access to various freedoms during their entire relationship (e.g., “freedom to spend my own money on personal things”) on a 4-point scale, ranging from 0 ( never ), to 3 ( often ). Total scores for this subscale ranged from 0 to 42, with lower scores indicating lower access to freedom, or more frequent controlling behavior. The 49-item abuse subscale comprised of statements relevant to psychological (22 items), physical (16 items), and sexual violence (11 items) domains and asked women about the frequency of abusive behaviors (e.g., “burnt me or threatened to burn me with a cigarette”) on a 4-point scale, from 0 ( never ) to 3 ( about once a month ). Higher scores indicated greater frequency of abuse, with the total possible abuse score ranging from 0 to147.

Partner’s patriarchal beliefs

Women’s partner’s patriarchal beliefs were measured using 10 items derived from the 5-item Husband’s Patriarchal Beliefs Scale, which was originally developed by Smith (1990) and later adapted by Ahmed-Ghosh (2004) , with the addition of 5 items from the 37-item Patriarchal Beliefs Scale ( Yoon et al., 2015 ). The 10 resultant items captured each of the core dimensions of patriarchal ideology identified by Yoon ( Yoon et al., 2015 ); these include beliefs about the institutional power of men, the inherent inferiority of women, and gendered domestic roles. The scale asked women to rate their perception of their partner’s level of agreement to various patriarchal beliefs (e.g., “men are inherently smarter than women”) on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 ( strongly agree ). Scores ranged from 10 to 70, with higher scores indicating greater endorsement of patriarchal ideology. Cronbach’s alpha was calculated as.96, indicating this new scale had very high internal consistency.

This study was guided by the WHO’s ethical and safety recommendations for DV research ( Ellsberg and Heise, 2002 ) and received approval from the institutional ethics committee in compliance with American Psychological Association (2017) ethical standards ( American Psychological Association, 2017 ). All persons who saw an advertisement or accessed the online link received a plain language statement, as well as information about DV support services in their country, regardless of whether or not they completed the survey. To protect the safety of participants, a Quick Escape button was programmed into the survey. The survey (in English) was anonymous and took approximately 20 min to complete.

Data screening and cleaning

Data cleaning was conducted prior to analysis. Cases missing more than 50% of their data were removed from the sample. For the remaining cases, random missing values were replaced with the series mean. All items across the three abuse subscales, and the control subscale of the IFVCS were summed to obtain a total abuse, and total control score, respectively. For the purposes of regression analyses, employment was dichotomised as employed versus not employed, and education as tertiary education versus non-tertiary education. Each nominal independent variable was treated as a set of dummy variables, with one variable serving as the reference group. For the regression analyses, only women who had reported some form of abuse were included in the analysis; thus, the 15.9% of the sample that reported no abuse were excluded from the analyses.

Analytical strategy

First, descriptive analyses were undertaken to determine the extent of DV and partners’ patriarchal beliefs in the sample and these are presented in Table 2 . As control and abuse were measured on different scales, two hierarchical multiple regression analyses (as seen in Table 3 ) were conducted to test the central hypothesis. For each regression analysis, a three-stage hierarchical regression, and bottom-up model building strategy was used. In model 1, a univariate model including patriarchal beliefs, and either abuse or control as the outcome measure was tested. This provided a baseline estimation of the variance in abuse or control predicted by patriarchal beliefs, enabling estimation of the contribution of the variables added hierarchically in subsequent models. In Model 2, demographic variables (age, marital status, educational attainment, employment status, migration status, and continent of residence) identified in the literature review as potential confounders were entered into the model; all demographic variables were entered into the model together. Two-way interaction effects between patriarchal beliefs and each of the demographic characteristics were examined to exclude potential moderation effects.

Table 2 . Descriptive statistics for abuse ( N = 729), control ( N = 825) and partners’ patriarchal beliefs ( N = 729).

Table 3 . Summary of hierarchical regression analysis for variables predicting control ( N = 579).

Descriptive analyses

Abuse and control.

Results (seen in Table 2 ) demonstrated that 72.5% of women reported having experienced at least one instance of abuse in their lifetime, while 15.9% reported no abuse. Across the different subscales, 69.9% had experienced some form of psychological abuse, 45.2% had experienced physical abuse and 21.7% had experienced sexual abuse. Over a third of participants (35.1%) had on at least one occasion had an aspect of their freedom denied by their partner.

Patriarchal beliefs

The descriptive statistics for patriarchal beliefs are also presented in Table 2 . The Mean scores ( M = 26.27, SD = 16.28) indicated an overall tendency for partners to disagree with patriarchal beliefs.

Multiple regression analyses

A detailed summary of the hierarchical regression is presented in Table 3 .

In Model 1, the univariate model, patriarchal beliefs was associated with a statistically significant 14.4% of the variance in controlling behavior. Women whose partners endorsed stronger patriarchal beliefs had less access to freedom in their relationship ( ß  = −0.38, p  < 0.001). Introducing demographic variables in Model 2 using the Stepwise method was associated with a statistically significant additional 10.3% of variance in control. Specifically, women experienced significantly more control (<0.05) with increasing age and significantly less control (<0.01) when they were separated compared to women who were married. The beta value for patriarchal beliefs remained statistically significant and largely unchanged with the addition of the demographic variables ( ß = −0.35, p  < 0.001). Patriarchal beliefs alone accounted for 11.49% ( sr 2  = 0.12) of the total variance in controlling behavior. In addition to patriarchal beliefs, two of the 11 demographic variables were significant predictors of control. Inspection of two-way interaction effects between PBS and each of the demographic characteristics indicated no evidence of moderation occurring. The final model accounted for 23.3% of the variance in control F (12, 566) = 15.61, p  < 0.001, which is considered a large effect ( Cohen, 1988 ).

A detailed summary of the hierarchical regression is presented in Table 4 .

Table 4 . Summary of hierarchical regression analysis for variables predicting abuse ( N = 577).

For Model 1, the univariate model, partners’ patriarchal beliefs was associated with a statistically significant 11.4% of the variance in experience of abuse. Women who perceived their partners held stronger patriarchal beliefs were more likely to have been abused ( ß  = 0.34, p  < 0.001). The addition of demographic variables was associated with a statistically significant additional 5.7% of the variability in abuse (Model 2). This final model explained 15.5% of the variance in abuse, adjusted R 2  = 0.155, F (12, 564) = 9.79, p  < 0.001, which is considered a medium effect ( Cohen, 1988 ). The beta value for patriarchal beliefs remained a significant independent predictor of abuse ( ß  = 0.31 , p  < 0.001). Patriarchal beliefs contributed the highest amount of variance in abuse, independently contributing 9% (sr 2  = 0.09). Inspection of two-way interaction effects between PBS and each of the demographic characteristics indicated no evidence of moderation.

This study is the first to examine the relationship between domestic violence and a partner’s adherence to patriarchal ideology in the global Indian context. The findings support the hypothesis that women who perceived their partners to endorse greater patriarchal beliefs were more likely to have been abused and subjected to controlling behavior.

The finding that partners’ patriarchal beliefs predicted DV victimization lends support to the longstanding feminist propositions that DV occurs mainly in contexts where patriarchal ideologies are dominant ( Jejeebhoy and Cook, 1997 ; Haj-Yahia, 2005 ; Satyen, 2021 ). In this study, women who believed that their partners viewed women in general as inherently inferior to men, legitimized male authority in public and private arenas, endorsed prescriptive gender roles, and condoned the use of violence for gender-role violation were more likely to be abused or controlled by their male partners. This finding is consistent with the limited existing studies that have demonstrated the relationship between male patriarchal ideologies and DV perpetration across three countries including the United States ( Sugarman and Frankel, 1996 ; Stith et al., 2004 ; Haj-Yahia, 2005 ; Adam and Schewe, 2007 ; Watto, 2009 ). By contributing to the understanding of the experiences of Indian women globally, this study highlights the pervasive and enduring negative influence of the patriarchal ideology on women.

The relationship between patriarchal beliefs and DV persisted after controlling for a range of factors such age, educational attainment, marital status, migration status, employment, and geographical location that have been previously used to explain DV victimization in Indian populations [(e.g., Sabri et al., 2014 ; Gender, 2015 ; Kalokhe et al., 2018 )]. It further emerged as the strongest independent predictor of women’s experiences of both abuse and control. Such a finding cautions against any theory of DV in Indian communities that overlooks or minimizes gender as an explanatory factor. It also suggests that merely focusing on the individual characteristics of DV victims is problematic in that it conceals the ways in which DV is embedded in broader sociocultural structures including the violence committed in childhood by a father [(e.g., Tsirigotis and Łuczak, 2018 )]. This finding removes some of responsibility and shame from both victims of DV and from individual cultural groups, by firmly situating their experiences within a patriarchal framework. This finding also has fundamental practical implications for understanding and preventing DV in Indian communities, by identifying patriarchal beliefs and practices as targets for intervention that are amenable to effecting social change in the continuance of DV.

An unexpected finding was that age, educational attainment, marital status, geographical location, migration status, and employment status did not moderate the relationship between patriarchal beliefs and DV experiences. These findings could be considered in light of the universal phenomenon of gendered violence in women and the significant role of patriarchal beliefs. This is in contrast to an intersectional framework ( Crenshaw, 1991 ) which suggests that different social factors interact and intersect with gender oppression to place certain groups of women at increased risk of DV. While it is possible that this finding may be an artefact of the specific sample included in this study, we did not measure structural patriarchy, for example, casteism and classism, which may be a better proxy for the macro-level gender oppressions and inequalities referred to in intersectionality theory ( Heise, 1998 ). In support of this explanation, one salient finding from the present study was that continent of residence was not an independent predictor of either abuse or controlling behavior and did not moderate the relationship between patriarchal beliefs and DV. This suggests that patriarchal beliefs can prevail despite structural gains in women’s empowerment or through migrating to more egalitarian locations ( Hunnicutt, 2009 ). However, the findings also demonstrated that women experienced greater controlling behavior as they became older and, in contrast to women who were married, those who were separated experienced less control. The latter findings could relate to lower levels of control because the women had separated from their partner. It is also possible that as women are older, they are more invested in their relationships and less likely to challenge greater levels of control by their partners. In sum, women’s specific social context does not appear to specify the appropriate conditions for the translation of patriarchal ideas about gender relations and, in particular, DV ( Yoon et al., 2015 ). The findings of this study highlight the need to engage with men at the individual level to challenge the patriarchal beliefs and norms that propagate, justify, and excuse DV.

Based on the findings of this study, it is clear that interventions should use a ‘gender transformative’ approach ( Gupta and Sharma, 2003 ) which acknowledges that DV is inherently gendered and a product of patriarchal ideologies. These interventions could be provided in group or individual formats, should be culturally-tailored, and work with men to promote women’s access to authority and decision-making, as well as challenge traditional gender roles and acceptance of DV ( Violence against women in Australia An overview of research and approaches to primary prevention, 2017 ). Encouraging evidence from the international literature suggest that such programs can lead to short-term changes in both attitudes and behavior, including decreased self-reported use of physical, sexual, and psychological DV ( Whitaker et al., 2006 ; Barker et al., 2010 ). However, the literature does not reveal if such programs have been piloted in Indian communities.

Limitations

The primary limitations of the current study relate to the sample characteristics and subsequent generalizability of findings. This study used a convenience sample and as such may not adequately represent Indian women across a range of societies. However, the strength is that women from 31 countries took part in the study. Second, the Partner’s Patriarchal Beliefs scale asked women to rate their perception of their partner’s beliefs, and therefore may not have accurately reflected men’s ideologies. However, attempting to understand and validate women’s lived experiences and perceptions is important in any feminist enquiry ( Yllö and Bograd, 1984 ) and wives’ accounts of their husband’s behavior have been found to be more accurate than husband’s account of his own behavior ( Arias and Beach, 1987 ). Nevertheless, future research may wish to further establish the validity and psychometric properties of the scale used. Finally, the cross-sectional nature of this study limits the extent to which we can draw conclusions regarding the temporality or causal nature of the observed associations. While theories of patriarchy suggest it fuels DV, it is also plausible that use of DV also strengthens patriarchal beliefs, by further reinforcing a system of male domination and female subordination in the family. Future studies employing a prospective or longitudinal design and representative sample will strengthen the practical significance of the findings described in this study.

Conclusions and implications for future research

Notwithstanding the aforementioned limitations, this study is novel in showing the effects of individual-level patriarchal beliefs on women’s experiences of both abuse and control using a large, cross-national sample that adjusted for a range of established risk factors and employed a validated, culturally-sensitive measure of DV. The findings raise awareness of the extent of DV in Indian communities and emphasize the need to collectively acknowledge how gender and culture interact to shape women’s experiences of DV. Such an understanding can have far-reaching implications for the reduction and prevention of DV in Indian communities, by providing mental health practitioners, community leaders, policy makers, women’s activists, and the wider community more broadly, a principal target for intervention. Given the observed associations between partners’ patriarchal beliefs and both abuse and controlling behavior, efforts should be targeted at developing culturally-tailored education strategies aimed at challenging men’s enactment of their investment in patriarchy regardless of their social situation, includingtheir education level, religion, and caste.

While this study focused on patriarchal beliefs as an explanatory model for DV, future research may wish to incorporate other theoretical frameworks in order to develop a comprehensive, integrated, ecological theory of DV that considers other individual, interpersonal, and sociocultural factors alongside patriarchal ideology. Furthermore, whilst this study focused on men’s beliefs, women’s perceptual, cognitive, and behavioral responses to DV are also shaped by patriarchal beliefs ( Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004 ). Therefore, future research should examine how patriarchal beliefs influence other DV processes such as reduced help-seeking behavior that place women at further risk of DV; the intersections between the prevalent Indian social contexts of gender, caste, and violence should also be examined – this will enable the more nuanced understanding of whether women from some castes, especially the lower castes are more prone to controlling and abusive behavior than women in the upper castes [see Deshpande (2003) and Khubchandani et al. (2018) for a broad review of the discrimination between people of different castes and the intersections of this with gender in the Indian society]. Finally, given that culturally-diverse groups of women remain underrepresented in the DV literature, future researchers should consider how patriarchal beliefs manifest in other communities to further enhance our understanding of DV and pave the way for the prevention of violence against all women.

Data availability statement

The datasets presented in this article are not readily available because the data is sensitive by nature and according to the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee protocol, we are not allowed to share this data, even in anonymized form. Requests to access the datasets should be directed to bGF0YUBkZWFraW4uZWR1LmF1 .

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

LS: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Supervision, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. MB-I: Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft. BR: Data curation, Formal analysis, Validation, Writing – review & editing.

The author(s) declare that no financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Acknowledgments

We thank women from across the world who generously gave their time and shared their experiences by completing the survey. We also acknowledge the feedback and suggestions provided by two reviewers that helped strengthen our manuscript.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Keywords: domestic violence, patriarchal beliefs, control, feminist framework, Indian communities

Citation: Satyen L, Bourke-Ibbs M and Rowland B (2024) A global study into Indian women’s experiences of domestic violence and control: the role of patriarchal beliefs. Front. Psychol . 15:1273401. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1273401

Received: 07 August 2023; Accepted: 05 January 2024; Published: 01 March 2024.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2024 Satyen, Bourke-Ibbs and Rowland. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Lata Satyen, bGF0YUBkZWFraW4uZWR1LmF1

† These authors have contributed equally to this work

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Violence Against Women in India: An Analysis of Correlates of Domestic Violence and Barriers and Facilitators of Access to Resources for Support

Affiliations.

• 1 John Hopkins University School of Nursing, Baltimore, MD.
• 2 School of Social Work, Loyola University, Chicago, IL.
• 3 Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Baltimore, MD.
• PMID: 36530195
• PMCID: PMC9756932
• DOI: 10.1080/26408066.2022.2105671

Purpose: Domestic violence (DV) is a significant public health problem in India, with women disproportionately impacted. This study a) identified risk and protective correlates of DV and, b) barriers and facilitators for seeking and receiving help for DV among women in India.

Methods: A systematic search of 5 databases was performed to identify correlates of DV in the quantitative literature. The search resulted in inclusion of 68 studies for synthesis. For qualitative exploration, data were collected from 27 women in India.

Results: While factors such as social norms and attitudes supportive of DV were both risk correlates and barriers to addressing DV, omen's empowerment, financial independence and informal sources of support were both protective correlates of DV as well as facilitators in addressing DV.

Conclusions: Strong efforts in India are needed to reduce DV-related risk factors and strengthen protective factors and enhance access to care for women in abusive relationships.

Keywords: Domestic violence; help-seeking; resources; women.

Publication types

• Systematic Review
• Domestic Violence* / prevention & control
• Risk Factors
• Social Norms

Grants and funding

• R00 HD082350/HD/NICHD NIH HHS/United States
• R01 MD013863/MD/NIMHD NIH HHS/United States