positive psychology research articles

• University of Pennsylvania
• School of Arts and Sciences
• Penn Calendar

Selected Scholarly Articles

Theoretical Foundations of Positive Psychology:

Positive Psychology: An Introduction , Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000

APA President’s Address, Seligman, 1998

American Psychologist: Special Issue on Positive Psychology, 2000

Positive Psychology FAQs , Seligman & Pawelski, 2003

A Balanced Psychology and a Full Life, Seligman , Parks, & Steen, 2004

What (and Why) is Positive Psychology?, Gable and Haidt, 2005

Dynamic Spread of Happiness in a Large Social Network: Longitudinal Analysis over 20 Years in the Framingham Heart Study , Fowler & Christakis, 2008

Happiness Can Spread Among People Like a Contagion, Study Indicates , Washington Post, 2008

Non Zero: The Logic of Human Destiny , Robert Wright, 2001

Ordinary Magic: Resilience Processes in Development , Masten, 2001

The Better Angels of Our Nature , Pinker 2011

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress , Pinker, 2018

PERMA and the Building Blocks of Well-Being, Seligman, 2018

Positive Psychology: A Personal History , Seligman, 2019

Agency in Greco Roman Philosophy , Seligman, 2020

Agency in Ancient China , Zhao, Seligman et al., 2021

Psychological History and Predicting the Future , Seligman, 2022

Well-Being Research:

Beyond Money , Diener and Seligman, 2004

Subjective Well-Being: Three Decades of Progress , Diener at al., 1999

Subjective Well-Being: The Science of Happiness and a Proposal for a National Index , Diener, 2000

Using Well Being for Public Policy: Theory, Measurement, and Recommendations , Adler and Seligman, 2016

If, Why, and When Subjective Well-Being Influences Health, and Future Needed Research, Diener, Pressman, and Delgadillo-Chase, 2017

Social Media and Well-Being Research :

Limiting Social Media Decreases Loneliness and Depression , Hunt, Marx, Lipson, & Young, 2018

Detecting Depression and Mental Illness on Social Media: An Integrative Review , Guntuku et al., 2017

Predicting Individual Well-Being Through the Language of Social Media , Schwartz et al., 2016

Gaining Insights from Social Media Language: Methodologies and Challenges , Kern et al., 2016

Psychological Language on Twitter Predicts County-Level Heart Disease Mortality , Eichstaedt et al., 2015

Personality, Gender, and Age in the Language of Social Media: The Open-Vocabulary Approach , Schwartz et al., 2013

Optimism Research :

Association between Predeployment Optimism and Onset of Postdeployment Pain in US Army Soldiers, Hassett et al, 2019

Optimism and Physical Health: A Meta-analytic Review , Rasmussen, Scheier & Greenhouse, 2009

Pessimistic Explanatory Style Is a Risk Factor for Physical Illness: A Thirty-Five-Year Longitudinal Study , Peterson & Seligman, 1988

Explanatory Style Change During Cognitive Therapy for Unipolar Depression, Seligman et al., 1988

Explanatory Style as a Predictor of Productivity and Quitting Among Life Insurance Sales Agents , Seligman and Schulman, 1986

Explanatory Style as a Mechanism of Disappointing Athletic Performance , Seligman et al., 1990

Explanatory Style and Academic Performance Among University Freshmen , Peterson & Barrett, 1987

Attributional Style in Depression: A Meta-Analytic Review , Sweeney, Anderson & Bailey, 1986

Learned Helplessness in Children: A Longitudinal Study of Depression, Achievement, and Explanatory Style, Nolen-Hoeksema, Girgus, & Seligman, 1986

Causal Explanations as a Risk Factor for Depression: Theory and Evidence, Peterson & Seligman, 1984

Learned helplessness in Humans: Critique and Reformulation, Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978

Learned Helplessness: Theory and Evidence ,  Maier & Seligman, 1976

Learned Helplessness , Seligman, 1972

Positive Psychology Interventions Research:

Positive Psychology Progress: Empirical Validation of Interventions , Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005

Pursuing Happiness in Everyday Life: The Characteristics and Behaviors of Online Happiness Seekers , Parks et al., 2012

Disseminating Self-Help: Positive Psychology Exercises in an Online Trial , Schueller & Parks, 2012

Building Resilience , Harvard Business Review, Seligman, 2011

Character Strengths Research :

Christopher M. Peterson (Memoriam), Park & Seligman, 2013

Character Strengths Predict Subjective Well-Being During Adolescence, Gillham et al., 2011

Character Strengths: Research and Practice , Park & Peterson, 2009 

Strengths of Character, Orientations to Happiness, and Life Satisfaction , Peterson et al., 2007

Character Strengths in Fifty-Four Nations and the Fifty US States , Park, Peterson, & Seligman, 2006

Shared Virtue: The Convergence of Valued Human Strengths Across Culture and History, Dahlsgaard, Peterson, & Seligman, 2005

Strengths of Character and Well-Being , Park, Peterson & Seligman, 2004

Chris Peterson's Unfinished Masterwork: The Real Mental Illnesses , Seligman, 2013

Research on the VIA Institute Website

Positive Emotions Research :

Positive Emotions Broaden and Build , Fredrickson, 2013

Counting Blessings Versus Burdens: An Experimental Investigation of Gratitude and Subjective Well-Being in Daily Life , Emmons & McCullough, 2003

The Grateful Disposition: A Conceptual and Empirical Topography , McCullough & Emmons, 2002

The Psychology of Forgiveness , McCullough & vanOyen Witvliet, 2001

Interpersonal Forgiving in Close Relationships: II. Theoretical Elaboration and Measurement , McCullough et al., 1998

Mindfulness Training Modifies Subsystems of Attention , Jha, Krompinger & Baime, 2007

Witnessing Excellence in Action: The ‘Other-Praising’ Emotions of Elevation, Gratitude, and Admiration , Algoe & Haidt, 2009

The Varieties of Self-Transcendent Experience , Yaden, Haidt, Hood, Vago, and Newberg, 2017

A Four-Factor Model of Perceived Control: Avoiding, Coping, Obtaining, and Savoring , Bryant, 1989

Engagement Research :

Flow Theory and Research , Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2009

Relationships Research :

What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal Benefits of Sharing Positive Events , Gable et al., 2004 

Meaning Research :

On the Meaning of Work: A Theoretical Integration and Review , Rosso, Dekas & Wrzesniewski, 2010 

Crafting a Job: Revisioning Employees as Active Crafters of Their Work , Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001

Jobs, Careers, and Callings: People’s Relations to Their Work , Wrzesniewski et al., 1997

The Development of Purpose During Adolescence , Damon, Menon & Bronk, 2003

Achievement Research :

The Science and Practice of Self-Control , Duckworth & Seligman, 2017

Self-Control and Grit: Related but Separable Determinants of Success , Duckworth & Gross, 2014

Grit: Perseverance and Passion for Long-Term Goals , Duckworth et al., 2007 

Self-Discipline Outdoes IQ in Predicting Academic Performance of Adolescents , Duckworth & Seligman, 2005

The Role of Deliberate Practice in the Acquisition of Expert Performance , Ericsson, Krampe & Tesch-Romer, 1993 

A Social-Cognitive Approach to Motivation and Personality , Dweck & Leggett, 1988

School-Based Resilience Interventions Research :

Positive Education  Seligman & Adler 2019

Positive Education, Seligman & Adler, 2018

Positive Education: Positive Psychology and Classroom Interventions , Seligman, Ernst, Gillham, Reivich, & Linkins, 2009

Group Prevention of Depression and Anxiety Symptoms , Seligman, Schulman, & Tryon, 2007

The Prevention of Depression and Anxiety , Seligman, Schulman, DeRubeis, & Hollon, 1999

Teaching Well-Being increases Academic Performance: Evidence from Bhutan , Mexico, and Peru, Adler, 2016

Physical Health Following a Cognitive-Behavioral Intervention , Buchanan, Gardenswartz, & Seligman, 1999

School-Based Prevention of Depressive Symptoms: A Randomized Controlled Study of the Effectiveness and Specificity of the Penn Resilience Program, Gillham et al., 2007

Prevention of Depressive Symptoms in School Children: Two Year Follow-Up , Gillham, Reivich, Jaycox, & Seligman, 1995

Prevention of Depressive Symptoms in School Children, Jaycox, Reivich, Gillham, & Seligman, 1994

A Meta-Analytic Review of the Penn Resiliency Program's Effect on Depressive Symptoms , Brunwasser, Gillham, & Kim, 2009

Primal World Beliefs:

Primal World Beliefs , Clifton et al., 2019

Parents Think, Incorrectly, that Teaching their Children the World is a Bad Place is Best for Them , Clifton & Meindl, 2021

Well-Being and the Arts:

Art Museums as Institutions for Human Flourishing , Cotter and Pawelski, 2021

Imagination Research :

Creativity and Aging: What We Can Make with What We Have Left , Seligman, Forgeard, & Kaufman, 2017

Openness/Intellect: The Core of the Creative Personality , Oleynick et al., 2017

How Social-Emotional Imagination Facilitates Deep Learning and Creativity in the Classroom ,, Gotlieb, Jahner, Immordino-Yang, & Kaufman, 2017

Cultivating the Social-Emotional Imagination in Gifted Education: Insights from Educational Neuroscience , Gotlieb, Hyde, Immordino-Yang, & Kaufman, 2017

Post-Traumatic Growth Research :

Posttraumatic Growth: Conceptual Foundations and Empirical Evidence , Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004

Doors Opening: A Mechanism for Growth After Adversity, Roepke & Seligman, 2015

Positive Psychology and Therapy Research:

Cognitive Therapy and Research Special Issue: Positive Emotions and Cognitions in Clinical Psychology , June 2017

Positive Psychology in Clinical Practice , Duckworth, Steen, & Seligman, 2005

Positive Psychotherapy , Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006

Positive Health Research : 

Positive Health , Seligman, 2008

Positive Health and Health Assets: Re-analysis of Longitudinal Datasets , Seligman et al., 2013

The Person-Event Data Environment: Leveraging Big Data for Studies of Psychological Strengths in Soldiers. Vie, Griffith, Scheier, Lester & Seligman, 2013

The U.S. Army Person-Event Data Environment: A Military-Civilian Big Data Enterprise, Vie et al., 2015

Initial Validation of the U.S. Army Global Assessment Tool , Vie, Scheier, Lester, & Seligman, 2016

Protective Effects of Psychological Strengths Against Psychiatric Disorders Among Soldiers, Shrestha et al., 2018

Association Between Predeployment Optimism and Onset of Postdeployment Pain in US Army Soldiers, Hassett et al., 2019

PTSD: Catastrophizing in Combat as Risk and Protection, Seligman et al., 2019

Comparison of Cardiovascular Health Between US Army and Civilians. Shrestha et al., 2019

Optimism and Risk of Incident Hypertension: A Target for Primordial Prevention , Kubzansky et al., 2020

Development of Character Strengths Across the Deployment Cycle Among U.S. Army Soldiers , Chopik et al., 2020

Happy Soldiers are Highest Performers , Lester et al., 2021

Prospective Psychology:

We Aren't Built to Live in the Moment , Seligman & Tierney, 2017

Navigating into the Future or Driven by the Past , Seligman, Railton, Baumeister, & Sripada, 2013

Depression and Prospection , Roepke & Seligman, 2016

SYSTEMATIC REVIEW article

Positive psychology: looking back and looking forward.

• Department of Psychology, Institute on Aging, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI, United States

Envisioning the future of positive psychology (PP) requires looking at its past. To that end, I first review prior critiques of PP to underscore that certain early problems have persisted over time. I then selectively examine recent research to illustrate progress in certain areas as well as draw attention to recurrent problems. Key among them is promulgation of poorly constructed measures of well-being and reliance on homogeneous, privileged research samples. Another concern is the commercialization of PP, which points to the need for greater oversight and quality control in profit-seeking endeavors. Looking ahead, I advocate for future science tied to contemporary challenges, particularly ever-widening inequality and the pandemic. These constitute intersecting catastrophes that need scientific attention. Such problems bring into focus “neglected negatives” that may be fueling current difficulties, including greed, indifference, and stupidity. Anger, which defies easy characterization as positive or negative, also warrants greater scientific study. Going forward I advocate for greater study of domains that likely nurture good lives and just societies – namely, participation in the arts and encounters with nature, both currently under study. Overall, my entreaty to PP is to reckon with persistent problems from its past, while striving toward a future that is societally relevant and virtuous.

Introduction

I have studied psychological well-being for over 30 years ( Ryff, 1989 , 2014 , 2018 ), seeking to define its essential features as well as learn about factors that promote or undermine well-being and probe how it matters for health. I bring this past experience and expertise to thinking about positive psychology (PP), noting that I have never considered myself a positive psychologist, mostly because it has always seemed misguided to me to partition science by valence. Everything that interests me involves complex blends of good and bad things, what Rilke called the beauty and terror of life. With these ideas in mind, I reflect about the future of PP by first looking at its past to highlight what it has, or has not, contributed over the last two decades. My views represent personal observations from an outsider who, from the outset, was dubious about the point of launching the PP movement.

I begin with a look at early critiques, including my own, that distilled various concerns about the launching of PP. Some of those problems have endured, such as the failure to embrace the deeper history of psychology and related fields that have long addressed optimal human functioning. This distortion undermines the building of cumulative and coherent knowledge, while also contributes to insularity within PP. Additional past critiques, some from within PP, emphasized the need to put negative and positive experience together, as in dialectical approaches. I made similar points along the way. For this essay, I describe work outside the PP umbrella doing exactly that, drawing largely on the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) national longitudinal study 1 , which I have led over the past two decades.

Returning to PP, on the topic of scientific progress I highlight select contributions over the past 20 years, but again underscore that most of these topics predated PP. On the downside, two notable problems are discussed: (1) poorly constructed measures of well-being and problematic findings, which contradict the claim that PP rests on solid science; and (2) widespread use of homogeneous research samples (white, well-educated, Western) in PP, thereby ignoring how race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and culture matter for positive human functioning. Linked to these problems is widespread pursuit of financial profit, purportedly grounded in rigorous scientific findings. Such commercialization, illustrated by products and shopping carts on websites, makes clear that PP has become a major business. Money-making, I observe, is a strange counterpoint to the recurring emphasis on character strengths and virtue. Financial gain raises additional issues of ethical oversight and quality control in what is being sold.

Going forward, PP and the human sciences in general need to address contemporary societal problems. I focus on ever-widening inequality, now compounded by the pandemic. What we know is that the suffering is not occurring equally, but is happening disproportionately among those who were already vulnerable. These difficulties bring into high relief topics that psychology has largely neglected. Among pernicious negatives of our era that may be fueling the problems we see are greed and indifference, especially among the privileged, as well as stupidity, which seems to cut across educational strata. Anger is another important contemporary emotion that defies easy characterization as positive or negative. These topics stand in marked contrast to what PP was meant to correct – namely, the preoccupation with psychopathology, weakness and damage ( Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi, 2000 ).

Looking ahead, I examine factors that may be key in nourishing good lives and just societies, such as active engagement with the arts, broadly defined. Widespread initiatives are moving in this direction, though few emphasize the critical role of the arts in understanding human suffering, which I bring into high relief. A key question is whether great literature, music, poetry, painting, and film can activate caring and compassion, particularly among the advantaged. Encounters with nature constitute another domain for nourishing good lives, while also strengthening commitments to take care for our planet. I note currently unfolding work along these lines.

Looking Back

Early critiques of positive psychology.

Most cite Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) as the definitive statement of what PP was about and why it was needed. The essay began with the authors describing what led each of them to believe that psychology as a discipline was preoccupied with “pathology, weakness, and damage” (p. 7). These assertions were remarkably at odds with extensive literatures on the positive in clinical, developmental, existential, and humanistic psychology – decades of prior work, much of which I drew on to formulate an integrative model of psychological well-being ( Ryff, 1989 ). Instead, most of the foundational exegesis was devoted to describing the 15 articles that followed. All represented longstanding programs of research on such topics as evolution, subjective well-being, optimism, self-determination, maturity, health, wisdom, creativity, and giftedness. These realms were themselves notably at odds with the assertion that psychology was preoccupied with the negative, a point strangely missed by the founders of PP.

Three years later Psychological Inquiry published a target article titled “Does the Positive Psychology Movement Have Legs?” ( Lazarus, 2003 ), followed by numerous commentaries. Ryff (2003) found fault with many aspects of the Lazarus critique (e.g., subjectivism, dimensional versus discrete models of emotion, and cross-sectional research), most of which I clarified were not problems specific to PP. On the topic of emotion, however, I argued for joint focus on negative and positive emotions because “…bad things happen to people, and the healthy response is to feel the sadness, pain, frustration, fear, disappointment, anger, or shame resulting from the adverse experience. However, good things also happen to people, and the healthy response is to feel joy, pride, love, affection, pleasure, or contentment from such experience positive experiences. Thus, the capacity for experiencing and expressing both realms of emotion is central to healthy functioning.” (p. 154).

The unsatisfactory Lazarus critique meant that the central strengths and limitations of PP had not been addressed. On the credit side of the ledger, I praised the special issue for bringing together in the same forum research programs that addressed positive, healthy, adaptive features of human functioning, but underscored that everything assembled came from longstanding programs of prior research. Nothing meant to exemplify this new movement was new : “This myopia about past and present is damaging not for the superficial reason of taking credit for advances already contributed by others but for more serious problems of increasing the likelihood of reinventing wheels, both conceptual and empirical, such that science fails to be incremental and cumulative” ( Ryff, 2003 , p. 155).

To illustrate historical precursors, I drew on Coan’s (1977) Hero, Artist, Sage, or Saint. It described centuries of scholarly efforts to depict the more noble attributes of humankind, such as the ancient Greeks’ emphasis on reason and rationality, St. Augustine’s emphasis on close contact with the divine, the Renaissance emphasis on creative self-expression, and the poets and philosophers of the Enlightenment. I also noted James (1902/1958) eloquent writings about healthy-mindedness juxtaposed with the sick soul, along with others who formulated individuation ( Jung, 1933 ; Von Franz, 1964 ), ego development ( Erikson, 1959 ), maturity ( Allport, 1961 ), self-actualization ( Maslow, 1968 ), the fully functioning person ( Rogers, 1961 ), and positive mental health ( Jahoda, 1958 ).

My own work on well-being ( Ryff, 1989 ) had drawn extensively on these sources, while Ryan and Deci’s (2001) review of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being distilled other philosophical precursors. I noted other contributions on positive topics, such as studies of ego development ( Loevinger, 1976 ), adult personality development ( Helson and Srivastava, 2001 ), generativity ( McAdams and St. Aubin, 1998 ), the human quest for meaning ( Wong and Fry, 1998 ), effective coping and self-regulation ( Carver and Scheier, 1998 ), and proliferating research on human resilience and post-traumatic growth ( Tedeschi et al., 1998 ; Luthar et al., 2000 ). My point: “Taken as a whole, this impressive array of current and past research on the upside of human condition leaves one wondering what all the fanfare has been about. Positive psychology is alive and well, and it most assuredly has legs, which stretch back into the distant history of the discipline. It is only from particular vantage points, such as clinical or abnormal psychology that the positive focus constitutes a novelty. For other subfields, especially life-span developmental and personality psychology, there has always been a concern for healthy, optimal human functioning. Perhaps the main message in the positive psychology initiative is thus how deeply entrenched and divided are the subfields within which psychologists work” ( Ryff, 2003 , p. 157). Unfortunately, this failure to consider relevant wider literatures has persisted through time. More than a decade later, the positive in PP was defined entirely from “Three Foundational Documents” ( Pawelski, 2016 ), which included Seligman (1999) and Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) , and an unpublished paper from a 2000 conference in Akumal, Mexico organized by Seligman. Effectively, all meanings of the positive in PP emanated from its founder, thus more deeply entrenching the historical myopia.

My 2003 essay concluded with a call for psychology to organize its house of strengths and to be circumspect about generating new assessments: “Those who would add to the many tools already available need to be clear that they are not contributing to clutter – that is, generating instruments that are redundant with extant measures.” (p. 157). The concern went unheeded, as I detail later.

Calls to Put Negative and Positive Realms Together

Wong (2011) advocated for a balanced and interactive model of the good life: “the development of character strengths and resilience may benefit from prior experience of having overcome negative conditions” (p. 70). The call to maximize positive affect and minimize negative affect could also create a “happy person as a well-defended fortress, invulnerable to the vicissitudes of life” ( King, 2001 , p. 53). New to the discourse, Wong called for a balance between individualist and collectivist orientations, thereby signaling the need to address cultural issues. Similarly, Lomas and Ivtzan (2016) called for second wave positive psychology to recognize the insufficiency of the admonition of first wave PP to go beyond a psychology preoccupied with disorder and dysfunction. Negative states could be conducive to flourishing, calling again for recognition of the dialectical nature of wellbeing. Five dichotomies were examined: optimism versus pessimism, self-esteem versus humility, freedom versus restriction, forgiveness versus anger, and happiness versus sadness. Within each, the value of both sides was described. These ideas aligned with other prior work, such as Carver and Scheier’s (2003) observation that doubt and disengagement play critical roles alongside commitment and confidence as well as Larsen et al. (2003) emphasis on co-activation of positive and negative emotions that allow individuals to make sense of stressors and gain mastery over them.

At the 6th European Conference on PP in Moscow, I spoke about “Contradiction at the Core of the Positive Psychology Movement: The Essential Role of the Negative in Adaptive Human Functioning” ( Ryff, 2012 ), beginning with a quote from Dostoyevsky’s Notes From the Underground: “And why are you so firmly and triumphantly certain that only what is normal and positive – in short, only well-being is good for man? Is reason mistaken about what is good? After all perhaps prosperity isn’t the only thing that pleases mankind. Perhaps he is just as attracted to suffering. Perhaps suffering is just as good to him as prosperity.” I then drew on Mill’s (1893/1989) Autobiography: “Those only are happy, I thought, who have their minds fixed on some object other than their own happiness, on the happiness of others, on the improvement of mankind, even on some art or pursuit, followed not as a means, but as itself an ideal end. Aiming thus as something else, they find happiness by the way.”

Arguing that psychology should not be partitioned by valence because all lives encompass both positives and negatives, I provided three examples of how they might come together. In the first, the positive is construed as an antidote to the negative, such as how positive emotions can help undo negative emotions ( Fredrickson, 1998 ), or how psychological well-being can help prevent relapse of depression or anxiety ( Fava et al., 1998 ; Ruini and Fava, 2009 ). In the second, the negative is seen as the route or path to the positive, as in trauma contributing to personal growth ( Tedeschi et al., 1998 ), or the expression of negative emotion fostering relational intimacy ( Reis, 2001 ), or the expression of negative emotion in childhood contributing, via skilled parenting, to emotional development ( Gottman, 2001 ). In the third, the positive and negative emotions are inextricably linked, such that embedded within every negative is a positive and within every positive is a negative. This dialectical perspective is more common in interdependent cultural contexts, with our findings ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2011 ) showing that Japanese adults report experiencing both positive and negative affect, whereas United States adults report mostly positive affect. The dialectical emotional style was also linked with better health (fewer physical symptoms) in Japan compared to the United States.

Around the same time, McNulty and Fincham (2012) issued an important new challenge to PP: to consider that psychological traits and processes are not inherently positive or negative, but can be either depending on the context in which they occur. This insight was illustrated with interpersonal research (longitudinal studies of marital partners). Four putatively positive processes (forgiveness, optimism, benevolent attributions, and kindness) were shown to be beneficial, or harmful, depending on the context in which they occurred. For example, whether forgiveness was linked with self-respect differed by levels of agreeableness of one’s partner. Martial satisfaction over time also varied depending on whether attributions for spouses’ undesirable behaviors were more or less benevolent. This work, including numerous other examples, offered compelling evidence that simplistic characterizations of phenomena as positive or negative are misguided.

Integrative Work Outside the Positive Psychology Umbrella

Extensive research not part of PP has brought negative and positive aspects of human experience together. To illustrate, I describe select findings from the MIDUS (Midlife in the United States) national longitudinal study (see text Footnote 1), which is based on diverse probability samples, thereby facilitating analyses of how well-being and health vary by age, race, gender, and socioeconomic status. A counterpart study in Japan (MIDJA) has illuminated cultural differences in well-being and health. MIDUS has unprecedented depth in high quality measures of hedonic well-being (life satisfaction, positive, and negative affect), eudaimonic well-being (autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations with others, purpose in life, and self-acceptance), optimism, sense of control, personality traits, generativity, social responsibility, and social ties with spouse/significant other as well as parents during childhood. Deeply multidisciplinary in scope, MIDUS has facilitated linkage of all of the above variables to epidemiology, biology, neuroscience, and genetics. Most importantly, MIDUS data are publicly available and are widely used by scientists around the world.

Many findings have combined positive and negatives. For example, Morozink et al. (2010) showed that those with lower educational attainment had elevated levels of IL-6 (interleukin-6, an inflammatory marker implicated in numerous diseases) but higher psychological well-being buffered against such effects. Miller et al. (2011) showed that those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds had increased risk for metabolic syndrome in adulthood, but maternal nurturance buffered such risk. Resilience findings (see Ryff et al., 2012 ) showing that positive psychosocial factors afforded protection against poor health and physiological dysregulation in the face of various challenges (aging, inequality, early life adversity, cancer, loss of spouse). Breaking new ground, multiple studies have documented that higher purpose in life predicts increased length of life and better health behaviors ( Ryff and Kim, 2020 ). Regarding underlying mechanisms, Heller et al. (2013) showed that sustained activation of reward circuitry in the brain predicted higher eudaimonic well-being as well as better diurnal regulation of cortisol. Personality researchers have studied “healthy neuroticism,” with findings from multiple international studies showing that neuroticism is less strongly linked with poor health behaviors (smoking, inactivity) among those who are high in conscientiousness ( Graham et al., 2020 ).

With regard to race, MIDUS has advanced knowledge of the Black-White paradox in health ( Keyes, 2009 ) – i.e., despite inequality and discrimination, Blacks show higher levels of flourishing and lower levels of mental disorders than Whites. Keyes (2005 , 2007) also revealed neglected types of mental health in the general population by jointly examining mental distress (depression and anxiety) and well-being (emotion, psychological, and social). In contrast to those who are flourishing (high well-being and no mental distress) are those who are languishing, defined as not suffering from mental distress but having low well-being. Declining well-being over time also predicted increased subsequent risk of mental distress ( Keyes et al., 2010 ), while positive mental health predicted subsequent recovery from mental illness ( Iasiello et al., 2019 ). Space does not permit the details, but many findings from MIDUS and MIDJA have documented cultural differences in how emotion and well-being matter for health and biological risk ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2021 ).

To reiterate, I include the above glimpse at MIDUS research is to underscore the need for greater interplay and exchange between the field of PP and much parallel science being done by those who do not view themselves as positive psychologists and are not publishing in journals aligned with PP or happiness.

Recent Work in Positive Psychology

This section first below examines select areas of research that represent forward progress of PP over the past two decades. Then I note recent evaluative overviews of PP from those within the field. Some of their concerns are elaborated in the next sections on what I see as problems within PP science: first, the promulgation of poor instruments for assessing well-being, and second, the reliance on largely privileged, homogeneous samples for conducting PP research.

Forward Empirical Progress

Whether the science of PP is moving constructively forward can examined in various ways. Rather than conduct a systematic review of empirical findings, I choose to focus on chapter-writing, mostly from 3rd Edition of the Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology ( Snyder et al., 2021 ). Unlike journal articles, chapters allow authors to combine many advances on particular topics over time thereby offering a narrative overview of multiple findings. The book includes 68 chapters written by 153 authors, 86% of whom were from the United States.

In the study of emotion, multiple lines of progress are evident. The broaden and build theory continues to evolve by showing short- and long-term benefits of positive emotions in multiple domains, including thoughts, actions, stress, health, physiological and neurological connections ( Tugade et al., 2021 ). Studies of positive affectivity, a trait composed of different components (joviality, self-assurance, and attentiveness) have also progressed via linkages to other constructs (extraversion, happiness, and well-being) as well as psychological disorders, health, marital and job satisfaction, and cultural issues ( Naragon-Gainey and Watson, 2021 ). Positive affect has been linked to longer life, lower incidence of disease, better recovery from disease and better overall health ( Hunter et al., 2021 ), with calls for further work on mechanisms, culture, and technology. The emotional approach to coping (EAC) shows evidence on the intentional use of emotional processing and expression to manage adverse circumstances, such as infertility, sexual assault, diabetes, cancer ( Moreno et al., 2021 ), while calling for more work on interventions, including who benefits (which contexts).

Happiness studies have examined ways in which happy and unhappy people respond to social comparisons, make decisions, and reflect ( Boehm et al., 2021 ), along with strategies (experiments and activities) to improve happiness and formulation of underlying mechanisms. Veenhoven (2021) reviewed differences in happiness across nations and linked them to important questions about what governments can or cannot do to raise levels of happiness, thus reaching toward issues of public policy. A unified model of meaning in life was advanced, underscoring the need for conceptual integration in this growing area of science ( Steger, 2021 ). Positive aging was covered via multiple positive formulations that have been extensively studied, in some cases with interventions ( Nakamura and Chan, 2021 ).

Shifting to life outlooks, how the future is construed was covered with work on optimism showing that those who expect good things to occur have higher well-being, better health, and higher quality social ties, partly attributable to how they cope with adversity ( Mens et al., 2021 ). Detrimental consequences of hope were considered, while calling for greater work on the origins of hope and cultural issues. Hope, defined as the perceived ability to achieve desired goals via pathways and agency, was examined with a goal pursuit process model and linked to academic and athletic performance, health and well-being, social relationships, and work ( Rand and Touza, 2021 ). Resilience, the capacity for positive adaptation in the face of significant adversity, was examined in models that illuminated self-regulation skills, good parenting, community resources and effective schools ( Cutuli et al., 2021 ). Strategies for reducing risk, building strengths and mobilizing adaptive systems were future directions.

Positive mental health was covered with a thoughtful historical perspective and overview of current conceptualizations and measures ( Delle Fava and Negri, 2021 ), examined from life course and cultural perspectives. Illustrating methodological novelty, Tarragona (2021) considered the benefits of personal narratives and expressive writing on mental health and physical health (immune function and cardiovascular health), particularly in the context of trauma. Dominant approaches to mental health interventions (psychotherapy, counseling, and coaching) were examined for commonalities and differences in time perspectives, therapeutic strategies and recipients ( Ruini and Marques, 2021 ), while emphasizing the need for professional regulation and oversight.

Several chapters covered interpersonal themes. Attachment theory was presented as a framework for studying positive relationships ( Mikulincer and Shaver, 2021 ) via links between mental representations of attachment security and how they matter for diverse outcomes (health, social adjustment or interpersonal conflict, and personal growth). Relationship complexities were examined, underscoring both meaningful rewards and substantial risks of close social ties ( Gable and Maisel, 2021 ). They highlighted positive processes, involving positive emotions, intimacy, growth of self-concept, and benefits of sharing positive events. Past research on empathy was reviewed and emerging work on the neuroscience of empathy described ( Duan and Sager, 2021 ). How empathy relates to racial/ethnic diversity, multiculturalism, and social justice were future directions. Forgiveness was described in terms of the methods used and the differentiation of various antecedents, some intrapersonal (empathy, personality, attributions, and religion) and others interpersonal (closeness and conciliatory behavior) ( Tsang and Martin, 2021 ). Whether forgiveness is uniformly positive was considered.

Pawelski and Tay’s (2021) described efforts to connect PP to the humanities through new conceptual analyses and various interventions. Silvia and Kashdan (2021) examined curiosity and interest, framed as recognizing, seeking out, and preferring things outside one’s normal experience. How these tendencies matter for well-being is under study in the laboratory and everyday life. Courage, defined as facing personal risks in pursuit of worthy goals, was examined historically and via modern theory and measurement tools focused on volition, goals, and risk ( Pury et al., 2021 ). Humility, formulated as accurate and modest self-presentation and being other-oriented, showed steady progress in empirical findings from 2000 to 2015 ( Worthington et al., 2021 ).

In sum, considerable evidence reveals forward progress on important topics in PP. Even though most areas of inquiry predated PP, it is useful to bring such contributions together to convey the range and diversity of topics on adaptive human functioning. At the same time, several chapters in the collection were not current in coverage, and some had a paucity of empirical findings. All ended with future questions. An interesting question is whether these have evolved over the past 20 years, or are largely similar to where the field was back then. Before addressing problematic areas of PP science, I next examine evaluative reviews from within the PP field.

Overarching Concerns About Positive Psychology

Lomas et al. (2021) call for PP to broaden toward complexity – go beyond the individual toward analysis of groups, organizations, and broader systems as well as to embrace diverse methodologies. Better understanding of context (historical, social, cultural, and institutional) was also emphasized. Contextual approaches were illustrated with positive organizational scholarship ( Cameron et al., 2003 ), positive educational approaches in schools ( Waters et al., 2010 ), and family-centered positive psychology ( Sheridan et al., 2004 ; Henry et al., 2015 ). Lomas et al. (2021) called for greater ethical oversight of the ever-expanding cadre of PP practitioners from applied programs: “…unless practitioners are affiliated to a particular profession, they may be operating outside the advice and provisions of any set of ethical guidelines” (p. 16).

Kern et al. (2020) contrasted the rapid growth of PP with concern about exaggerated claims, inflated expectations, disillusionment, and possibly, unintentional harms. Issues of over-promising and under-delivering in programs with individuals, schools, the workplace, and communities were noted. To help the field mature, they advocated for systems informed PP, which would clarify epistemological, political, and ethical assumptions and commitments. The implications of such ideas for research and practice were examined.

van Zyl (2022) reviewed criticisms and concerns about PP, including the lack of a unifying metatheory that underpins the science as well as fundamental ideas for how positive psychological phenomena should be researched. Related criticisms were that PP has borrowed most of its theories from social, behavioral and cognitive psychology, thereby advancing few of its own unique perspectives. There is the problem of terminological confusion – e.g., using terms like flourishing or well-being interchangeably when operationalizations of them are notably different, or failing to recognize the possible overlap among putatively distinct topics, such as grit, conscientiousness, or diligence. Inconsistency in the factorial structures of various measurement models is a further problem. The fact that most PP has failed to produce significant or sustainable changes was noted, along with its cultural (Western) biases.

Taken together, I agree with most of the above assessments and further illustrate them below.

Problems in Positive Psychology Science: Flawed Conceptualization and Measurement of Well-Being

I bring my expertise in the study of psychological well-being to how some have approached this topic in PP. As noted above, I foresaw problems of measurement clutter at the dawning of PP ( Ryff, 2003 ). My prediction was prescient and needs attention, given growing interest in the measurement of well-being across scientific disciplines. A recent edited volume ( Lee et al., 2021 ) included scrutiny of multiple measurement approaches along with an animated exchange among contributors ( Ryff et al., 2021a , b ; VanderWeele et al., 2021a , b ) on the pluses and minuses of various assessment strategies. What came into high relief was concern about the proliferation of thin, poorly validated measures that are undermining quality science in the study of well-being.

Although not considered in the above volume, Seligman and his collaborators have contributed to this problem. I offer two examples of the promulgation of poorly constructed and poorly validated measures of well-being that are at odds with claims that PP rests on rigorous science. A first study ( Seligman et al., 2005 ) sought to validate five different interventions (gratitude visit, three good things, you at your best, using signature strengths in a new way, and identifying signature strengths). Internet-based samples were recruited through the authentic happiness website 2 ; most participants were white and highly educated.

All completed baseline assessments and five follow-up assessments over a 6-month period after completion of the intervention assignment. As a general observation, the findings were overstated – most comparisons between the control group and intervention groups were not significantly different across time, nor was there coherence in when such effects were evident. There was also insufficient attention given to pre–post comparisons, which are central for demonstrating intervention effectiveness. My primary focus, however, is on the outcomes assessed – specifically, the measure of happiness.

Described as “scientifically unwieldy” (p. 413) happiness was “dissolved” into three distinct components: “(a) positive emotion and pleasure (the pleasant life), (b) engagement (the engaged life), and (c) meaning (the meaningful life).” I note the redundancy in defining each component. The source for this tripartite formulation was Seligman’s (2002) trade book, Authentic Happiness , which was operationalized with the Steen Happiness Index (SHI), an unpublished 20-item inventory. No evidence was provided that the inventory measures three distinct components of well-being, nor is it likely such evidence could be assembled. Many items lack face validity – i.e., they pertained to other constructs, such as optimism, positive self-regard, frustration, energy, social connection, making good choices. Adding to the befuddlement was this statement: “We continue to use the word happiness, but only in the atheoretical sense of labeling the overall aim of the positive psychology endeavor and referring jointly to positive emotion, engagement, and meaning” (p. 413). All analyses focused the atheoretical construct of happiness – i.e., the component parts were nowhere to be seen.

Next came PERMA, defined by Seligman (2011) in Flourish , another popular book. Added to the prior components of positive emotion, engagement, and meaning, were now two additional components: relationships and accomplishment. Again, none were explicitly defined, nor was the pronouncement about what happiness entails theoretically grounded in anything , nor was it linked with the extensive prior empirical literatures on subjective and psychological well-being as well as research on positive emotions (exemplified by the diverse MIDUS measures). Such obliviousness to what the field had been investigating for decades made inevitable that there would be redundancy with already validated approaches and assessment tools. Such duplication became a certainty given how PERMA was operationalized – namely, by taking items from prior instruments ( Butler, 2011 ). These were transformed into the PERMA-Profiler ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ) via multiple studies (none clearly defined) involving a large samples recruited mostly through online systems; most participants were well-educated.

Missing from the reported analyses were key preliminaries required to develop quality assessments. For example, of central importance was whether the item pools for the five components were empirically distinct (i.e., did each item correlate more highly with its own scale than another scale?). In subsequent tests of convergent validity with other measures, a further problem, not addressed, was the degree of item-overlap (redundancy), given that all PERMA items came from prior instruments. Additional analyses correlated PERMA scales with 20+ measures. For many (e.g., organizational practices, political orientation, work performance, social capital, burnout, values, self-efficacy, perceived stress, and gratitude), the relevance of these analyses was unclear.

Subsequent work showed that PERMA and subjective well-being are indistinguishable ( Goodman et al., 2018 ). Seligman (2018) responded by calling for the need to “transcend psychometrics,” accompanied by an exegesis on the psychometrics of baseball pitching. Also offered was the observation that “SWB probably is the useful final common path of the elements of well-being” (p. 1) – presumably an effort to deflect evidence away from the clear empirical redundancy of PERMA with subjective well-being. Most incoherent was the following: “All of this is to say that a good theory of the elements of well-being helps to build well-being and that the psychometric findings that the elements correlate perfectly with overall well-being and that the elements correlate very well with each other is not very instructive when it comes to building well-being” (p. 2).

Other findings have shown questionable support for the putative five-factor structure of PERMA ( Watanabe et al., 2018 ; Ryan et al., 2019 ; Umucu et al., 2020 ). Data from German speaking countries Wammerl et al. (2019) supported for the five-factor model but also bifactor models ( Reise, 2012 ). My observation is that these latter methodological studies examining various multivariate structures are largely disconnected from substantive issues of what well-being is, or critical questions needed to advance the field. Those are not about dimensional structures of recycled items, but about the antecedents and consequents well-being, whether well-being is protective in the face of adversity, and whether interventions can promote well-being. On all of these questions, the above two efforts to articulate a meaningful, conceptually grounded theory of happiness that works empirically (i.e., the data support the claimed multifactorial structure) AND that is distinct from what was already in the field, have failed.

Problems in Positive Psychology Science: Samples and Contexts

A second major problem in PP research, already illustrated in preceding sections, is the overwhelming reliance on homogeneous, privileged samples . This lack of diversity pervades subfields of psychology that have tended to conduct their research with readily available college students or community volunteers. Others call this the WEIRD phenomenon ( Henrich et al., 2010 ) – doing research with western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic societies. Minorities and socioeconomically disadvantaged individuals are missing in such inquiries, although population research makes clear that well-being and health are linked with sociodemographic factors ( Ryff et al., 2021c ). Our review, which included findings from MIDUS and other large studies, made clear that numerous aspects of well-being (hedonic and eudaimonic) do, in fact, differ by age, socioeconomic status, race, and gender. These differences also predict diverse health outcomes, assessed in terms of symptoms, chronic conditions, biological risk factors, and mortality. Thanks to the MIDJA (Midlife in Japan) study, we have illuminated cultural differences in many of these same topics ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2021 ).

Closer to PP, I note that Frontiers in Psychology issued a recent call for papers to address with PPI (positive psychology interventions) work in non-WEIRD contexts ( van Zyl et al., 2021 ). Their bibliographic analyses showed that only about 2% of PPIs to date have been conducted with vulnerable groups, or in multi-cultural contexts. Clearly, a major need going forward is the importance of reducing the bias toward Western (often United States) samples of privileged people whose lives are clearly not representative of those from other cultural contexts as well as focusing on disadvantaged groups within such contexts.

The Commercialization of Positive Psychology: Needed Oversight

It is without question that PP has become a big business ( Horowitz, 2018 ). Happiness promotion involves billions of dollars spent on popular books, workshops, counseling/coaching, apps, websites, and social media platforms. PP has entered the corporate world through happiness consulting companies that claim to “bridge the gap between cutting-edge research in the field of positive psychology and best practices within corporate and community cultures around the globe” (p. 244). Horowitz wryly observes that few promoting happiness as the route to success consider the alternative – i.e., that success leads to happiness. There is also a marked failure to address the needs of lower echelon workers, such as better wages and benefits. Instead, motivational speakers cheer on executives, managers and workers with messages consonant with positive psychology and neoliberalism. Via apps and other gadgets happiness has become a “measurable, visible, improvable entity” (p. 246), thus replacing global commitments to combat stress, misery, and illness was with relaxation, happiness, and wellness.

I will not detail the dizzying array of websites promoting happiness, flourishing, and positive psychology; they are easily found online. Instead, I ask whether the for-profit cart has gotten seriously ahead of the scientific horse. This is a matter the scientific community cannot afford to ignore because it addresses whether the evidential basis behind the proliferation of products is truly there, or has been glossed over in the frenzy to sell. Prior to the commercialization of PP, scientists had shared understanding of what is required to demonstrate intervention effectiveness, as in randomized clinical trials, a staple of the National Institutes of Health. These guidelines exist to protect the public from products that are not credible. That the advertised promise of happiness promotion may be overstated is intimated by the “Earnings Disclaimer and Statement of Individual Responsibility” from the Flourishing Center 3 . It states that “the Flourishing Center, Inc. makes no guarantees that you will achieve results similar to ours or anyone else’s.” Additional text in this format follows: YOU FULLY AGREE AND UNDERSTAND THAT YOU AND YOU ALONE ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR YOUR SUCCESS OR FAILURE. NO REFUNDS ARE AVAILABLE UNLESS STATED OTHERWISE ON A PROGRAM’S SALES PAGE.

Closer to the heart of PP, we need to ask what it means when character strengths are being sold, when virtue has become a commodity, and when PP scientists have shopping carts on their websites. There is also the matter of pricing. Horowitz (2018) describes some who are receiving $25,000 speaker fees – are these defensible in academia? Many believe we have a responsibility to share our knowledge and expertise, but not to do so in pursuit of personal profit. Scrutiny also is required regarding the content of educational programs. Here I focus on the flagship program that is presumably leading the field – namely, the Master’s in Applied Positive Psychology (MAPP) at the University of Pennsylvania, described with no shortage of hubris, as Medici II ( Seligman, 2019 ). MAPP offers two semesters (nine courses) and a summer capstone project for a price of over $70,000. The curriculum is thinly described on the website, but if students are being taught that the theory, history, and meanings of PP (Introduction to Positive Psychology) began with Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) and other foundational documents ( Pawelski, 2016 ), they are not getting what they paid for. Further, if PERMA is being taught as a credible tool for measuring well-being (Research Methods and Evaluation), they are being miseducated. The theoretical, empirical, and experiential nature of positive interventions (Foundations of Positive Interventions) are not detailed on the website, but if Seligman et al. (2005) , reviewed above, is presented as credible evidence that PP interventions work, they are being misled.

Amidst these questions, it is important to underscore that high quality teaching materials for such programs do exist, such as the recent book on Positive Psychology Through the Life Span: An Existential Perspective ( Worth, 2022 ) and another on Positive Psychology in the Clinical Domains ( Ruini, 2017 ). Both offer thoughtful, historically comprehensive perspectives in their respective domains, which are essential features of quality education in PP.

The larger issue is the quality of what PP is marketing, not just in master’s programs, but also certificate programs and short-term seminars. Horowitz (2018) notes those who have expressed concerns about ethical oversight, calling for standardized nomenclature, formal training and certification guidelines, given uneven credentialing among those doing this work. Central concerns are whether the teaching in some programs is superficial and short-term practices lack scientific evidence of effectiveness. Stated otherwise, the commercialized end of PP appears to be fundamentally unregulated. “Despite all the research carried out in the field, what remains too often neglected are the who, why, and with what results ordinary consumers gain from all the money and time they spend on pursuing positive psychology by reading books, attending workshops, and carrying out recommended exercises.” (Horowitz, p. 274).

Looking Forward: Suggested New Directions for Positive Psychology

Societal ills as research imperatives.

Two major challenges of our era, ever-widening inequality and the world-wide pandemic, need scientific attention. Together, they constitute intersecting catastrophes ( Ryff, forthcoming ). Among those who were already disadvantaged, the pandemic has aggravated difficulties many were already facing plus added new challenges (unemployment, loss of healthcare, evictions due to unpaid rent, and food lines/hunger). MIDUS has been a prominent forum for investigating health inequalities, given its rich psychosocial, behavioral, and biological assessments ( Kirsch et al., 2019 ). Our findings have linked lower education and incomes to compromised well-being, greater psychological distress, poorer health behavior, higher stress exposures, elevated biological risk factors, greater morbidity and earlier mortality (see Text Footnote 1). A unique feature of the study has been recruitment of two national samples situated on either side of the Great Recession. Over the period covered by these two samples, educational attainment in the United States improved.

Despite such educational gains, the post-Recession refresher sample reported less household income (after adjusting for inflation), lower financial stability, worse health (multiple indicators) and lower well-being (multiple indicators) than the pre-Recession baseline sample. Further work compared the two samples on measures of negative and positive emotions, showing more compromised mental health in the later refresher sample, particularly among those with lower socioeconomic standing (measured with a composite of education, occupation, income, and wealth) ( Goldman et al., 2018 ). This worsening of mental health among disadvantaged Americans has occurred in the context of the opioid epidemic, growing alcoholism and increased death rates, including suicide, among middle-aged white persons of low SES standing ( Case and Deaton, 2015 ; Kolodny et al., 2015 ; Grant et al., 2017 ; Schuchat et al., 2017 ), a phenomenon known as deaths of despair ( Case and Deaton, 2020 ).

Positive psychologists need to engage with these societal changes. I note promising work already underway ( Waters et al., 2021 ). Although human strengths constitute important protective resources in the face of adversity, it is also the case that significant challenge can sometimes disable pre-existing strengths ( Shanahan et al., 2014 ). We found evidence of such disablement among those exposed to high levels of hardship in the Great Recession ( Kirsch and Ryff, 2016 ). Going forward, it is critical that studies of psychological strengths in the face of pandemic stress include assessment of key sociodemographic variables such as socioeconomic status in national samples. Vazquez et al. (2020) illustrated such work in a representative sample of Spanish adults. It is critical that future PP contributions to understanding impacts of the pandemic not perpetuate the longstanding prior focus on privileged, homogeneous samples.

Neglected Negatives Behind the Current Societal Problems

The founders of PP advocated that psychology should encompass more than psychopathology (depression and anxiety) and other forms of dysfunction. Hence, the call to elevate positive aspects of human functioning. I observe that psychology as a discipline has neglected something else: namely, a category of negative characteristics that may be implicated in the societal problems we now face. These include greed, indifference, and stupidity ( Ryff, 2017 , 2021a ), along with anger, which is not inherently positive or negative. I cover these topics below because they reveal a possibly pernicious blind spot in the larger vision of PP: namely, that the well-being and positive human functioning of some (especially those who are disadvantaged) may be compromised by the priorities and actions of others (especially those who are advantaged). To the extent that PP ministers primarily to the better educated and economically comfortable in conveying how to get the most out of life and achieve personal potential, PP may, itself, be part of the problem.

To illustrate, I note the widespread marketing of mindfulness meditation, including to CEOs as described by Horowitz (2018) in Happier? Purser (2019) offers more, observing that “mindfulness programs do not ask executives to examine how their managerial decisions and corporate policies have institutionalized greed, ill will, and delusion. Instead, the practice is being sold to executives as a way to de-stress, improve productivity and focus, and bounce back from working 80-h weeks. They may well be ‘meditating,’ but it works like taking an aspirin for a headache. Once the pain goes away, it is business as usual. Even if individuals become nicer people, the corporate agenda of maximizing profits does not change.”

Following from the above quote, we must consider that among the malevolent forces contributing to ever-widening inequality are behaviors of excessive self-interest orchestrated by those in positions of power. These problems are empirically evident when corporate profits soar, but worker paychecks lag ( Cohen, 2018 ), a problem described by economists as “monopsony power” – the ability of employers to suppress wages below the efficient or perfectly competitive level of compensation ( Kruger and Posner, 2018 ). Human history shows longstanding concern about problems of greed. The ancient Greeks saw greed and injustice as violating virtues of fairness and equality, and thereby, contributing to civic strife ( Balot, 2001 ). Dante’s Divine Comedy ( Dante’s, 1308/2006 ) placed sins of greed and gluttony, along with fraud and dishonesty, in his nine circles of hell. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations ( Smith’s, 1776/1981 ) made the case for self-interest and capitalism, but recognized the problem of greed, framed as the limitless appetites of the vain and insatiable.

Some within psychology are addressing what lies behind the worship of money and selfish wealth gratification, sometimes orchestrated through fraudulent tactics ( Nikelly, 2006 ). Motivational psychologists have studied “the dark side of the American Dream” ( Kasser and Ryan, 1993 ), showing that those motivated by primarily extrinsic factors (financial success) have lower well-being and adjustment compared to those motivated by less materialistic values. Social psychologists have shown that those with higher social class standing have increased sense entitlement and narcissism compared to those from lower class backgrounds; those in the upper-class are also more likely to behave unethically than those in the lower-class ( Piff et al., 2012 ; Piff, 2013 ). A large study of United States students examined what lies behind the widespread acceptance of inequality ( Mendelberg et al., 2017 ) by asking them to indicate their agreement or disagreement with the statement: “Wealthy people should pay a larger share of taxes than they do now.” The main finding was that students from affluent colleges (defined by family SES background) were more likely than those from public or less affluent colleges and universities to disagree with the statement – i.e., the most privileged were also the most strongly opposed to having the wealthy pay more taxes. In addition, such tendencies were most pronounced among those who were active in college fraternities and sororities.

The seamy underside of philanthropy, usually thought of as elites doing good in the world, is also under scrutiny ( Giridharadas, 2018 ). The Sackler family, well-known for their philanthropy in art museums around the world, offers a singular example. They owned Purdue Pharma, which created oxycontin, the highly addictive opioid painkiller that was aggressively marketed, thereby leading to massive over-prescribing. To date, more than 500,000 have died from overdose deaths. A 2021 HBO documentary, Crime of the Century , revealed the widespread individual actions behind this public health tragedy – within drug companies, political operatives, and government regulators, all of whom backed the reckless distribution of this deadly, but highly profitable, drug.

Some might argue that the above examples are isolated actions of those of extreme wealth and do not represent most of the rest of us. Stewart’s (2021) recent look at the new American aristocracy suggests otherwise. With a solid evidential basis, he shows that a much larger segment of the population is involved in warping our culture – i.e., how those laser-focused on career success are relying on an underpaid servant class to fuel their forward progress, while also making personal fitness a national obsession, even as large segments of the population lose healthcare and grow sicker. The privileged also segregate themselves in exclusive neighborhoods and compete relentlessly in getting their children into elite schools, which has contributed to ever-more extreme costs of higher education. Perhaps most troubling is the ethos of merit they have created to justify their advantages. Stewart powerfully distils that these people are not just around us, they are us.

Indifference

On this topic I have little to say other than to quote Elie Wiesel, Nobel Prize winning author and Holocaust survivor: “I believe that a person who is indifferent to the suffering of others is complicit in the crime. And that I cannot allow, at least not for myself. The opposite of love is not hate, it’s indifference.” In the present era, such indifference to the widespread suffering of others must be studied and documented. It is a character weakness that psychologists should try to understand – where does it come from? How is it enacted? What are its consequents?

Marmion’s (2018) tongue-in-cheek edited collection on the Psychology of Stupidity warrants consideration, given psychology’s long preoccupation with studying intelligence (of multiple types) and cognitive capacities (also of multiple types). The book offers a taxonomy of morons and links stupidity with established topics (cognitive bias, narcissism, and negative social networks). Wisely, Marion asserts: “No matter what form it takes, stupidity splatters us all. Rumor has it that we ourselves are the source of it. I am no exception” (p. ix). The kind of stupidity that most interests me and needs critical study is the swallowing of lies, or being duped by others. Lies are perpetrated by people in high or low places, but the essential question is why they have impact – why they are believed. Some in the clinical realm have examined such questions, focusing on those who lie with impunity, sometimes revealing clear sociopathy ( Peck, 1983 ; Stout, 2006 ). We need more science about these assaults on the truth and why they have become such pervasive part of contemporary life. My hypothesis is that all levels of human experience (personal ties, the workplace, communities, and societies) are damaged by the swallowing of lies, whether knowingly or unknowingly.

Often depicted as toxic, anger is sometimes legitimate as Aristotle understood. He reminded that at the right time, to the right degree, and for the right reasons, anger can be a powerful and needed response. Indeed, its neural underpinnings look more like positive affect than depression or anxiety ( Harmon-Jones et al., 2011 ). Anger may be uniquely justified vis-à-vis profoundly unequal life opportunities. Mishra’s Age of Anger ( Mishra’s, 2017 ), offers an astonishing integration of history, philosophy, literature, politics, economics, and cultural studies on the topic. He begins with this: “Individuals with very different pasts find themselves herded by capitalism and technology into a common present, where grossly unequal distributions of wealth and power have created humiliating new hierarchies. This proximity is rendered more claustrophobic by digital communications and the improved capacity for envious and resentful comparison” (p. 13). Drawing on Arendt, Mishra describes existential resentments that are poisoning civil society and fueling authoritarianism.

Most powerful is Mishra’s portrayal of the distinct philosophies of Rousseau and Voltaire, eighteenth century interpreters of life. Voltaire praised material prosperity and consumerism, boldly professing his love of conspicuous consumption. Rousseau reminded that the ancients spoke incessantly about morals and virtue whereas the French philosophes spoke only of business and money. He saw the new commercial society as acquiring features of class division, inequality, and callous elites whose members were corrupt, hypocritical and cruel. According to Mishra: “What makes Rousseau, and his self-described ‘history of the human heart,’ so astonishingly germane and eerily resonant is that, unlike his fellow eighteen-century writers, he described the quintessential inner experience of modernity for most people: the uprooted outsider in the commercial metropolis, aspiring for a place in it, and struggling with complex feelings of envy, fascination, revulsion, and rejection” (p. 90). Although Rousseau’s books were best sellers in his era, they are rarely invoked in current discourse. He castigated the Enlightenment philosophes for their self-love and self-interest, writing that amour propre ( McLendon, 2009 ) was a dangerous craving to secure recognition for self over others and an insatiable ambition to raise personal fortunes. These observations need serious examination vis-à-vis the thriving business of PP – to what extent are self-interest and personal ambition the central motives behind what is being sold?

Returning to empirical science, I note that MIDUS includes multidimensional assessments of anger, from over 20 publications have been generated (see Text Footnote 1). Anger expression has been linked to multiple indicators of health (sleep, cognitive function, inflammation, and allostatic load) as well as to race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, early life adversity, and cultural context.

What Nurtures Our Better Selves: The Arts and Humanities

To those who find my views to be overly negative, I end this section with more hopeful topics. I note that my career journey has reflected this dual focus on the forces that both undermine as well as nurture positive psychological functioning ( Ryff, 2022 ). As stated at the outset and multiple times long the way, I have always believed both are fundamental parts of the human experience. I begin this part with distant observations from Matthew Arnold, who in Culture and Anarchy ( Arnold, 1867/1993 ), emphasized that freedom should be employed in the service of higher ideals and further noted that these ideals are critically important during times of great peril, such as pandemics and wars. For him, culture was the study of perfection tied to the moral and social passion for doing good.

I have long believed that the arts (broadly defined) and humanities (history and philosophy) can help us discern how to do good and be well ( Ryff, 2019 ). Growing research is now linking diverse art (music, literature, poetry, art, film, and dance) to health ( Fancourt, 2017 ; Fancourt and Finn, 2019 ). To maintain a thread to current societal challenges, I here consider the arts in a somewhat different way – namely, whether they might be venues for nurturing compassion and insight about human suffering, which has become so widespread. Starting with contemporary film, multiple examples (e.g., The Florida Project, American Honey, Paterson, Parasite , and Nomadland ) reveal the lived experience of inequality, including descending into prostitution to feed a child, growing up with addicted parents, having dreams of self-realization stymied, experiencing homelessness, and working in physically-difficult, mind-numbing jobs. These works also portray the poetry in disadvantaged lives, including cleverness and resourcefulness vis-à-vis insensitive elites. The relevance of these domains for contemporary science, largely unstudied, is whether such inputs increase quotients of caring and compassion, and possibly challenge the complacency and indifference among those who are not suffering. Such questions elevate themes of social justice in ongoing research on well-being and health, while pointing to the arts as possible venues for informing and mobilizing individual and societal action.

The visual arts may also powerfully activate compassion vis-à-vis the pandemic or contemporary conflicts. The self-portrait of the Austrian artist, Egon Schiele, painted in 1912 and looking gravely ill before his death at age 28 from the Spanish flu, which also took his wife and their unborn child, is an example. Kandinsky painted Troubled in 1917, an abstract work of turbulence and trauma created during the Russian revolution when he was lived in Moscow and had a child die of malnourishment. A last visual example comes from over 1,000 watercolors painted from 1940 to 1942 and brought together in Charlotte Salomon: Life? Or Theater? ( Salomon, 2017 ). Born in 1917, this woman experienced multiple suicides in her family during her brief lifetime. She was a student at the Berlin Fine Arts Academy and in 1938 fled to southern France where an intense period of creativity unfolded. Next to a series of paintings depicting multiple faces with dramatic eyes and sad countenances, she wrote: “I realized that no heaven, no sun, no star could help me if I did not contribute by my own will. And then I realized that actually I still had no idea who I was. I was a corpse. And I expected life to love me now. I waited and came to the realization: what matters is not whether life loves us, but that we love life.” This insight about loving life had tragic salience: she was transported to Auschwitz in 1943 where, at age 26 and 5 months pregnant, she died.

Literature is another powerful realm for revealing travesties of the human condition. In A Tale of Two Cities ( Dickens, 1859/2004 ), Charles Dickens brought horrors of the French Revolution to the hearts and minds of his readers. We learned of the awful lives of those imprisoned within the Bastille, and after it was stormed, the executions by guillotine at the Place de La Concorde in Paris. The bloodbath of class retribution took more than 1,200 lives, including the French Queen and King. Here is how Dickens described the context: “…the frightful moral disorder born of unspeakable suffering, intolerable oppression, and heartless indifference” (p. 344). At the core of the book is Madame DeFarge, the tigress quietly knitting, observing, and overseeing the acts of vengeance. Near the end, we have insight into her fury, learning that her younger sister was the victim of shameless male aristocrats who carelessly exploited her and destroyed her life and family.

Two contemporary books of fiction address the current migration crisis. Mohsin Hamid’s Exit West ( Hamid’s, 2017 ) describes the awful realities of refugees whose lives have been stolen out from under them, only to be subjected to endless trauma as they try to find another home. Another recent work, Call Me Zebra ( Van der Vliet Oloomi, 2018 ), winner of the 2019 PEN/Faulkner award for fiction, tracks a family escaping from Iran by foot. The mother dies along the way, but the father and daughter eventually make their way to New York. The family is a group of anarchists, atheists, and autodidacts who took refuge in books; their distilled philosophy: “Love nothing except literature, the only magnanimous host there is in this decaying world…. The depth of our knowledge, the precision of our tongues, and our capacity for detecting lies is unparalleled” (p. 8). Memorization is key; thus, sprinkled throughout the book are quotes from Nietzsche, Omar Khayyam, Dante, Goethe, Rilke, Kafka, Cervantes, Garcia Lorca, Dali, and Picasso – “These writers’ sentences deposited me at the edge of the unknown, far from the repulsive banality of reality others refer to as life” (p. 205).

I conclude with examples of satire vis-à-vis experiences of oppression and want. Jonathan Swift’s, A Modest Proposal , written in Swift’s (1729) , was put forth with the stated intent of preventing the children of the poor people in Ireland from being a burden to their parents or the country, as well as to make them beneficial to the wider public. Swift began by describing female beggars in Dublin followed by their many children, all in rags, importuning every passing person for alms. He elaborated on the numerical scope of the problem and then observes that these young children cannot be fruitfully employed until they are around age twelve. Swift thus suggests that these children, if well nursed for their first year, be sent to England to provide “a most delicious nourishing and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee, or a ragout” (p. 3). Calculations were included to show the financial benefits that would follow. This satirical hyperbole mocked the heartless attitudes toward the poor among the British as well as their policies toward the Irish in general. The book is widely recognized as one of the greatest examples of sustained irony in the history of the English language.

Moving to the present, Paul Beatty’s The Sellout ( Beatty’s, 2015 ) won the Man Booker Prize and was praised as “Swiftian satire of the highest order.” The book covers race relations in the fictional township of Dickens (meaningfully named), California, a place where residents are left to fend for themselves. With masterful humor, Beatty parodies everything – from contemporary psychology to “slapstick racism” to public transportation to depict the obstacles of being poor and black in racist America. Sister cities for Dickens are identified: Chernobyl, Juárez, and Kinshasa – all known for their pollution, poverty, and dysfunction. The satire and razor-sharp wit reveal what it means to exist in a culture saturated with negative stereotypes.

To summarize, I have emphasized the role of the arts in awakening the wider public to human suffering. Central questions for science and praxis are whether these inputs can effectively increase needed supplies of compassion and empathy, while perhaps also provoke awareness of complacency among those who are comfortable, if not indifferent. Such topics can and should be studied, including in experimental and educational contexts. The National Endowment for the Humanities regularly tracks who partakes of the arts and further shows variation therein by educational status. Such practices are fundamentally not different from studying health behaviors (smoking, drinking, and exercise). These parts of living, focused on the content of what people are taking in, need to part of large epidemiological studies, where they could be linked with other important topics such as reported levels of social responsibility and caring ( Ryff and Kim, 2020 ) as well as their views about who should be taxed at what levels ( Mendelberg et al., 2017 ).

What Nurtures Human Flourishing: The Natural Environment

Nature is powerfully present in the visual arts and music as well and has been throughout human history. I have recently covered these topics elsewhere, including nature’s role in nurturing the human spirit ( Ryff, 2021b ) and here highlight some of that work. My overall messages are that those interested in understanding influences that nurture good lives as well as a concern for our planet need to bring encounters with nature into their scientific studies, including interventions designed to promote diverse aspects of well-being and health.

Vibrant research is now investigating how nature contributes to human flourishing ( Capaldi et al., 2015 ; Mantler and Logan, 2015 ). These ideas take on greater salience as more of the world’s population live in nature-impoverished urban milieus. Multiple theories have been invoked to explain how we benefit from nature, such as the biophilia hypothesis from evolutionary thinking, which suggests that our human ancestors depended on connecting with nature to survive ( Kellert and Wilson, 1993 ), or stress-reduction theory ( Ulrich et al., 1991 ), which proposes that past exposures to unthreatening natural environments contributed to survival via stress-reducing physiological responses. Other perspectives consider roles of the natural environment in addressing existential anxieties, such as meaning in life, isolation, freedom, and death ( Yalom, 1980 ). Eco-existential positive psychology ( Passmore and Howell, 2014 ) thus describe how restorative experiences with nature might contribute to sense of identity, multiple forms of happiness, meaning, social connectedness, freedom, and awareness of one’s mortality.

Empirical evidence has linked encounters with nature to high hedonic well-being, both short and long-term, and to aspects of eudaimonic well-being ( Capaldi et al., 2015 ; Mantler and Logan, 2015 ; Triguero-Mas et al., 2015 ). Some inquiries have examined intervening mechanisms, such as increased physical activity, increased social contact, stress reduction and restoration of cognitive attention. The focus on green spaces underscores growing concerns about urbanization, loss of biodiversity, and environmental degradation. Increasingly dire consequences of climate change (droughts, wildfires, and floods) have also led to research on pro-nature behaviors that support conservation of nature and biodiversity. Richardson et al. (2020) conducted an innovative population survey in the United Kingdom examining links between pro-nature actions with time spent in nature as well as knowledge of and concerns about nature.

Nature as a source of inspiration and uplift is pervasively present in poetry, literature, music, art, history, and philosophy. An example is the life of Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), beautifully written about in The Invention of Nature ( Wulf, 2016 ). Primarily a scientist, naturalist, and explorer (of South America and Siberia), Humboldt influenced many of the great thinkers of his day, including Jefferson, Darwin, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Thoreau, and Goethe. Humboldt was ahead of his time in thinking about the degradation and exploitation of nature, warning that humankind had the power to destroy the natural environment, the consequences of which would be catastrophic. He wanted to excite a ‘love of nature’ and thereby, revolutionized how the natural world was seen. He believed that nature speaks to humanity in a voice “familiar to our soul” (p. 61), thereby aligning himself with the Romantic poets of his time who believed nature could only be understood by turning inward.

The educator Mark Edmundson uses great literature and poetry to nurture well-being, including the ideals needed by the human soul such as courage, contemplation, and compassion ( Edmundson, 2015 ). In Why Read ( Edmundson, 2004 ). Edmundson elaborates what a liberal, humanistic education can contribute to personal becoming. Apropos of Humboldt and his contemporaries, Edmondson examined Wordsworth’s famous poem, “Lines Composed a Few Miles from Tintern Abbey” written in 1798. Wordsworth’s life had become flat – “he lived in a din-filled city, among unfeeling people, and sensed that he is becoming one of them …there is a dull ache settling in his spirit” (p. 57). Returning to a scene from his childhood, he remembered himself as a young boy, free and reveling in nature. The return to nature, which is the heart of the poem, reminds him of its role in nurturing his own vitality. “Wordsworth’s poem enjoins us to feel that it (the answer to one’s despondency) lies somewhere within our reach – we are creatures who have the capacity to make ourselves sick, but also the power to heal ourselves” (p. 49).

Wordsworth’s poetry served the same vital function in the life of John Stuart Mill (1893/1989) , who in early adulthood realized something deeply troubling – that he lacked the happiness central to the utilitarian philosophy in which he was immersed. Reflecting on his life, Mill described an early educational experience that was exceptional, but profoundly deficient. His father began teaching him Greek and Latin at a young age and then expanded the pedagogy to fields of philosophy, science, and mathematics. However, his father was deeply opposed to anything connected to sentiment or emotion. To escape the logic machine he had become, Mill began a quest to feel, and it was the poetry of Wordsworth, mostly about nature, that ministered deeply to the longings in his soul. He credited it for helping him recover from the crisis in his mental history.

To summarize, amidst the many interventions under study in PP, I lobby for a focus on encounters with nature, which some are already investigating. The preceding examples give us reason to believe that human lives may be enriched by such experiences. These can occur by being in nature as well as from reading about nature in poetry and literature, taking it in through film, or listening to music inspired by nature.

Concluding Thoughts

My observations about what PP has accomplished over the last two decades are clearly mixed. Some may see the criticism as unfounded, if not mean-spirited, while others may view the input as long overdue straight talk about problems with an initiative intended to be transformational. I have long believed that self-criticism is central to making progress, whether in our individual lives, or our collective pursuits. My hope is thus that the field of PP will grow and flourish going forward, but also come to grips with its limitations. How might this happen?

One way is to pay attention to the problem of overreach in what PP claims to have accomplished. This will require greater scrutiny of the science touted as the evidential basis that PP works. Peer review is all we have to monitor the quality of the work that we do, but alas, it is an imperfect system, such that seriously flawed work sometimes gets published, even in high visibility outlets. There is the related problem of PP taking credit for more than it can credibly call its own achievements – i.e., the impact of PP ( Rusk and Waters, 2013 ) has been overstated. As conveyed at the outset, extensive science on positive human functioning was happening well before PP declared its visionary new path. The upshot is that quantitative summaries of positive science unavoidably include many products that have nothing to do with the field of PP. Work from MIDUS is but one example of such wide-ranging science, much published in top-tier journals, showing protective benefits of psychological strengths. These studies were not created or nurtured by PP, and therefore, do not constitute evidence of its impact. Such distortion diminishes the stature of PP.

Relatedly there is need to recognize the insularity of PP, much seeming United States-centric, particularly in leadership. By creating its own professional society and journal, PP unfortunately removed itself from the wider discipline of psychology and its subfields, each with their own organizations and journals. While new groups can nurture comradery and a sense of identity, they can also create distance from related areas of inquiry. Most problematic, they can lead to insider peer reviewing that likely lowers rather than elevates the quality of the work generated.

On the matter of the commercialization of PP, I am perhaps an outlier in seeing this as a significant problem. However, it is construed, those who care about the long-term future of PP need to grapple with how to prevent the pursuit of profit from becoming a force that could ultimately take the enterprise down – on grounds that it is not scientifically substantiated, nor is it properly regulated, or doing lasting good, or is even creating harm. Without proper oversight, business pursuits could become the antithesis of the original promise and purpose of PP – to advance optimal human functioning.

Most of my essay has not been about these troublesome matters. Rather, I have tried to underscore the widespread consensus, from within PP and beyond, that thoughtful formulations are needed going forward, which put positives and negative together – i.e., research and practice that integrates human strengths and vulnerabilities. Parenthetically, one benefit of this shift may be that the adjective “positive” is less relentlessly present in titles of articles, books, and journals. As many have observed, greater attention must be given to diversity – i.e., how the wide array of topics being studied vary by numerous dimensions (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, disability status, sexual orientation, and cultural context). It is also critical that societal relevance be a priority in the future science and practice that lies ahead. So doing demands attending to contemporary problems, and how they are negotiated in diverse life contexts. Our societal ills further call for study of negatives that have historically been neglected (greed, indifference, stupidity, and anger). Nonetheless, amidst the contemporary turbulence is the promise of the arts and of nature to help us be better – in seeing and caring about the suffering of others as well as in inspiring us to make the most of the lives we have been given and do so with commitment that encompasses families, schools, the workplace, communities, and the planet.

Data Availability Statement

Publicly available datasets were analyzed in this study. This data can be found here: www.midus.wisc.edu .

Author Contributions

The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.

National Institute on Aging Grants (P01-AG020166; U19-AG051426).

Conflict of Interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

• ^ www.midus.wisc.edu
• ^ www.authentichappiness.org
• ^ www.theflourishingcenter.com

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Keywords : positive, negative, commercialization, inequality, greed, indifference, arts, nature

Citation: Ryff CD (2022) Positive Psychology: Looking Back and Looking Forward. Front. Psychol. 13:840062. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.840062

Received: 20 December 2021; Accepted: 21 February 2022; Published: 17 March 2022.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2022 Ryff. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Carol D. Ryff, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Martin Seligman and the Rise of Positive Psychology

Martin Seligman at home in his garden, where it all began.

—Jürgen Frank

“To steer psychology away from the darkness and toward light.” —Martin Seligman

“How to gain, how to keep, how to recover happiness is in fact for most men at all times the secret motive of all they do, and of all they are willing to endure.” —William James

According to Martin Seligman in his memoir, his young daughter’s rebuke as they were weeding the family garden together launched positive psychology: “If I can stop whining, you can stop being such a grouch,” she had said. For many years, Seligman had been researching helplessness in animals and depression in human beings. The work, as five-year-old Nikki noticed, made him gloomy, impatient, and critical.

What if, he began to wonder, he studied well-being instead of unhappiness, accomplishment instead of failure, strength instead of sickness? Perhaps psychology could become less fixated on neuroses, less dependent on Prozac, and, altogether, more useful. Perhaps he could improve his life and redirect the profession: “Positive psychology called to me just as the burning bush called to Moses.”

With the zeal of a convert, Seligman promulgated his insights to foundations, colleagues, professional communities, and the general public. In a torrent of productivity stretching to three decades, he wrote dozens of papers and best-selling books, created a research center to attract acolytes, and introduced positive psychology to corporations, schools, medical communities, and the military.

The premise of positive psychology is that well-being can be defined, measured, and taught. Well-being includes positive emotions, intense engagement, good relationships, meaning, and accomplishment (PERMA). Questionnaires can measure it. Trainers can teach it. Achieving it not only makes people more fulfilled but makes corporations more productive, soldiers more resilient, students more engaged, marriages happier. Seligman even came up with a formula: H = S + C + V. Happiness equals your genetic set point plus the circumstances of your life plus factors under voluntary control.

Psychologists discovered that humans tend to remember unsolved problems, frustrations, and failures more than their successes. This is the negativity bias, most recently described by John Tierney and Roy F. Baumeister in their 2019 book  The Power of Bad: How the Negativity Effect Rules Us and How We Can Rule It .

Positive psychologists counsel: Fight pessimism, remember the good, count your blessings, focus on strengths—reframe the way you look at reality and your life. It is an upbeat philosophy suitable for a Western world that Seligman insists is getting better and better, an alternative to the catastrophic thinking required of our Stone Age ancestors. It is also an alternative, he believes, to the epidemic of depression poisoning American life in what he calls our “Age of Melancholy.” America needs to focus less on gross national product, more on national well-being. In January 2000 Seligman and his colleagues issued a manifesto in the magazine  American Psychologist : “Psychology is not just a branch of medicine concerned with illness or health; it is much larger. It is about work, education, insight, love, growth, and play.”

Unlike previous promises of happiness, positive psychology insists it is evidenced-based, using the resources of contemporary social science—surveys, longitudinal studies, meta-analyses, animal experiments, brain imaging, hormone measuring, and case studies. Most recently, Seligman has turned to big data analyses of words in Facebook and on social media. He and his team have created a curriculum of positivity. They have measured the impact of training and the surprising benefits of learned optimism.

Using the principles of positive psychology, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company recruited the most effective salespeople, those who would not give up after repeated rejection. West Point predicted which plebes would drop out after “Beast Barracks,” the notoriously difficult summer introduction to military life. Soldiers in the field recovered more quickly from PTSD. Australian schoolchildren became less anxious and more engaged after intensive training in the basics of positive psychology. Optimism predicts success on the playing field. With learned optimism, patients with heart disease can live longer. Seligman claims, “Happiness doesn’t just feel good, it is good.”

Who is this man who claimed so much?

Martin Seligman grew up in Albany, New York, the son of civil servants. Always a precocious student, he excelled at The Albany Academy and at Princeton, where he studied philosophy under the soon-to-be-famous Robert Nozick and joined an effort to establish the Wilson Lodge, a cerebral alternative to the university’s eating clubs.

Generally, Seligman describes himself as brainy, fast, confident, rude, self-absorbed, depressed, and pessimistic. He taught at Cornell briefly and, in 1969, resigned in protest when the Black Panthers brandished rifles and took over the student union. Moving to the University of Pennsylvania, he studied helplessness in rats and dogs and depression in humans.

Always an improver, Seligman read widely, listened to classical music, and conversed with scientists like Carl Sagan. For relaxation, he played bridge. Gradually he concluded that Freudian therapy and drugs were not the answer to an epidemic of depression. They might temporarily relieve pain, but neither allowed patients to flourish. He began to rebel against psychology’s fixation on pathology and its disdain for applied research. Why not scientifically study well-adjusted, happy human beings, discover how they flourish, and make their secret of success a model for the many who lead what Henry David Thoreau called “lives of quiet desperation”?

In his riveting memoir,  The Hope Circuit: A Psychologist’s Journey from Helplessness to Optimism , Seligman described how he battled a recalcitrant psychology establishment, captured the presidency of the American Psychological Association, attracted like-minded associates, and built an empire of learned optimism, creating dozens of studies and a mountain of questionnaires.

Along the way Seligman wrote a series of books in incisive, accessible prose, championing his beliefs—among them Learned Optimism , Authentic Happiness , and Flourish . The books are repetitive, but he gives his insights new impact with epigrammatic, original, and compelling new phrases—for example, “Mental health is much more than the absence of mental illness.”

In the memoir, Seligman describes how with two young children he was divorced from his first wife, then fell for a mesmerizing young graduate student who left him, then battled depression before finding love in 1988 when he married Mandy McCarthy, a student of his from England who gave him unconditional love and five more children, clearly a contribution to his positivity. Before Mandy, he had disdained the word happy , subscribing to the Schopenhauer-Freud dictum that the goal in life was to be less miserable. Now he aspired to be “happier,” rather than just less “unhappy.”

“Every day, in every way, I am getting better and better” was a well-known mantra encouraged by the French psychologist Emile Coue in the early twentieth century. Seligman wanted to distance himself from sentimental slogans and self-help books. He insisted that his first best-seller, Learned Optimism , was scientific and included cautionary notes: Optimism required work. Pessimism had its uses. Temperament influenced moods. Income affected outlook. Eros was powerful—“the hidden dirty secret [was] how strongly it powers education, the progress of science, and the life of the mind.” In short, Seligman wanted a philosophy that was transformative, evidenced-based, and realistic. He also wanted a philosophy that validated good character, “kindness, wisdom, integrity, and courage.”

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders on every psychologist’s shelf listed the varieties of mental illness. Why not a “manual of sanities”? Why not analyze what is right with people rather than what is wrong? Why not pay attention to the normal as well as the diseased? A DSM of virtue? Over a three-year period starting in 2000, Seligman and his team scrutinized texts ranging from Confucius and Socrates to Whitman and Freud, as well as articles from contemporary social science researchers. They ended up with an 814-page encyclopedia weighing 3.5 pounds and titled  Character Strengths and Virtues . The book cited six core virtues—wisdom, courage, humanity, justice, temperance, transcendence—which yielded 24 strengths. Among the strengths are bravery, modesty, persistence, vitality, curiosity, social intelligence, spirituality, leadership, and—after much debate among the writers—humor.

Eminent scholars analyzed each virtue. The book lists dozens of studies, illuminating examples, and mini biographies. Lincoln is a paragon of forgiveness, Washington of honesty, T. S. Eliot of humility, Lou Gehrig of gratitude. Darwin legitimized the view of humans as mere animals. Japanese culture values modesty. Curiosity may have a biological basis. Self-control and self-regulation are uniquely human traits. Americans rank prudence, modesty, and self-regulation at the bottom of the recommended list.

Character Strengths and Virtues  includes a Values in Action (VIA) Signature Strengths Survey taken by more than eleven million people. The test ranks a person’s strengths and can lead to self-knowledge and career guidance. It is widely used in business, education, and therapy. The emphasis is on measurement, but the advocacy is clear. Identifying and exercising strengths and virtues is a key component of positive psychology and a way to mitigate what Seligman terms a character crisis in America indicated by the “hedonism of the 1960s, the narcissism of the 1970s, the materialism of the 1980s, and the apathy of the 1990s.” This book, a dense and illuminating compendium, increased Seligman’s scholarly reputation and attracted more converts.

I am talking to Laurie Santos, professor of psychology at Yale, before the opening of the Templeton Dinner at the New Haven Lawn Club in November of 2018. The philanthropist John Templeton spent millions of dollars supporting academics who study the connection between religion and well-being. Santos’s course, “Psychology and the Good Life,” has made her famous, much of it drawing on Seligman’s insights.

Santos became head of Silliman College at Yale, which gave her access to student concerns. She was struck by the high levels of stress and anxiety students reported, concerned they were fixated on a good job rather than on developing a meaningful philosophy of life. She believed that exposing students to evidence-based insights from contemporary psychology might dispel some of their gloom and proposed a small class for 35 students. Twelve hundred showed up. Professor Santos became a sensation: articles in the  New York Times and Oprah.com, requests for lectures, and an online Coursera viewed in more than 100 countries with 2.5 million enrolled.

“Turn on the compassion muscle for yourself and others,” focus on your signature strengths, limit anxiety-producing news, emphasize routine and habits.

—Polly Becker

I ask Santos: “What’s new about anxious undergraduates?” She replied, “There really is a mental health crisis and not just at Yale. In the last five years, students all over America report unprecedented unhappiness.” I ask her why. She is not certain but mentions “anxiety about an uncertain job market, fierce competition among high achievers, little free time, social media.” She quickly runs through some of the suggestions she will mention in her talk tonight. Happiness is within your control. It takes effort and practice. Money is less critical than you think. Social connections are vital. Helping others increases well-being. Live in the present. Express gratitude. Employ healthy practices. I ask her what remedy is the most important. “Without a doubt, sleep. Every study proves sleep-deprived students are unhappy students.”

Santos is expanding the basics of positive psychology on her podcasts and in television interviews to deal with the mental health crisis during COVID-19: “Turn on the compassion muscle for yourself and others,” focus on your signature strengths, limit anxiety-producing news, emphasize routine and habits.

Seligman has predecessors whom he credits. Abraham Maslow invented the term positive psychology and celebrated mentally healthy individuals such as Albert Einstein and Henry David Thoreau. Aaron Beck popularized cognitive behavior therapy, which offers evidence-based strategies to counter catastrophic thinking.

Among Seligman’s many colleagues in the field is Angela Duckworth, who has written a best-seller,  Grit , which argues that achievement requires perseverance and passion more than talent, an insight particularly important to anyone who blames poor performance on teachers and resources alone. Kay Redfield Jamison, an expert on manic depression, describes an array of politicians, artists, and scientists whose signature strength is exuberance. Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, an authority on creativity, popularized “flow” to describe individuals—surgeons, teachers, rock climbers—who experience intense happiness when they are fully engaged. After counseling Harvard graduates, Shawn Achor discovered that happiness and optimism flood our brains with dopamine and serotonin and fuel performance and achievement.

These proponents of positive psychology believe that we have enormous untapped potential. Their mandate is “the scientific study of optimal human functioning.” They echo America’s first psychology educator, William James, who wrote in his essay “The Energies of Men”: “Compared with what we ought to be, we are only half awake. . . . We are making use of only a small part of our possible mental and physical resources.”

Of course, positive psychology has its critics. In the Yale Daily News , on October 13, 2019, a senior at Silliman College takes Professor Santos to task for emphasizing personal happiness at the expense of systemic social change and for denigrating careerism and banks like Goldman Sachs. Some say positive psychology offers common-sense maxims, like those contained in All I Really Need to Know I Learned in Kindergarten by Robert Fulghum, as well as in the hundreds of self-help books lined up on library shelves and at the check-out counter in bookstores. Do we need scientists to tell us to live in the present or exercise? A close colleague of Seligman, Chris Peterson has written, “There’s a temptation to bulls—in positive psychology.”

Pessimists, meanwhile, boast a distinguished lineage. Ecclesiastes states that riches, toil, and pleasures are all meaningless, and with wisdom comes sorrow. Samuel Johnson concluded “we are not born for happiness.” Followers of Sigmund Freud insist that, deep down, humans are aggressive and conflicted, rarely happy.

Seligman is proud of his role: “I became a natural inspirer and I acquired charisma."

The success of positive psychology has given rise to contrarian books with titles such as  Stop Smiling, Start Kvetching  and The Positive Power of Negative Thinking . Such books denounce “the tyranny of the positive attitude.” The book Bright-Sided by Barbara Ehrenreich (Seligman’s most formidable critic) is acid and incisive. She mocks Seligman’s happiness formula and the smile studies done by other positive psychologists that purport to prove that changing facial expression can trick our brains into happiness. She criticizes the profiteering from corporations and Seligman’s support from the conservative Templeton Foundation with its attachment to the status quo.

Seligman believes the world is getting better and learned optimism will make its inhabitants flourish. Citing the optimism preceding the Iraq War, the irrational exuberance causing the Great Recession, income inequality, and the upbeat propaganda that supports dictators, Ehrenreich argues that in an unfair, still dangerous world, realism and defensive pessimism are necessary. Today, in a pandemic paralyzing the globe, Seligman’s optimism might even seem facile, his defense of it suspect.

Critics question specific conclusions: Is there a genetic set point for happiness? Is the influence of money underestimated? Do we actually adjust to setbacks, such as divorce and unemployment, or to catastrophes like COVID-19? Some critics got personal, blaming Seligman’s studies of “learned helplessness” for the CIA’s enhanced interrogation after 9/11 and for “blind patriotism” in teaching resilience training to the military.

Historians of happiness, such as Darrin M. McMahon, note that sages in the past have discovered some of the insights of positive psychology, often writing with more depth and eloquence. Aristotle noted that happiness is more than amusement and requires virtue and moderation. Jesus preached gratitude and kindness. Anticipating cognitive behavior therapy, Shakespeare has Hamlet tell Rosencrantz and Guildenstern: “There is nothing either good or bad but thinking makes it so.” Following the advice of positive psychology to write down goals and strengths, Ben Franklin created a chart listing 13 virtues and noted his progress at the end of each week. Later in life he concluded: “Human felicity is produced not so much by great Pieces of good Fortune that seldom happen, as by little Advantages that occur every Day.”

For five years, as a teacher and former head of school, I traveled around the country, talking to students about heroes and heroines of American history, acknowledging their strengths and their imperfections, and, through a Q and A, encouraging students to differentiate heroic men and women from celebrities. I agree with Seligman’s critique of a celebrity-entertainment culture and that students need character education in addition to critical thinking and should aspire to something higher than the pleasant life. But I believe positive psychology relies too much on lists and practices and not enough on biographies of exemplary lives.

KIPP charter schools, whose motto was until this summer “Work Hard, Be Nice,” turned to Seligman as a consultant. He has no use for the self-esteem movement in education that excludes achievement and offers facile optimism. He believes that critical thinking, the reigning goal in all schools, should be supplemented by nonintellectual strengths; that middle school students should learn to dispute catastrophic thoughts and adopt an optimistic, explanatory style; and that all students should learn life skills such as empathy, grit, and resilience.

“Positive education” has spread from Pennsylvania to Great Britain, Mexico, and Australia, according to Seligman. Schools and teachers trained in positivity have improved in both achievement and mental health. He admits, however, “changing the educational system of the world is daunting.”

Seligman’s defense of optimism reaches beyond individual well-being. It embraces history, civics, literature, journalism, education, gender relations, and religion. He asks Bill Moyers, “Has journalism no positive values?” Seligman would like to see more children’s books like The Little Engine That Could , young adult novels that portray exemplary lives, and adult fiction featuring characters with both strengths and virtues. History is not merely a tale of woe, literature an insistence on tragedy. He believes the story of man is getting better, quoting with approval Steven Pinker’s arguments in his book Enlightenment Now that violence is decreasing, life span increasing, humanitarianism ascending, comfort and conveniences multiplying. Fifty years ago, men dominated psychology graduate departments and studied conflict, stress, and dominance. Today women predominate and emphasize “cooperation, positive emotion, engagement, trust and relationships.”

Seligman analyzes presidential elections and concludes that the more optimistic candidate usually wins. He predicts that the Enlightenment belief in reason, science, and progress will win out. He has written that “almost everything is better in every wealthy nation than it was fifty years ago”—a conclusion he might modify after the pandemic.

Positive psychology is a secular philosophy, unlike self-help books that depend on assistance from a higher power, such as Joel Osteen’s Become a Better You and Rick Warren’s The Purpose Driven Life . Seligman criticizes a fearful God of the Old Testament and its nullification of human agency. In a world with less and less suffering, the crucifix, he argues, loses much of its appeal. He is, however, sympathetic to religion, recognizing that it contributes to well-being by promoting social bonds and praising kindness. At the conclusion of  The Hope Circuit , Seligman repudiates skepticism and suggests there is a hope circuit in the brain that anticipates positivity in Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. The Yale Divinity School offers the project “Theology of Joy and the Good Life,” which in its emphasis on flourishing and cheerfulness has goals similar to those of positive psychology.

Seligman can come across as reactionary. He quotes with approval Andrew Jackson’s speech declaring “Man can be elevated . . . more endowed with divinity.” He favors a Victorian nineteenth century that was optimistic and believed in progress. He criticizes the narcissism and excessive individualism that he says erupted in the 1960s and which persist today. “Faith in God, community, nation, and the large extended family have all eroded.” He embraces old-fashioned virtues such as patriotism, progress, free will, resilience. He stresses character more than personality. A moralist, he criticizes popular culture and people who are indifferent to great thinkers and comfortable with contentment. He even sees virtue in the “Yankee self,” which was “less concerned with feeling and more concerned with duty.” He is a repentant pessimist, a convert to idealism. “I was and I am an unabashed do-gooder.”

Positive psychology is now taught in hundreds of other psychology courses besides Laurie Santos’s course at Yale. It has made its way into K–12 schools through a renewed emphasis on social-emotional learning. It has influenced schools in Australia and the United Kingdom and has made inroads into corporations (promoting advancement at work), the military (contributing to a psychologically fit army), and hospitals (boosting immune systems).

Hundreds of magazine articles and dozens of books have been published on positive psychology. Thousands of researchers have produced papers on it. Online, a reader can fill out questionnaires that probe individual well-being and recommend exercises to improve it. A student can earn a master’s degree in applied positive psychology from the University of Pennsylvania.

The International Positive Psychology Association sponsors a world congress whose members include geneticists, economists, and professors of business education. Professional magazines include the  Journal of Happiness Studies , the  Journal of Positive Psychology , and the  Journal of Well Being Assessment . The United Nations publishes a  World Happiness Report . The Nordic countries rank high. America is number eighteen. Very poor countries do not fare well.

Seligman is proud of his role: “I became a natural inspirer and I acquired charisma.” He rates his own PERMA very high. He is not, however, dogmatic. He concedes that positive psychology is a young science inclining to hyperbole. He insists on the importance of welcoming criticism. He asks, “When is our biology our destiny?,” while contending that at least half of personality is not inherited. He believes that optimism is hard won, that melancholy people may be wiser, that what he calls “externals,” such as money and status, may be minimized by positive psychologists. He agrees with Ed Diener, his colleague in the movement, that applying the insights of positive psychology is an art. In Seligman’s most recent book, he claims that what really distinguishes our species is not thinking about the present or past, but constantly imagining future possibilities.

Seligman wants to improve the emotional life of normal people and worries that positive psychology may become a fad of the privileged at Davos and the Aspen Institute. Positive psychology is a product of the academy, written for the highly educated, even though, according to Chris Peterson, Seligman’s closest colleague for many years, the optimistic bias is looked down upon by intellectual elites.

Can positive psychology appeal to Americans who work hard at unskilled jobs, often two jobs, to clerks who are bored, to construction workers who come home tired, and who in the evening prefer entertainment? To the majority who have a job, not a calling? Can it appeal to those who equate happiness with money and pleasure, not character or meaning? Is it utopian to expect a high percentage of men and women to center their lives around flow and meaning, wisdom and transcendence, virtue and gratitude, and to self-actualize? Is there room for Seligman’s advice in a capitalist America, competitive and materialistic, with all the inequality highlighted by the pandemic?

Optimism is a learned skill.

Still, taking into account sages of the past and common sense, recognizing our rudimentary knowledge of the brain, conceding the imperfect nature of social science techniques, and acknowledging the fallibility of human beings and the sudden swings of history, the conclusions of positive psychology can validate experience and offer hope:

•Genetics shape mood and personality, but only in part.

•Human beings can change and improve.

•Moods matter but can be altered by understanding circadian rhythm.

•Individuals have signature strengths that can be identified and employed.

•Flow moments exist and can be cultivated.

•Other people matter.

•Strong social bonds are crucial.

•Marriage and religion contribute to well-being.

•Positivity improves health, work, creativity, and relationships.

•Intrinsic adaptation to both the good and bad is useful.

•Optimism is a learned skill.

•Happiness requires effort.

•Happiness is contagious.

I am on a video call in early February of this year with Seligman, who in his memoir wrote, “I have never been good at small talk.” We talk for an hour. He is warm, meditative, and very articulate. Our conversation is wide-ranging. Confident in his mission, he concedes “a happiness set point can vary depending on circumstances,” and agrees that “pessimism can be useful” and that adjustment to changing circumstances is not guaranteed. He remains skeptical of excessive introspection and “unbridled individualism.”

“I would like to learn more history,” he tells me, and that, at his older daughter’s suggestion, he is reading The Cambridge World History seven-volume set. I recommend he look at Samuel Smiles, author of Self-Help and the Victorian champion of free will, character, and perseverance. I ask him about Quiet , Susan Cain’s best-selling book praising introverts. He says he hasn’t read it, but adds, “We are happiest with other people.”

In The Optimistic Child , he wrote: “Pessimism is fast becoming the typical way our children look at the world.” He tells me he is concerned about the grim canon of literature in secondary schools and that his daughter is reading Lord of the Flies , The Scarlet Letter , and Macbeth . Near the conclusion of our video call, I say I admire Pinker’s Enlightenment Now . He adds: “The academy resists Pinker’s optimism about the world’s progress.”

My interview with Martin Seligman occurred before we knew of the coming pandemic. Pinker’s critics now have more ammunition, some predicting a new dark age. Seligman’s repeated acknowledgment of the value of pessimism and realism, and his concession that positivity is difficult, protect his philosophy somewhat from the accusation of unreflective optimism in catastrophic times. His insistence on the value of strong social bonds and that “other people matter” remains relevant in the new normal of social distancing.

What is controversial—and will be tested—is positive psychologists’ belief in adjustment, that the human psyche somehow adapts itself to changing circumstances. Can we adjust and “reframe” to a new normal of widespread loss of life, economic destruction, and the uncertainty of COVID-19?

Scientists are starting to map the most complex structure in the universe, our brain, and to understand how billions of neurons, hundreds of genes, and dozens of hormones influence our well-being. Positive psychology is just beginning to connect with this new frontier of human understanding. By shifting psychology’s focus from pessimism and gloom to optimism and hope, Martin Seligman echoes Victorian Robert Louis Stevenson’s dictum “There is no duty we so much underrate as the duty of being happy.” Seligman and positive psychology offer an evidenced-based plea for idealism and affirmation. Living with a pandemic we knew was possible but believed scientists could somehow predict and prevent, we may have to settle on new watchwords— resilience and endurance .

Peter Gibbon is a Senior Research Scholar at the Boston University School of Education and the author of A Call to Heroism: Renewing America’s Vision of Greatness (Atlantic Monthly Press, 2002). He has directed four Teaching American History programs and is currently the director of an NEH Summer Seminar, “Philosophers of Education: Major Thinkers from the Enlightenment to the Present.”

Funding information

The National Endowment for the Humanities has supported numerous studies focused on happiness in the philosophies of thinkers from Plato and Aristotle to Maimonides , Spinoza , Adam Smith , and John Stuart Mill . The phrase "pursuit of happiness" feature prominently in NEH-supported projects on the founding, the 250th anniversary of which is the object of A More Perfect Union , a major initiative at NEH. In recent years, NEH grants have supported the development of several undergraduate courses on the nature of happiness.

Republication statement

This article is available for unedited republication, free of charge, using the following credit: “Originally published as "Martin Seligman and the Rise of Positive Psychology" in the Summer 2020 issue of  Humanities  magazine, a publication of the National Endowment for the Humanities.” Please notify us at  @email  if you are republishing it or have any questions.

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The Science of Happiness in Positive Psychology 101

Whether on a global or an individual level, the pursuit of happiness is one that is gaining traction and scientific recognition.

There are many definitions of happiness, and we will also explore those in this article. For now, we invite you to think of a time when you were happy. Were you alone? With others? Inside? Outside.

At the end of this article, revisit that memory. You may have new insight as to what made that moment “happy,” as well as tips to train your brain towards more happiness.

Before you continue, we thought you might like to download our three Happiness & Subjective Wellbeing Exercises for free . These detailed, science-based exercises will help you or your clients identify sources of authentic happiness and strategies to boost wellbeing.

This Article Contains:

A definition of happiness, a look at the science of happiness, the scientific research on happiness at work, 17 interesting facts and findings, a study showing how acts of kindness make us happier, the global pursuit of happiness, measures of happiness, four qualities of life.

• How to Train your Brain for Happiness

A Take-Home Message

In general, happiness is understood as the positive emotions we have in regards to the pleasurable activities we take part in through our daily lives.

Pleasure, comfort, gratitude, hope, and inspiration are examples of positive emotions that increase our happiness and move us to flourish. In scientific literature, happiness is referred to as hedonia (Ryan & Deci, 2001), the presence of positive emotions and the absence of negative emotions.

In a more broad understanding, human wellbeing is made up of both hedonic and Eudaimonic principles, the literature on which is vast and describes our personal meaning and purpose in life (Ryan & Deci, 2001).

Research on happiness over the years has found that there are some contributing correlational factors that affect our happiness. These include (Ryan & Deci, 2001):

• Personality Type
• Positive Emotions versus Negative Emotions
• Attitude towards Physical Health
• Social Class and Wealth
• Attachment and Relatedness
• Goals and Self-Efficacy
• Time and Place.

So what is the “ science of happiness? ”

This is one of those times when something is exactly what it sounds like – it’s all about the science behinds what happiness is and how to experience it, what happy people do differently, and what we can do to feel happier.

This focus on happiness is new to the field of psychology; for many decades – basically since the foundation of psychology as a science in the mid- to late-1800s – the focus was on the less pleasant in life. The field focused on pathology, on the worst-scenario cases, on what can go wrong in our lives.

Although there was some attention paid to wellbeing, success, and high functioning, the vast majority of funding and research was dedicated to those who were struggling the most: those with severe mental illness, mental disorders, or those who have survived trauma and tragedy.

While there’s certainly nothing wrong with doing what we can to raise up those who are struggling, there was an unfortunate lack of knowledge about what we can do to bring us all up to a higher level of functioning and happiness.

Positive psychology changed all of that. Suddenly, there was space at the table for a focus on the positive in life, for “ what thoughts, actions, and behaviors make us more productive at work, happier in our relationships, and more fulfilled at the end of the day ” (Happify Daily, n.d.).

The science of happiness has opened our eyes to a plethora of new findings about the sunny side of life.

Current research and studies

For instance, we have learned a lot about what happiness is and what drives us.

Recent studies have shown us that:

• Money can only buy happiness up to about $75,000 – after that, it has no significant effect on our emotional wellbeing (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
• Most of our happiness is not determined by our genetics, but by our experiences and our day-to-day lives (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005).
• Trying too hard to find happiness often has the opposite effect and can lead us to be overly selfish (Mauss et al., 2012).
• Pursuing happiness through social means (e.g., spending more time with family and friends) is more likely to be effective than other methods (Rohrer et al., 2018).
• The pursuit of happiness is one place where we should consider ditching the SMART goals; it may be more effective to pursue “vague” happiness goals than more specific ones (Rodas et al., 2018).
• Happiness makes us better citizens – it is a good predictor of civic engagement in the transition to adulthood (Fang et al., 2018).
• Happiness leads to career success, and it doesn’t have to be “natural” happiness – researchers found that “experimentally enhancing” positive emotions also contributed to improved outcomes at work (Walsh et al., 2018).
• There is a linear relationship between religious involvement and happiness. Higher worship service attendance is correlated with more commitment to faith, and commitment to faith is related to greater compassion. Those more compassionate individuals are more likely to provide emotional support to others, and those who provide emotional support to others are more likely to be happy (Krause et al., 2018). It’s a long road, but a direct one!

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There’s been a ton of research on the effects of happiness in the workplace. Much of this is driven by companies who want to find a way to improve productivity, attract new talent, and get a dose of good publicity, all at the same time. After all, who wouldn’t want to do business with and/or work for a company full of happy employees?

Although the jury is still out on exactly how happy employees “should” be for maximum productivity, efficiency, and health, we have learned a few things about the effects of a happy workforce:

• People who are happy with their jobs are less likely to leave their jobs, less likely to be absent, and less likely to engage in counterproductive behaviors at work.
• People who are happy with their jobs are more likely to engage in behavior that contributes to a happy and productive organization, more likely to be physically healthy, and more likely to be mentally healthy.
• Happiness and job performance are related—and the relationship likely works in both directions (e.g., happy people do a better job and people who do a good job are more likely to be happy).
• Unit- or team-level happiness is also linked to positive outcomes, including higher customer satisfaction, profit, productivity, employee turnover, and a safer work environment.
• In general, a happier organization is a more productive and successful organization (Fisher, 2010).

To sum up the findings we have so far, it’s easy to see that happiness at work does matter – for individuals, for teams, and for organizations overall. We don’t have all the answers about exactly how the relationship between happiness and productivity works, but we know that there is a relationship there.

Lately, many human resources managers, executives, and other organizational leaders have decided that knowing there’s a relationship is good enough evidence to establish happiness-boosting practices at work, which means that we have a lot of opportunities to see the impact of greater happiness at work in the future.

Research in this field is booming, and new findings are coming out all the time. Here are a few of the most interesting facts and findings so far:

• Happiness is linked to lower heart rate and blood pressure, as well as healthier heart rate variability.
• Happiness can also act as a barrier between you and germs – happier people are less likely to get sick.
• People who are happier enjoy greater protection against stress and release less of the stress hormone cortisol.
• Happy people tend to experience fewer aches and pains, including dizziness, muscle strain, and heartburn.
• Happiness acts as a protective factor against disease and disability (in general, of course).
• Those who are happiest tend to live significantly longer than those who are not.
• Happiness boosts our immune system, which can help us fight and fend off the common cold.
• Happy people tend to make others happier as well, and vice versa – those who do good, feel good!
• A portion of our happiness is determined by our genetics (but there’s still plenty of room for attitude adjustments and happiness-boosting exercises!).
• Smelling floral scents like roses can make us happier.
• Those who are paid by the hour may be happier than those on salary (however, these findings are limited, so take them with a grain of salt!).
• Relationships are much more conducive to a happy life than money.
• Happier people tend to wear bright colors; it’s not certain which way the relationship works, but it can’t hurt to throw on some brighter hues once in a while—just in case!
• Happiness can help people cope with arthritis and chronic pain better.
• Being outdoors – especially near the water – can make us happier.
• The holidays can be a stressful time, even for the happiest among us – an estimated 44% of women and 31% of men get the “holiday blues.”
• Happiness is contagious! When we spend time around happy people, we’re likely to get a boost of happiness as well.

Newman (2015) is the source for the first six facts and findings, and Florentine (2016) for the latter 11 .

Feeling blue? Treat yourself to a decadent dessert.

Feeling frustrated after an argument with a friend? Skip your workout and have an extra scoop of ice cream.

The message is clear: If you want to feel happy, you should focus on your own wishes and desires. Yet this is not the advice that many people grew up hearing. Indeed, most of the world’s religions (and grandmothers everywhere) have long suggested that people should focus on others first and themselves second.

Psychologists refer to such behavior as prosocial behavior and many recent studies have shown that when people have a prosocial focus, doing kind acts for others, their own happiness increases.

But how does prosocial behavior compare to treating yourself in terms of your happiness? And does treating yourself really make you feel happy?

Nelson et al. (2016) presented their research answering these questions.

Participants were divided into four groups and given new instructions each week for four weeks.

One group was instructed to perform random acts of kindness for themselves (such as going shopping or enjoying a favorite hobby); the second group was instructed to perform acts of kindness for others (such as visiting an elderly relative or helping someone carry groceries); the third group was instructed to perform acts of kindness to improve the world (such as recycling or donating to charity); the fourth group was instructed to keep track of their daily activities.

Each week, the participants reported their activities from the previous week, as well as their experience of positive and negative emotions.

At the beginning, the end, and again two weeks after the four-week period, participants completed a questionnaire to assess their psychological flourishing. As a measure of overall happiness, the questionnaire included questions about psychological, social, and emotional wellbeing .

The Results

The results of the study were striking. Only participants who engaged in prosocial behavior demonstrated improvements in psychological flourishing.

Participants who practiced prosocial behavior demonstrated increases in positive emotions from one week to the next. In turn, these increases in feelings such as happiness, joy, and enjoyment predicted increases in psychological flourishing at the end of the study. In other words, positive emotions appeared to have been a critical ingredient linking prosocial behavior to increases in flourishing.

But what about the people who treated themselves?

They did not show the same increases in positive emotions or psychological flourishing as those who engaged in acts of kindness. In fact, people who treated themselves did not differ in positive emotions, negative emotions, or psychological flourishing over the course of the study compared to those who merely kept track of their daily activities.

This research does not say that we shouldn’t treat ourselves, show ourselves self-love when we need it, or enjoy our relaxation when we have it. However, the results of this study strongly suggest that we are more likely to reach greater levels of happiness when we exhibit prosocial behavior and show others kindness through our actions.

In world economic circles, Richard Easterlin investigated the relationship between money and wellbeing.

The Easterlin paradox—”money does not buy happiness” (Mohun, 2012)—sparked a new wave of thinking about wealth and wellbeing.

In 1972, Bhutan chose to pursue a policy of happiness rather than a focus on economic growth tracked via their gross domestic product (GDPP). Subsequently, this little nation has been among the happiest, ranking amongst nations with far superior wealth (Kelly, 2012).

More global organizations and nations are becoming aware and supportive of the importance of happiness in today’s world. This has lead to The United Nations inviting nations to take part in a happiness survey, resulting in the “ World Happiness Report ,” a basis from which to steer public policy. Learn about the World Happiness Report for 2016 .

The United Nations also established  World Happiness Day , March 20 th , which was the result of efforts of the Bhutan Kingdom and their Gross National Happiness initiative (Helliwell et al., 2013).

Organizations such as the  New Economic Foundation are playing an influential role as an economic think tank that focuses on steering economic policy and development for the betterment of human wellbeing.

Ruut Veenhoven, a world authority on the scientific study of happiness, was one of the sources of inspiration for the United Nations General Assembly (2013) adopting happiness measures. Veenhoven is a founding member of the World Database of Happiness , which is a comprehensive scientific repository of happiness measures worldwide.

The objective of this organization is to provide a coordinated collection of data, with common interpretation according to a scientifically validated happiness theory, model, and body of research.

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At this point, you might be wondering: Is it possible to measure happiness? Many psychologists have devoted their careers to answering this question and in short, the answer is yes.

Happiness can be measured by these three factors: the presence of positive emotions, the absence of negative emotions, and life satisfaction (Ryan & Deci, 2001). It is a uniquely subjective experience, which means that nobody is better at reporting on someone’s happiness than the individuals themselves.

For this reason scales, self-report measures, and questionnaires are the most common formats for measuring happiness. The most recognized examples are the following:

• The PANAS (Positive Affect and Negative Affect Schedule);
• The SWLS (Satisfaction With Life Scale) ;
• The SHS (Subjective Happiness Scale)

However, there are  many instruments available to measure happiness that have proven reliable and valid over time (Hefferon & Boniwell, 2011).

Of the four dimensions, satisfaction is our personal subjective measure of happiness as we interpret life as a whole. Veenhoven’s (2010) global research into happiness suggests that happiness is possible for many.

This is an overview of his Four Qualities:

Using Veenhoven’s Four Qualities it is possible to assess the happiness of any country.

Liveability of environment

This dimension includes factors such as law, freedom, schooling, employment, electricity or gas, etc. It is a measurement of how well an environment meets what Maslow proposed as our basic needs (safety, security, shelter, food) (Maslow, 1943).

Life-ability of individuals

The ability of individuals to deal with life is important; both mental and physical health are identified as important factors, together with social values of solidarity, tolerance, and love (Veenhoven, 2010).

Utility of life

In this dimension, Veenhoven (2010) references a higher-order meaning, for example, religious affiliations.

Uchida et al. (2014) found that high levels of national disaster negatively impacted a nation’s level of happiness.

Satisfaction

Happiness is a complex construct that cannot be directly controlled. Through policy and individual and organizational action, one can endeavor to influence and increase happiness (Veenhoven, 2010).

However, happiness is a subjective experience and only once we change the way we perceive the world can we really begin sharing and creating happiness for others.

But is it possible to train yourself to be happier?

The answer is yes!

How to Train Your Brain for Happiness

At birth, our genetics provide us a set point that accounts for some portion of our happiness. Having enough food, shelter, and safety account for another portion.

There’s also quite a bit of happiness that’s entirely up to us (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005).

By training our brain through awareness and exercises to think in a happier, more optimistic, and more resilient way, we can effectively train our brains for happiness.

New discoveries in the field of positive psychology show that physical health, psychological wellbeing, and physiological functioning are all improved by how we learn to “feel good” (Fredrickson, et al., 2000).

What Are The Patterns We Need To “Train Out” of Our Brains?

• Perfectionism  – Often confused with conscientiousness, which involves appropriate and tangible expectations, perfectionism involves inappropriate levels of expectations and intangible goals. It often produces problems for adults, adolescents, and children.
• Social comparison  – When we compare ourselves to others we often find ourselves lacking. Healthy social comparison is about finding what you admire in others and learning to strive for those qualities. However, the best comparisons we can make are with ourselves. How are you better than you were in the past?
• Materialism – Attaching our happiness to external things and material wealth is dangerous, as we can lose our happiness if our material circumstances change (Carter & Gilovich, 2010).
• Maximizing  – Maximizers search for better options even when they are satisfied. This leaves them little time to be present for the good moments in their lives and with very little gratitude (Schwartz et al., 2002).

Misconceptions About Mind Training

Some of the misconceptions about retraining your brain are simply untrue. Here are a few myths that need debunking:

1. We are products of our genetics so we cannot create change in our brains.

Our minds are malleable. Ten years ago we thought brain pathways were set in early childhood. In fact, we now know that there is huge potential for large changes through to your twenties, and neuroplasticity is still changing throughout one’s life.

The myelin sheath that covers your neural pathways gets thicker and stronger the more it is used (think of the plastic protective covering on wires); the more a pathway is used, the stronger the myelin and the faster the neural pathway. Simply put, when you practice feeling grateful, you notice more things to be grateful for.

2. Brain training is brainwashing.

Brainwashing is an involuntary change. If we focus on training our mind to see the glass half full instead of half empty, that is a choice.

3. If we are too happy we run the risk of becoming overly optimistic.

There is no such thing as overly optimistic, and science shows that brain training for positivity includes practices like  mindfulness and gratitude. No one has ever overdosed on these habits.

How Is The Brain Wired For Happiness?

Our brains come already designed for happiness. We have caregiving systems in place for eye contact, touch, and vocalizations to let others know we are trustworthy and secure .

Our brains also regulate chemicals like oxytocin.

People who have more oxytocin trust more readily, have increased tendencies towards monogamy, and exhibit more caregiving behavior. These behaviors reduce stress which lowers production of hormones like cortisol and inhibits the cardiovascular response to stress (Kosfeld et al., 2005).

The following TED talk provides an insight into how we can overcome our negative mental patterns:

If happiness has little to do with having too many resources, then it is an inner state that we have the power to cultivate. The above video even offers specific exercises for you to try. Just by doing them, you are actively re-wiring your brain towards calm and happy sensations.

Meanwhile, this TED talk gives a better understanding of how to wire your brain to accept the positivity and happiness in your life:

The negativity bias that Dr. Rick Hanson discusses can help us understand how we can activate and “install” positive thinking as part of our core brain chemistry. If you don’t have a moment to watch either of these videos now, make time for it later—they are rich with relevant data and tips.

17 Exercises To Increase Happiness and Wellbeing

Add these 17 Happiness & Subjective Well-Being Exercises [PDF] to your toolkit and help others experience greater purpose, meaning, and positive emotions.

Created by Experts. 100% Science-based.

Happiness is the overall subjective experience of our positive emotions. There are many factors which influence our happiness, and ongoing research continues to uncover what makes us happiest.

This global pursuit of happiness has resulted in measures such as the World Happiness Report, while the World Happiness Database is working to collaborate and consolidate the existing happiness pursuits of different nations.

We are living in a time when the conditions for happiness are known. This can be disheartening at times when there is much negativity in the world.

There is, however, good news in this situation: neuroplasticity.

The human brain is wired for happiness and positive connections with others. It is actually possible to experience and learn happiness despite what has been genetically hardwired.

In a world where the focus on happiness is growing and the mirror is turning back towards ourselves, the happiness of the world relies on the happiness within each one of us and how we act, share, and voice the importance of happiness for everyone.

What are the steps you are taking to make yourself and others happier? Let us know by leaving a comment below!

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Happiness Exercises for free .

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• Fisher, C. D. (2010). Happiness at work.  International Journal of Management Reviews ,  12 (4), 384–412.
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• Fredrickson, B. L., Mancuso, R. A., Branigan, C., & Tugade, M. M. (2000). The undoing effect of positive emotions . Motivation and Emotion , 24 (4), 237–258.
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• Krause, N., Ironson, G., & Hill, P. (2018). Religious involvement and happiness: Assessing the mediating role of compassion and helping others.  The Journal of Social Psychology ,  158 (2), 256–270.
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• Maguire, E., Gadian, D., Johnsrude, I., Good, C., Ashburne, J., Frackowiak, R., & Frith, C. (2000). Navigation-related structural change in the hippocampi of taxi drivers . Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 97(8), 4398-4403.
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• Mauss, I. B., Savino, N. S., Anderson, C. L., Weisbuch, M., Tamir, M., & Laudenslager, M. L. (2012). The pursuit of happiness can be lonely.  Emotion, 12 (5), 908–912.
• Mohun, J. (2012) The economics book . DK.
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• Newman, K. M. (2015, July 28). Six ways happiness is good for your health . Greater Good Magazine .  Retrieved from https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/six_ways_happiness_is_good_for_your_health
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• Ryff, C. D., & Singer, B. H. (2006). Know Thyself and Become What You Are: A Eudemonic approach to psychological well-being. Journal of Happiness Studies 9:13 -39, 2008.
• Schwartz, B., Ward, A., Monterosso, J., Lyubomirsky, S., White, K., & Lehman, D. R. (2002). Maximizing versus satisficing: Happiness is a matter of choice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 83 (5), 1178.
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• Sheldon, K. M., & Lyubomirsky, (2006). Achieving Sustainable Gains in Happiness: Change your actions, not your circumstances . Journal of Happiness Studies (2006) 7:55-86.
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What our readers think.

Thank you for this beautiful well written article. I came across it during my research regarding the science of happiness. The beauty in writing this post is the power to influence souls in a positive manner many who you will not meet.

Sending some love and light to you and all those who get to read your blog.

Being in the field of Human Resource for four decades, coming across and dealing with millions of minds, after reading your article, gives a feeling that I have learnt something new today…

Thank you and congratulations for such a informative work.

God bless…

Thank you for your search light into one of the nerve center of our generation. i will like to use part of this in my upcoming book

Hello Katherine, Now reading https://positivepsychology.com/happiness/ Salute to you for enriching us. Nearly hundred of us relatives are creating an audio book for our blind uncle about life skills. Any quote from you that I can add in the document? Will be grateful. regards, Prabodh Sirur

Hi Prabodh,

Wow, that sounds like a lovely gift for your uncle! We actually have a couple of posts containing quotes about happiness, so you may want to take a look at those for some inspiration. You can find those here and here .

Hope this helps, and good luck with the audiobook!

– Nicole | Community Manager

Thanks for your article, I translated this article for a mental health lesson and I really enjoyed this article.

Thank you for this super helpful article!!

Thank You for such an Informative and Detailed Article on Science of Happiness. I am a Budding Happiness Life Coach and stumbled on this Article. This gives me more understanding of Happiness in Scientific way, with your permission, I would like to share my learning in my course. Thank You and looking forward for more such Articles. Thank You and God Bless You

Hi Srinivas, Thank you for your lovely feedback. We’re glad you liked the article. Feel free to share it with others by clicking ‘Yes’ on the ‘Was this article useful to you’ button. From there, a range of sharing options will appear. – Nicole | Community Manager

Thanks, very nice lecture and informative But I wish to know more about role of religious effects on Happiness? another thing is it ok to translate lecture to other language and share it? Regards Dr Eirebi Albogasim

Hi Dr. Albogasim, Thanks for reading. There’s quite a bit of research showing that those who practice religion tend to be happier than the general population ( here’s an article on the topic). And yes, feel free to translate and share the lecture. – Nicole | Community Manager

I stumbled on your article as I am researching on Happiness to publish my 3rd book. Thanks for sharing! A very elaborate and informative article. The “Take home message” is very encouraging. And I vouch for the neuroplasticity of the brain. We can train ourselves to be Happy. Once we change our attitude, it is easy to be Happy. I learnt how to be Happy at the age of 23. Few years back I posted an article sharing my findings on Happiness in this Linked-in forum. Please see the link for the same https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/easy-happy-ramesh-thota-pmp-cqa/ . Appreciate if you can share your views.

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This paper is in the following e-collection/theme issue:

Published on 14.8.2024 in Vol 11 (2024)

Application of Positive Psychology in Digital Interventions for Children, Adolescents, and Young Adults: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Controlled Trials

Authors of this article:

• Sundas Saboor 1 , MBBS, MPH   ; 
• Adrian Medina 2 , MPH, EdM   ; 
• Laura Marciano 3 , PhD  

1 Department of Health Behavior & Health Education, University of Michigan School of Public Health, Ann Arbor, MI, United States

2 Deptartment of Social & Behavioral Sciences, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, MA, United States

3 Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness, Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, MA, United States

Corresponding Author:

Laura Marciano, PhD

Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness

Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences

Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health

677 Huntington Avenue

Boston, MA, 02115

United States

Phone: 1 6175828025

Email: [email protected]

Background: The rising prevalence of mental health issues in children, adolescents, and young adults has become an escalating public health issue, impacting approximately 10%-20% of young people on a global scale. Positive psychology interventions (PPIs) can act as powerful mental health promotion tools to reach wide-ranging audiences that might otherwise be challenging to access. This increased access would enable prevention of mental disorders and promotion of widespread well-being by enhancing self-efficacy, thereby supporting the achievement of tangible objectives.

Objective: We aimed to conduct a comprehensive synthesis of all randomized controlled trials and controlled trials involving children, adolescents, and young adults, encompassing both clinical and nonclinical populations, to comprehensively evaluate the effectiveness of digital PPIs in this age group.

Methods: After a literature search in 9 electronic databases until January 12, 2023, and gray literature until April 2023, we carried out a systematic review of 35 articles, of which 18 (51%) provided data for the meta-analysis. We included randomized controlled trials and controlled trials mainly based on web-based, digital, or smartphone-based interventions using a positive psychology framework as the main component. Studies included participants with a mean age of <35 years. Outcomes of PPIs were classified into indicators of well-being (compassion, life satisfaction, optimism, happiness, resilience, emotion regulation and emotion awareness, hope, mindfulness, purpose, quality of life, gratitude, empathy, forgiveness, motivation, and kindness) and ill-being (depression, anxiety, stress, loneliness, and burnout). PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines were used for the selection of studies and data extraction. Quality assessment was performed following the CONSORT (Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials) guidelines.

Results: For well-being outcomes, meta-analytic results showed that PPIs augmented the feeling of purpose, gratitude, and hope (Hedges g =0.555), compassion (Hedges g =0.447), positive coping behaviors (Hedges g =0.421), body image–related outcomes (Hedges g =0.238), and positive mindset predisposition (Hedges g =0.304). For ill-being outcomes, PPIs reduced cognitive biases (Hedges g =–0.637), negative emotions and mood (Hedges g =–0.369), and stress levels (Hedges g =–0.342). Of note, larger effect sizes were found when a waiting list control group was considered versus a digital control group. A funnel plot showed no publication bias. Meta-regression analyses showed that PPIs tended to show a larger effect size on well-being outcomes in studies including young adults, whereas no specific effect was found for ill-being outcomes.

Conclusions: Revised evidence suggests that PPIs benefit young people’s well-being and mitigate ill-being symptoms. Digital platforms offer a unique way to address their mental health challenges, although not without limitations. Future research should explore how they work for the needs of the young population and further examine what specific PPIs or combination of interventions is most beneficial with respect to other digital control groups.

Trial Registration: PROSPERO International Prospective Register of Systematic Reviews CRD42023420092; https://www.crd.york.ac.uk/prospero/display_record.php?RecordID=420092

Introduction

Mental health problems among children, adolescents, and young adults are a growing public health concern, affecting 10% to 20% of young people worldwide [ 1 ]. According to World Mental Health Report 2022, 970 million people have mental disorders, with 3% to 7% of mental disorders among those aged <10 years, 13.5% to 14.7% among those aged 10 to 19 years, and 14.1% to 14.9% among those aged 20 to 49 years [ 2 ]. Globally, 1 in 7 (14%) people who are aged 10 to 19 years have different mental health conditions, and most of them remain untreated [ 3 ]. In addition, among three-quarters of adults, long-term mental health problems occurred before the age of 24 years [ 1 ]. According to the US Surgeon General’s Advisory Report, from 2009 to 2019, the proportion of high school students with persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness increased by 40% [ 4 ]. In addition, the mental health conditions of young people faced unprecedented challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic, wherein the risk of depression and anxiety doubled [ 4 ], together with feelings of loneliness [ 5 , 6 ].

Considering the above statistics, enhancing youth well-being is an urgent public health need and concern today [ 7 ]. To date, the field of psychiatry and psychology have primarily addressed challenges in treating mental illness, focusing on therapy access and engagement [ 8 ] only after a symptomatology has occurred. However, there has been less attention on enhancing and protecting mental well-being [ 8 , 9 ] before the onset of mental health issues. Interventions aiming at diminishing mental health problems by using the prevailing disease model of human functioning (ie, ill-being model) largely ignore positive psychological assets such as meaning, courage, compassion, and kindness that could not only relieve ill-being states but also prevent them [ 10 ]. Positive psychology aims to provide a more comprehensive scientific knowledge of the human experience, from positive to negative, and better integrate and complement the illness framework with concepts related to positive mental health and use them at scale to solve public health issues [ 10 ].

Advocating for a more holistic approach to mental health promotion and expanding the field’s focus to include strategies for improving mental well-being are crucial to boost intervention effectiveness, prevent mental illness and relapse, and broaden our understanding of how to support individuals in flourishing and improving their overall quality of life [ 9 ]. Tomé et al [ 11 ] conducted a systematic review on 13 studies, focusing on children and adolescents aged 0 to 18 years who had been a target audience for mental health and well-being promotion interventions and suggested that preventive school-based interventions can reduce the onset and progression of clinical disorders and promote good mental health. Another systematic review and meta-analysis of 16 studies concluded that people with severe mental illness benefit from positive psychology interventions (PPIs) in terms of enhancing mental health [ 12 ]. Williams et al [ 13 ] proposed in their systematic review that social interventions to increase positive emotions for people diagnosed with mental health disorders are suitable and effective adjuncts to mental health treatment.

Hence, in this systematic review and meta-analysis, we aimed to focus on digital interventions based on positive psychology as a promising option to promote well-being and prevent mental health issues in a population (children, adolescents, and young adults) that is not at a high risk of developing such issues.

Positive Psychology Framework

According to the American Psychological Association, positive psychology is defined as “a field of psychological theory and research that focuses on the psychological states (e.g., contentment, joy), individual traits or character strengths (e.g., intimacy, integrity, altruism, wisdom), and social institutions that enhance subjective well-being and make life most worth living” [ 14 ]. It is the scientific study of optimal functioning that identifies skills and strengths so that an individual or a community can thrive [ 15 ]. Positive psychology complements and extends the ill-being framework: PPIs focus on the science of positive mental states and behavioral patterns to improve quality of life [ 16 , 17 ]. Positive psychology involves the promotion of well-being differentiated between hedonic well-being, focusing on happiness, pleasure attainment, and pain avoidance, and eudaimonic well-being, related to meaning, self-realization, and full functioning of the person [ 18 ]. By doing so, positive psychology solves problems by identifying and leveraging individual and societal strengths [ 19 ]. Also, positive psychology enhances the importance of flourishing, a construct that encompasses positive emotions and relationships, engagement, meaning, and accomplishments directly or indirectly related to different dimensions of well-being, including psychological, emotional, social, and subjective [ 20 ].

Martin EP Seligman, the father of positive psychology, introduced 5 dimensions essential for well-being known as the PERMA model: positive emotions, engagement, relationships, meaning, and accomplishment [ 21 , 22 ]. Positive emotions (eg, joy, interest, contentment, and love) serve as markers of flourishing and optimal well-being [ 23 ]. Engagement is the extent of use and a subjective experience characterized by interest, affect, and attention [ 24 ]. Positive relationships can be regarded as strong connections with family and friends, developing a sense of belonging [ 25 ]. Meaning is understood as coherence, purpose, and a sense of life’s inherent value, making it worth living [ 26 ]. Accomplishment refers to achievement, mastery, and competence [ 27 ].

Digital PPIs

On the basis of positive psychology theories and empirical research, PPIs aim to ameliorate well-being and health outcomes by increasing positive feelings, healthier lifestyle behaviors, and better cognitive functioning [ 28 ]. PPIs promote positive well-being outcomes, especially in people dealing with stress, by fostering positive daily emotions, providing people with stress-free time, mindful attention and positive cognition, and strengthening social relationships based on the Positive Pathways to Health theoretical model [ 29 - 31 ]. This theoretical model posits that PPIs promote physical and psychological well-being for people dealing with stress by elevating positive emotions experienced in their daily lives [ 30 ]. PPIs rely on elements such as optimism, spirituality, hopefulness, happiness, gratitude, creativity, meaning, and purpose [ 32 ].

From a public health perspective, PPIs can serve as effective mental health promotion tools to reach large target audiences, which would be challenging to reach otherwise. PPIs can be used as preventive and easily accessible tools that can promote well-being at scale by building self-efficacy and reinforcing the effects of meeting concrete goals [ 33 ]. Health promotion strategies can address complex mental health issues, treat preclinical and underdiagnosed cases, and prevent the recurrence of health problems to sustain health networks [ 34 ]. These strategies bolster public policies such as providing employment opportunities and antidiscriminatory laws, establishing supportive environments through interventions such as parenting programs, strengthening community action through initiatives such as media campaigns and research, and improving health services such as depression screening, all aimed at enhancing health and well-being [ 10 ].

Although mental health problems are a growing public health concern among youth, research on the impact of digital PPIs on this population remains limited. Prior reviews primarily addressed conventional interventions, such as in-person therapies within clinical settings and nonclinical settings [ 35 - 38 ]. However, considering the ongoing digitalization of health care, web-based resources and mental health applications have emerged as new avenues for young individuals to access health care services. Surprisingly, there is a notable absence of previous reviews exclusively focusing on digital PPIs for this demographic.

In previous reviews, individual meta-analyses for interventions were assessed for behavioral interventions [ 39 ] and ecological momentary interventions [ 40 ]. Other meta-analyses were performed for well-being components individually, for example, optimism [ 41 ], anxiety [ 42 , 43 ], depression [ 44 - 48 ], well-being [ 46 , 47 , 49 ], employee or work-based well-being [ 50 - 52 ], happiness [ 49 ], and school-based well-being [ 53 ]. However, previous reviews and meta-analyses excluded studies that did not mention outcome measure of well-being [ 54 ]; had no restriction on age groups [ 47 , 55 ]; or included only adults [ 56 , 57 ] or clinical population (eg, cardiovascular disease, psychiatric or somatic disorder, medical patients, schizophrenia, severe mental illness, and chronic pain) [ 12 , 42 , 58 - 61 ]. Although these reviews provide in-depth analysis of the effects of PPIs, the effects of digital PPIs on children, adolescents, and young adults have not been consistently summarized. Moreover, previous reviews mainly included traditional interventions (eg, cognitive therapy or cognitive behavioral therapy [CBT], mindfulness CBT, face-to-face group therapies and meditation, mainly among college students, young community members, or pediatric clinical settings) [ 41 , 47 , 62 ]; however, with the digitalization process, web-based resources and mental health apps are becoming the new way for youth to access health services. However, no previous reviews focused only on digital PPIs. Finally, when it comes to included studies, few reviews and meta-analyses included design such as randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and controlled trials (CTs) [ 41 , 47 , 62 ].

To overcome the abovementioned limitations, our objective was to comprehensively synthesize all RCTs and CTs conducted with young population (ie, children, adolescents, and young adults), encompassing both clinical and nonclinical populations, in order to assess the global effectiveness of digital PPIs on individuals in this age group holistically, without differentiation of prevention and treatment. In particular, we aimed to carry out a systematic review and meta-analysis including both clinical and nonclinical population to determine the efficacy of digital PPIs by considering if digital PPIs maintain health (by improving well-being constructs of compassion, life satisfaction, optimism, happiness, hope, resilience, etc or by reducing ill-being constructs of depression, anxiety, stress, loneliness, burnout, etc) and if there is any difference with respect to other (digital) control conditions.

In this study, we described study characteristics, theoretical background of the PPIs, quality assessment of the studies, the diverse range of PPIs used by the studies, the well-being and ill-being outcomes of these PPIs, and the meta-analytic results for the outcomes.

This systematic review and meta-analysis followed the PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines [ 63 ].

Study Sources and Searches

In total, 9 electronic databases (Communication & Mass Media Complete, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, PsycINFO, CINAHL, ERIC: Education Resource Information Center, MEDLINE Proquest, ProQuest Sociology, Web of Science [ISI Web of Knowledge], and MEDLINE PubMed) were searched up to January 12, 2023 ( Textbox 1 ).

All citations were imported into Zotero reference manager (Corporation for Digital Scholarship) to automatically remove any duplicates. An additional hand search was carried out by scanning the references of relevant review articles identified along with all gray literature in Google Scholar until April 2023.

• Online* OR internet* OR digital* OR smartphone* OR social media OR EMI* OR EMA* OR in-situ OR ecological momentary assess* OR ecological momentary intervention* OR ESM* OR experience sampling* OR ambulatory assess* OR trace data OR chatbot* OR artificial intelligence* OR AI* OR conversational agent* OR chatterbot* OR virtual agent*
• positive psychology* OR positive psychotherapy* OR kindness* OR optimism* OR gratitude* OR happ* OR flourish* OR satisfaction* OR optimis* OR strength* OR forgiveness* OR positive relationship* OR savoring* OR altruism* OR gift* OR meaning* OR purpose* OR hedon* OR eudaimon* OR compassion* OR hop*
• Interven* OR treatment* OR therap* OR RCT* OR random* OR trial* OR control*

Study Selection

After duplicates were removed from the initial list of extracted publications, 2 authors independently completed title and abstract screening. For title and abstract screening, we included studies that (1) were either RCTs or CTs; (2) had the intervention that was mainly based on positive psychology (eg, gratitude, hope, optimism, etc) as the main component (for interventions, we included psychotherapies, therapy, interventions, mindfulness, training, exercise, and similar); and (3) included children, adolescents, and young adults with a mean age of <35 years. Although mental health disorders and treatment vary among this diverse age range, aggregating mental health across this range is appropriate due to similarities in mental health challenges and responses to interventions observed across different developmental stages within this age range. The proportion of individuals with the onset of any mental disorders before the ages of 14, 18, and 25 years were 34.6%, 48.4%, and 62.5%, respectively, and the peak age was 14.5 years [ 64 ]. Separation anxiety disorder, specific phobia, and social phobia have their mean onset before the age of 15 years, whereas agoraphobia, obsessive-compulsive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, panic disorder, and generalized anxiety disorder began, on average, between 21.1 and 34.9 years [ 65 ]. The mean age of <35 years is in line with the upper age limit of the early psychosis paradigm reporting on universal interventions or selective interventions [ 66 - 68 ]. In addition, studies needed to (4) include from both clinical and nonclinical population and (5) be carried out web-based or digital or through smartphone-based interventions. We excluded studies with face-to-face interventions and psychotherapy only of any kind, including digital or web-based or smartphone based. We also excluded studies in which positive psychology was not the main focus of the intervention (eg, when positive psychology was an additional component of a mindfulness-based intervention or CBT or other therapies). Moreover, we removed studies with no experimental design or control group and studies where the average age of the sample was >35 years or the focus was on caregivers. We further excluded conference abstracts, theses, books, or book sections. We excluded studies that were not in the English language. If at least 1 of the 2 authors decided to retain an article during the title and abstract screening process, we included it in the full-text screening. Discrepancies after full-text screening were solved through a consensus meeting with a third author.

Data Extraction

For each included study, we extracted information about the article (first author, year of publication, journal, and title); the study (country where the study was conducted, study design, sample size of experimental group, presence of control group, type of control group, sample size of control group, type of sampling, and attrition rates); and characteristics of the sample (including clinical or general population with details, ethnicity, gender distribution, and age). For intervention, we extracted information regarding the kind of positive intervention and its details, reference theory of the intervention, the type of activity and intervention, the setting of the intervention with details, the duration of the intervention, number of follow-ups and the time of the follow-ups, and data collection survey details. Outcomes included different ill-being and well-being constructs. Finally, we collected information on intervention evaluation, statistical analyses, and results to be converted into effect sizes.

Quality Assessment

In total, 2 authors independently assessed the quality of the studies according to the CONSORT (Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials) guidelines [ 69 ], and a sum score was created, with a higher score indicating methodological quality. CONSORT guidelines are better suited for assessing the quality of study reporting for RCTs and CTs as recommended by Altman [ 70 ] and Versluis et al [ 40 ]. As a form of quality assessment, we checked whether studies explicitly mentioned (1) title and abstract; (2) introduction (including background and objectives); (3) methods (including trial design, participants, interventions, outcomes, sample size, randomization-sequence generation, randomization-sequence allocation concealment, randomization-implementation, blinding, and statistical methods); (4) results (including participants flow diagram, participant flow, recruitment, baseline data, number analyzed, outcomes and estimations, ancillary analyses, and harms); (5) discussion (including limitations, interpretations, generalizability, and registration); and (6) other information such as funding and protocol. For each paper, we rated if each criterion of the quality assessment was 0=“absent” and 1=“completely met.” Then, we calculated a sum score of all criteria. The maximum score obtainable for each study was 34.

Data Synthesis and Analysis

We conducted the meta-analysis using “meta” [ 27 ] packages in R statistical software (R Foundation for Statistical Computing). A standardized mean difference approach was used as a measure of effect size using the Hedges adjusted g , which is similar to Cohen d , but it includes an adjustment for small sample bias [ 71 ]. All the analyses were implemented using the inverse-variance method with a random effects model using the Hartung-Knapp-Sidik-Jonkman adjustment [ 55 ] to limit the effect of studies’ diversities. According to Cohen [ 72 ], a final effect falling in the ranges of 0 to 0.2, 0.3 to 0.5, and 0.6 to 0.8 was interpreted, respectively, as small, moderate, and large. Meta-analyses were run for well-being and ill-being outcomes separately, with additional specifications of the type of outcome. In particular, we further grouped well-being and ill-being outcomes in the following dimensions: body image related, cognitive bias/flexibility, compassion, coping, mindset predisposition, mood/affect/emotions, purpose/gratitude/hope, satisfaction/quality of life, stress, and 3 funny things/3 good things. A complete list of well-being and ill-being outcomes categorized in each of the abovementioned dimensions is reported in Table 1 .

The heterogeneity of the effect size was computed with the between-study variance τ 2 and the Hartung-Knapp-Sidik-Jonkman adjustment, which allows to control for errors due to diversities in the sample sizes [ 73 ]. Heterogeneity level was interpreted as low (25%), moderate (50%), and high (75%), according to Higgins et al [ 74 ]. Potential publication biases were assessed by both funnel plots and Egger regression test for funnel plot asymmetry [ 75 , 76 ]. In addition, influence analyses were conducted to test if a single study accounted for a significant part of the variance in the final effect. Additional subgroup analyses were conducted to test if the effect size differed depending on the control group (waiting list vs digital control) when possible ( k ≥2 in each subgroup). To further explore the effect of age, meta-regression analyses were performed by different age categories (ie, children, adolescents, and young adults or a combination of these categories). In contrast to what we anticipated in our study protocol registered in PROSPERO, we could not run subgroup analyses to differentiate the effect of specific interventions due to the paucity of studies using the same PPIs.

The study selection process is reported in the PRISMA flowchart ( Figure 1 ). The initial database and hand search returned 1344 publications, of which 729 (54.24%) were duplicates, which were removed. After title and abstract screening of 615 (45.76%) records, we assessed 120 full-text articles for eligibility. We then excluded 85 (70.8%) articles, resulting in a qualitative assessment of 35 (29.2%) articles and a meta-analysis of 18 studies. The reasons for exclusion include out of age range or the age was not explicitly mentioned (n=51, 60%), positive psychology was not the main focus of the intervention (n=7, 8%), the CBT was internet based (n=3, 4%), the intervention was not web based (n=2, 2%), the trials were not RCTs (n=11, 13%) or CTs (n=1, 1%), the intervention was hybrid (n=1, 1%), repetitions (n=5, 6%), and the research was still ongoing (n=4, 5%). Cohen κ was calculated as a measure on intercoder reliability, and it was excellent (κ=0.95).

Study Characteristics

The systematic review is based on 35 studies ( Multimedia Appendix 1 [ 77 - 94 , 96 - 112 ]). Overall, the analytical sample amounts to 7341 participants, of which 19 studies (54%) mentioned young adults aged 20 to 35 years of age; 8 studies (23%) were focused on children, adolescents, and young adults aged up to 20 years of age; and 3 studies (9%) mentioned children, adolescents, and adults aged up to 35 years. A total of 3 studies (9%) mentioned young adults and adult participants, while 1 (3%) study mentioned children, adolescents, and adults, and 1 study (3%) mentioned all age groups, that is, children, adolescents, young adults, and adults. Gender distribution for males and females has been mentioned separately in 28 (80%) studies, while 7 (20%) studies only mentioned the percentage of female participants [ 79 , 85 , 87 , 96 - 99 ]. A total of 27 studies (77%) mentioned the ethnicity of the participants.

A total of 13 (37%) studies were conducted in Europe (Sweden, Slovakia, London, the Netherlands, Norway, Turkey, Finland, Germany, Greece, Spain, and Austria); 11 (31%) studies were conducted in North America (both United States and Canada combined); 7 (20%) in Asia (Turkey, Singapore, India, China, Japan, and South Korea); 3 (9%) in Australia, and 1 (3%) in Africa (Tunisia). The duration of the interventions varied from 1 week to a maximum of 12 weeks. Of all the studies, 23 (66%) studies had follow-up assessments. In particular, 19 (54.3%) studies had 1 follow-up, 2 (6%) studies had 2 follow-ups, and 2 (6%) had 3 follow-ups ( Table 2 ). The duration of the follow-ups ranged from 2 to 12 weeks. The range of the interventions was 11 weeks (from 1 to 12 weeks), while the median duration was 12 weeks.

Data from the participants were collected through web-based surveys and questionnaires as well as in person. A total of 26 (74%) studies used convenience sampling techniques, and 7 (20%) studies used purposive sampling procedures. In 1 (3%) study, experience sampling was used, while in 1 (3%) study, the details of sampling were not clearly mentioned; 29 (83%) studies conducted the trial on the general population (nonclinical), while 6 (17%) studies conducted the trial on clinical population (ie, individuals who engaged in nonsuicidal self-injury, scored high on scales of depression, had anxiety and stress, had mental disorder or psychological stress, had autism spectrum disorder, were undergoing active cancer treatment). A total of 28 (80%) studies conducted the intervention in a web-based setting. In addition, 4 (11%) studies conducted the intervention through smartphone-based applications or SMS text messaging; 1 (3%) study used a hybrid setting, and 1 (3%) conducted the intervention in a telehealth setting [ 100 , 101 ]. Interestingly, 1 (3%) study conducted the intervention through Instagram, and 1 (3%) study used the Vivibot chatbot [ 89 , 102 ].

a RCT: randomized controlled trial.

b Not applicable.

c iACT: internet-based acceptance and commitment therapy.

d CFI: compassion-focused therapy-based intervention.

e REBT: rational emotive behavior therapy.

Theoretical Background

The broaden-and-build theory was the widely used theory in 5 (14%) studies [ 84 , 89 , 91 , 99 , 103 ]. The broaden-and-build theory of positive emotion states that certain discrete positive emotions, for example, joy, contentment, pride, and love, share the ability to broaden momentary thought-action repertoires of people and build their enduring personal resources, ranging from physical and intellectual resources to social and psychological resources [ 113 ]. Other studies frequently mentioned in the articles included acceptance and commitment theory [ 79 ] (oriented toward the development of psychological flexibility), affect theory [ 80 ] (emotions generating weak or strong ties to relations), attachment theory [ 80 , 92 , 100 ] (individuals born with innate behaviors function to attract proximity to attachment figures), Eisenberg’s theory of parent emotion socialization [ 104 ] (parents’ emotion socialization behaviors driving children’s emotion socialization), emotion-focused therapy theory [ 105 ] (integrating person-focused care with modern emotion theory), motivational theory of life span development (Heckausen’s theory) [ 97 ] (role of individual in lifespan development), Bandura’s self-efficacy theory [ 106 ] (belief that one can execute needed steps to achieve a goal), social mentality theory [ 92 , 100 ] (both care-seeking and caregiving mentalities are activated when one is being self-compassionate and reassuring), embodiment theory [ 87 ] (psychological processes influenced by body), self-determination theory [ 103 ] (internalizing regulation and self-regulation), theory of mindfulness [ 107 ] (being actively engaged is beneficial for a rigid and judgmental mindset), Festinger’s social comparison theory [ 102 ] (based on social comparison), stress and coping theory [ 89 ] (coping with stressful situations), and humor theory [ 90 ] (cognitive view of humor).

Among all 35 articles, the summary score of the quality assessment ranged from 12 [ 78 ] to 29 [ 77 , 102 ], with a median of 22.5 points. Among all criteria, most of the papers (31/35, 89%) did not report all important harms or unintended effects in each group and protocol of the full trial. Blinding was either not performed or not explicitly reported by 86% (n=30) of the studies. Also, most papers (26/35, 74%) lacked more detailed information about any changes to trial outcomes after the trial started with reasons, and 24 (69%) studies lacked information regarding the mechanism used to implement the random allocation sequence (such as sequentially numbered containers) and the description of any steps taken to conceal the sequence until interventions were assigned; 23 (66%) studies did not report explanation of any interim analyses and stopping guidelines, and 22 (63%) studies did not mention essential changes to methods after trial commencement (such as eligibility criteria) with reasons. Finally, 21 (60%) studies did not calculate both absolute and relative effect sizes for binary outcomes. A detailed description of each study evaluation is reported in Multimedia Appendix 2 [ 77 - 94 , 96 - 112 ].

PPIs Used in the Studies

A diverse range of PPIs were conducted among the study participants and is reported in detail in Multimedia Appendix 3 [ 77 - 94 , 96 - 112 ].

Web-Based Meditation and Mindfulness

Drabu et al [ 78 ] used web-based, self-compassion–based, guided meditation for nonsuicidal self-injury. Krifa et al [ 77 ] experimented with a web-based multicomponent intervention that included lectures, expert videos, psychoeducation, and positive psychology practices to assist Tunisian students with mental health. Kelman et al [ 82 ] compared web-based compassion mind training and CBT for perinatal and pregnant women. Beshai et al [ 81 ] used web-based psychoeducational videos, guided meditations, and exercises to reduce anxiety and depression. Halamová et al [ 105 , 108 , 109 ] studied self-compassion and self-criticism through various web-based and smartphone-assisted exercises. Pizarro-Ruiz et al [ 107 ] conducted guided mindfulness sessions via a smartphone app (Aire Fresco). Gu et al [ 92 ] experimented on Chinese students to mitigate depression and anxiety through web-based individual counseling sessions regarding mindfulness meditation (MP3 files).

Positive Psychology and Self-Compassion

Lennard et al [ 79 ] provided web-based self-compassion training for mothers. Drozd et al [ 110 ] experimented with an internet-based program, “Better Days,” which included psychoeducational exercises to increase happiness. Halamová et al [ 111 ] explored emotion-focused training and loving-kindness meditation. Galante et al [ 99 ] practiced loving-kindness meditation through web-based videos. Webb et al [ 87 ] used a web-based yoga program to improve body image satisfaction and self-compassion. Nawa and Yamagishi [ 103 ] assessed academic motivation using journal writing and web-based self-assessments, including gratitude and other daily life aspects. Brouzos et al [ 88 ] tested the “Staying Home—Feeling Positive” web-based PPI during the COVID-19 pandemic. Andersson et al [ 80 ] provided compassion mindset intervention training via smartphone app among university students. Alexiou et al [ 93 ] assessed burnout and depression among Greek health care professionals by conducting a PPI. Manicavasagar et al [ 94 ] used “Bite Back,” a multicomponent web-based positive psychology to increase well-being among young adults.

Gratitude and Acts of Kindness

Chilver and Gatt [ 96 ] explored self-compassion and acts of kindness through web-based modules. Hussong et al [ 104 ] examined parent-child gratitude conversations using web-based tools. Tagalidou et al [ 90 ] used web-based humorous diary writing techniques to address happiness and depression.

Optimism and Positive Emotion

Sergeant and Mongrain [ 85 ] analyzed optimism among participants through web-based diary writing exercises. Tay [ 106 ] assessed a web-based Hope, Optimism, and Positive Emotion intervention. Sampson et al [ 102 ] used Instagram images to assess body, facial, and smile dissatisfaction. Koydemir and Sun-Selışık [ 84 ] analyzed optimism among participants by using alternating web-based diary writing exercises. Hamm et al [ 97 ] focused on improving goal engagement and optimism among university students.

Relationship Satisfaction and Acceptance

Kappen et al [ 83 ] assessed relationship satisfaction and partner acceptance through web-based psychoeducation. Qu et al [ 101 ] analyzed sensory social routines, attention, dyadic engagement, and nonverbal communication in children with autism using synchronous group-based parent coaching sessions via telehealth.

Purpose and Well-Being

Mahalik et al [ 112 ] assessed the Father Project webpage’s intervention for fathers’ sense of purpose. Paetzold et al [ 100 ] aimed to enhance resilience through web-based ecologic momentary interventions and face-to-face sessions. Lappalainen et al [ 86 ] used ACT intervention to increase self-compassion skills and psychological flexibility during the COVID-19pandemic. Bronk et al [ 91 ] conducted the Purpose Toolkit and Gratitude Toolkit to increase a sense of purpose among participants. Greer et al [ 89 ] studied psychological well-being among patients with cancer using Vivibot, a chatbot designed to deliver positive psychological skills. Daugherty et al [ 98 ] used a smartphone app for hope and well-being.

Digital Control Versus Waitlist Control

The control groups were categorized into 2 groups: digital controls (15/35, 43%) and waitlist controls (19/35, 54%; Table 2 ). Digital controls involved some form of digital or web-based interaction but did not include the full intervention content. They had access to certain activities or features but did not receive the complete intervention that the experimental group received. For example, digital control groups included audio recording; video watching; internet-based communication [ 78 , 81 , 82 ]; psychoeducation; web-based daily registry of relationship experiences; web-based diary writing activities without positive psychology components; and digital placebo activities (writing daily events, early memories, and life events) [ 83 , 85 , 93 , 94 ]. Other control measures included elements of positive psychology that differed from the focus of the intervention (the digital control group had identical initial app assessment as the intervention group but did not receive the complete treatment or they had access to a website featuring inspirational phrases) [ 96 , 98 , 99 , 106 ]. In other cases, the control group even performed daily self-evaluations without an equivalent active task, downloaded the Lumosity smartphone app, or used neutral Instagram images of nature [ 101 - 103 , 107 ].

The waitlist controls referred to the control groups in which participants did not receive the active intervention during the initial phase of the study but were promised or scheduled to receive it at a later time. The waitlist control group participants do not receive the full intervention immediately and instead are placed on “waitlist” to receive the intervention after a specified waiting period. RCT control groups either received no treatment or were given access to full digital intervention content after the trial. Among the 35 studies, 1 (3%) study did not explicitly mention the category of the control group [ 88 ].

Outcomes of PPIs

Outcomes were related to both ill-being and well-being components ( Table 1 ). In particular, 27% (15/18) of studies focused on ill-being, among others prominently including depression (11/15, 73%), anxiety (9/15, 60%), stress (8/15, 53%), and loneliness (3/15, 20%) using measures such as the Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scales, the Generalized Anxiety Disorder scale, the short and long forms of the Spielberger State-Trait Anxiety Inventory, and De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale.

Well-being outcomes included compassion (6/18, 33%), satisfaction (7/18, 39%), optimism (1/18, 6%), happiness (3/18, 17%), resilience (1/18, 6%), emotion regulation and emotion awareness (6/18, 33%), hope (3/18, 17%), mindfulness (2/18, 11%), purpose (1/18, 6%), quality of life (1/18, 6%), gratitude (1/18, 6%), empathy (1/18, 6%), forgiveness (1/18, 6%), motivation (1/18, 6%), and kindness (1/18, 6%) using the Self‐Compassion Scale (Self‐Compassion Scale‐Short Form), Satisfaction with Life Scale, Life Orientation Test-Revised, Authentic Happiness Inventory, Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale, Profile of Emotional Competence, Snyder Hope scale, The Five Facet Mindfulness Questionnaire-15, Claremont Purpose Scale, “Psychological Health” and “Social Relationships” subscales of WHO Quality of Life-Brief Version, Gratitude Questionnaire, Interpersonal Reactivity Index, Heartland Forgiveness Scale, and Chinese Compassion Scale.

Both ill-being and well-being included components of self-criticism and self-reassurance (6/18, 33%), well-being (both positive and negative; 5/18, 28%), positive and negative effect (4/18, 22%) using Forms of Self-Criticism and Reassuring Scale, Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale and Positive and Negative Affect Scale.

Meta-Analytic Results

Meta-analyses on well-being outcomes showed that PPIs improved purpose, gratitude, and hope with a medium-to-large effect size ( k =12; Hedges g =0.555, 95% CI 0.348-0.761; P <.001; I 2 =70%). Only 1 (%) study involved a digital control group, for which the reported effect was significantly smaller (Hedges g =0.09). In addition, PPIs augmented the levels of compassion ( k =13; Hedges g =0.447, 95% CI 0.210-0.684; P =.001; I 2 =62%), with no significant differences ( P =.34) between the waiting list ( k =11; Hedges g =0.356) and the digital control group ( k =2; g =0.670). In addition, PPIs augmented the positive coping behaviors ( k =6; Hedges g =0.421; 95% CI 0.072-0.770; P =.003; I 2 =72%) with a medium effect size. PPI interventions also improved body image–related outcomes with a medium effect ( k =7; Hedges g =0.238, 95% CI 0.090-0.388; P =.007; I 2 =0%). A small-to-medium effect was found for mindset predisposition ( k =13; Hedges g =0.304, 95% CI 0.072-0.537; P =.02; I 2 =74%), with a significant difference between the control groups ( P =.01). In particular, effect size was larger and significant when a waiting list ( k =6; Hedges g =0.534) was included as the control group when compared with the digital controls ( k =7; Hedges g =0.092). Also, a small-to-medium effect was also found for the variable 3 funny things/3 good things ( k =8; Hedges g =–0.206, 95% CI –0.328 to –0.083; P =.005; I 2 =0%) with all studies including the waiting list control groups. A nonsignificant effect was found for cognitive flexibility ( k =7; Hedges g =0.054, 95% CI –0.265 to 0.372; P =.69; I 2 =75%) and mood/affect/emotions ( k =8; Hedges g =0.364, 95% CI –0.120 to 0.849; P =.12; I 2 =81%), the latter with no difference in the control groups ( P =.40) although participants in the waiting list showed a larger effect size ( k =5; Hedges g =0.570) when compared with the digital control ( k =3; Hedges g =0.088). Also, satisfaction and quality of life ( k =7; Hedges g =0.338, 95% CI –0.119 to 0.793; P =.12; I 2 =81%) showed a nonsignificant effect, with no differences between subgroups ( P =.65; Figure 2 ).

Ill-being outcomes were less represented in the included studies ( Figure 3 ). Meta-analyses showed a large negative effect for the reduction of cognitive biases ( k =14; Hedges g =–0.637, 95% CI 1.309 to –0.036; P =.05; I 2 =94%), with no group differences between the waiting list and the digital control group ( P =.54), although once again effect sizes tended to be larger when a waiting list ( k =7; Hedges g =–0.799) was considered with respect to digital control groups ( k =5; Hedges g =–0.405). PPIs showed a medium-to-large effect on the reduction of negative emotions and mood problems ( k =30; Hedges g =–0.369, 95% CI –0.513 to –0.225; P <.001; I 2 =60%). Interestingly, subgroup differences showed that the effect size was significantly ( P =.03) larger for studies including a waiting list ( k =21; Hedges g =–0.456) when compared with studies including digital control groups ( k =9; Hedges g =–0.200). PPIs also diminished stress levels ( k =8; Hedges g =–0.342, 95% CI –0.677 to –0.007; P =.045; I 2 =81%), with no significant differences in the effect size ( P =.35) between studies including a waiting list ( k =5; Hedges g =–0.441) versus digital control groups ( k =3; Hedges g =–0.157). A very large effect was found for coping ( k =3; Hedges g =–0.939,95% CI –1.151 to –0.728; P =.003; I 2 =0%); however, interpretation of this result would be limited due to the low number of studies. While the effect sizes were not significant for body image–related outcomes ( k =4; Hedges g =–0.305, 95% CI –0.851 to –0.240; P =.17; I 2 =17%) and 3 funny things/3 good things ( k =6; Hedges g =–0.048, 95% CI –0.289 to –0.192; P =.63; I 2 =28.5%).

Funnel plots were symmetrical for the overall meta-analysis of both the well-being and ill-being outcomes ( Figures 4 and 5 ), and the regression test for funnel plot asymmetry was not significant in both cases as well, thus confirming the absence of publication biases. Influence analyses revealed that that a single study did not account for a significant part of the variance in the final effect.

Finally, meta-regression analyses showed that PPIs tended to show a larger effect size on well-being outcomes in studies including young adults (β=.322; P =.008), while no specific effect was found for ill-being outcomes. Figures S1 and S2 in Multimedia Appendices 4 and 5 report additional detailed information of each meta-analysis.

Principal Findings

In our systematic review and meta-analysis of 35 studies and 18 studies, respectively, we examined the impact of digital interventions grounded in positive psychology on the well-being and ill-being of children, adolescents, and young adults. Our results showed 4 main findings. First, when it comes to well-being outcomes, PPIs enhanced various facets of well-being, notably purpose, gratitude, and hope, with a medium-to-large effect, as well as compassion, positive coping (eg, coping with humor), and body image–related concerns with a medium effect. Smaller effects were found for mindset predisposition and 3 funny things/3 good things, while PPIs did not seem to improve mood and positive emotions, satisfaction and quality of life, and cognitive flexibility. This aligns with prior investigations of PPIs in traditional settings [ 17 ]. These interventions seem to provide robust support in enhancing aspects of well-being that involve an individual’s outlook on life and their ability to foster a sense of personal achievement and satisfaction.

Second, when we looked at ill-being outcomes, the picture was different. In particular, the larger effect was found for diminishing cognitive biases, including self-criticism and fears, followed by a decrement in negative emotions and mood problems, especially when participants of the experimental group were compared with the waiting list. Hence, PPIs can be a useful tool in reducing cognitive biases typical of, for example, mood problems, and stress levels [ 83 ]. To note, it is crucial to differentiate the control groups in the analyses. Indeed, although we could not make subgroup comparisons for all the outcomes due to the paucity of studies in each group, we showed that effects sizes tended to be consistently larger in studies including a waiting list rather than a digital control group (eg, including some sort of web-based interactions). Digital control groups, such as those engaging in nonspecific digital activities or using general health apps, could serve as valuable benchmarks. This would allow us to distinguish the specific contributions of PPIs from broader digital engagement effects. Such comparisons would shed light on the specific psychological mechanisms activated by PPIs compared with general digital exposure, helping to isolate the unique elements of PPIs that contribute to improved well-being outcomes.

Third, several studies within our review highlighted the efficacy of interventions tailored to specific settings and contexts. For example, digital interventions aimed at fostering hope and optimism were found to be particularly beneficial for college students prone to failure and those with low optimism levels [ 63 ]. Also, interventions focusing on self-compassion were found to be especially beneficial for mothers of infants, offering them a respite from the unique challenges of early parenthood [ 61 ]. By contrast, interventions that used smartphone delivery, such as the hope intervention, showcased the adaptability and accessibility of digital platforms, making well-being practices more integrated into daily routines [ 64 ]. Another noteworthy finding was the positive impact of multicomponent PPIs delivered web-based for subjective well-being of young adults [ 62 ].

Fourth, when age was considered as a moderator, studies with young adult participants showed larger effect sizes in the meta-analysis with well-being outcomes, but no differences emerged with respect to ill-being indicators. This is an important consideration since young adults might be more inclined to understand the importance of promoting well-being and thus more willing to take part in interventions and experiencing the positive effects. However, while some demographic groups appeared to benefit more from certain types of interventions, the overall evidence was not strong enough to conclusively determine that these effects were consistently replicated across different age groups, such as children, adolescents, or young adults [ 17 , 31 ].

Finally, the variability in intervention efficacy highlights the critical role of intervention design and implementation in achieving desired outcomes. This variation underscores the need for carefully tailored interventions that consider the unique needs and circumstances of the target demographic to optimize efficacy. Therefore, while PPIs hold promise, the evidence suggests that a nuanced approach to their application is necessary, where factors such as intervention type, target population, and desired well-being outcome are all carefully considered to maximize benefits [ 17 , 31 ].

When compared with the findings of existing literature, our findings provide a nuanced view that aligns with some previous studies but also highlights the complexity of applying PPIs across diverse populations and settings [ 6 , 114 , 115 ]. Unlike some optimistic narratives, our results suggest that while PPIs can be beneficial, their efficacy is not universal and depends on specific intervention types and target populations. Furthermore, our findings diverge from studies such as the MYRIAD trial [ 116 ], underscoring the need for cautious interpretation of PPI efficacy and the potential for adverse effects.

Future Directions

The findings from this systematic review and meta-analysis provide a solid foundation for understanding the effectiveness of PPIs in young populations. However, as with all research, there are avenues that remain unexplored and warrant further investigation. One primary recommendation is to conduct more rigorous RCTs with larger and more diverse samples. This would not only enhance the generalizability of the findings but also allow for a more in-depth exploration of the nuances and specific components of the interventions that are most effective. Also, we suggest that PPIs should be integrated in interventions that also collect biological information to further assess their efficacy.

Another crucial area for future research is the examination of the long-term effects of these digital interventions. While our review captured the immediate and short-term benefits, understanding the sustainability of these positive outcomes over extended periods is essential. This would provide insights into whether these interventions lead to lasting changes in well-being and mental health or whether periodic “booster” sessions are required to maintain the benefits. In addition, given the rapid advancements in technology, exploring the integration of emerging technologies, such as virtual reality or augmented reality, into PPIs could offer innovative ways to engage and support adolescents.

From a practical implementation perspective, stakeholders in the field of youth mental health should consider incorporating evidence-based digital interventions into broader mental health programs and curricula. Schools, community centers, and mental health organizations can benefit from these scalable and accessible tools, especially in regions where traditional face-to-face interventions might be limited. Collaborations between researchers, technologists, and educators can further refine and optimize these interventions, ensuring that they remain relevant and effective in the ever-evolving digital landscape.

Limitations

Our study, while extensive, exhibits limitations that warrant attention for a comprehensive understanding of the scope and applicability of our findings. One major limitation is the heterogeneity in study settings and targeted age groups, which ranged from school environments to clinical settings and included diverse demographic categories from children to young adults [ 30 ]. This wide variability complicates the task of uniformly generalizing the results across different settings and age demographics. In addition, the medium-to-low quality of some included studies potentially undermines the reliability and robustness of our findings. The varying methodological rigor and potential biases in the study design across the analyzed studies necessitate a cautious interpretation of the effectiveness and applicability of PPIs based on this evidence base. We did not divide the results or their interpretation between interventions aiming at preventing versus treating mental health problems since our aim was to explore the literature and treatment effects of PPIs in general; however, we do acknowledge that the absence of improvement in a prevention intervention may not be the evidence that an intervention is ineffective; hence we should consider this interpretation to avoid biasing the findings of the meta-analysis. Hence, we suggest that future studies should look more carefully at this differentiation.

In addition, an important aspect that was not covered in our review is the assessment of the safety and potential adverse effects of PPIs. Not including an evaluation of harms, as highlighted by the findings from larger trials such as the MYRIAD trial, which documented no significant effects and even potential harm in certain subgroups, poses a noteworthy gap in our analysis [ 117 ]. This aspect highlights an area for further investigation, particularly considering the intricate nature of mental health interventions and their varied effects across diverse individuals. In addition, the absence of data from lower-middle-income countries and the lack of studies not published in languages other than English limit the generalizability of our conclusions globally, raising concerns about the effectiveness and safety of PPIs in these regions where cultural, economic, and health care contexts may differ significantly from those in high-income countries [ 30 , 31 ]. Finally, although we calculated the intercoder reliability for the screening process, we were not able to provide a measure of reliability for the quality assessment of the studies; hence, we encourage future studies to consider conducting the assessment blind and calculate a measure of agreement.

Conclusions

In conclusion, our systematic review suggests that while PPIs can enhance certain aspects of well-being among children, adolescents, and young adults, the effects are not consistent across all domains or demographic groups. The evidence supports the effectiveness of specific types of PPIs, particularly those that enhance gratitude, purpose, and hope. However, these benefits are not uniform, and the impact varies by the type of well-being outcome and the population segment. Moreover, given the significant variability in the intervention settings, the diversity of outcomes, and the medium-to-low quality of the studies reviewed, any conclusions about the efficacy of PPIs should be viewed as tentative. The findings underscore the necessity for further rigorous research to better understand the mechanisms and effectiveness of PPIs, assess their safety, and evaluate their applicability in different geographical and clinical contexts. Future studies should also explore how digital platforms might uniquely influence the success of these interventions and consider the theoretical underpinnings of PPIs in more depth to enhance their practical and academic contributions.

Acknowledgments

This study was funded by Swiss National Science Foundation (grant P500PS_202974) and supported by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development NICHD (grant 1R21HD115354-01).

Conflicts of Interest

None declared.

Basic characteristics.

Quality assessment.

Characteristics of the positive psychology intervention.

Additional detailed information of each meta-analysis (Figure S1).

Additional detailed information of each meta-analysis (Figure S2).

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Abbreviations

Edited by J Torous; submitted 03.01.24; peer-reviewed by P Batterham, S Liu; comments to author 19.03.24; revised version received 14.05.24; accepted 17.05.24; published 14.08.24.

©Sundas Saboor, Adrian Medina, Laura Marciano. Originally published in JMIR Mental Health (https://mental.jmir.org), 14.08.2024.

This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in JMIR Mental Health, is properly cited. The complete bibliographic information, a link to the original publication on https://mental.jmir.org/, as well as this copyright and license information must be included.

• Open access
• Published: 17 August 2024

Social marketing and happiness in employment. Evidences from Glassdoor

• Araceli Galiano-Coronil 1 ,
• Sofía Blanco-Moreno 2 &
• Luis Bayardo Tobar-Pesantez 3  

BMC Psychology volume  12 , Article number:  444 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

With the increasing role of the Internet and social media, there are more significant opportunities for employees to express their opinions about the companies they work for more directly. A recognized job review website is Glassdoor.com, which collects employees’ opinions anonymously and the scores they give to companies. This descriptive study analyzes the assessment that employees give to companies by studying the advantages in their comments from the perspective of Happiness Management and Social Marketing. In this sense, this research aims to analyze how the main benefits offered by companies, are linked to the happiness of employees and to the actions of social marketing that companies develop affect the general satisfaction of employees.

This study has used in the worker comments, text mining, and inferential analysis techniques. The sample was divided into two blocks, with comments that refer to issues about social marketing and happiness. In each one, an inferential analysis was carried out using the Student’s T-test. This analysis allowed us to identify, in each sample of comments, in which advantages the differences in the mean ratings were significant depending on whether they were mentioned.

The main results indicate that social marketing and happiness are linked to the advantages employees comment on in reviews on Glassdoor. Significant differences exist in the average ratings of certain advantages depending on whether they are mentioned or not in the comments. Likewise, the differentiation between comments on social marketing and happiness offers scientific evidence of the most valued advantages in each cluster. Specifically, the advantages grouped into the following dimensions are working conditions, company image, and social relations.

This research contributes to happiness management theories by empirically demonstrating how positive work environments enhance productivity, loyalty, and creativity. These insights show how leadership quality, work-life balance, and recognition contribute to workplace happiness, enhancing productivity, loyalty, and creativity. Such feedback aids job seekers in making informed decisions, helps companies improve practices and attract talent, and provides researchers with valuable data on employment trends and corporate culture’s effect on employee well-being.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

In the evolving landscape of Industry 5.0, where human-centric technology and automation converge, workplace dynamics are undergoing a significant transformation. This era not only emphasizes the integration of advanced technologies into the fabric of daily work but also places a renewed focus on the human elements of creativity, ethics, and happiness. As we navigate through this new industrial revolution, understanding the factors that contribute to employee happiness and job satisfaction becomes paramount [ 1 ].

The concept of the happiness economy, rooted in the belief that employee well-being directly contributes to organizational success, is gaining traction among scholars and practitioners alike [ 2 ]. Research has consistently shown that happy employees exhibit higher levels of productivity, creativity, and loyalty, which are critical drivers of innovation and competitive advantage in today’s fast-paced business environment [ 2 , 3 ]. In the context of Industry 5.0, where the boundaries between technology and human capabilities are increasingly blurred, fostering an environment that prioritizes employee happiness is not just a moral imperative but a strategic necessity.

Online platforms like Glassdoor offer a wealth of data on employee experiences and perceptions, providing insights into the factors that influence job satisfaction and happiness [ 4 ]. These platforms, characterized by their user-generated content, offer a candid look at the internal workings of organizations, as seen through the eyes of current and former employees [ 5 ]. Analyzing reviews on Glassdoor can reveal patterns and trends related to job satisfaction, employee engagement, and the effectiveness of management practices [ 6 ]. Furthermore, such analysis can help identify the job benefits most valued by employees, offering a roadmap for organizations looking to enhance their value proposition to attract and retain top talent. The relationship between job benefits and employee happiness is a critical area of inquiry in the happiness economy [ 7 ]. Benefits such as flexible working arrangements, health and wellness programs, and opportunities for professional development have been linked to higher levels of job satisfaction and overall well-being [ 5 ]. In Industry 5.0, where the nature of work is continually evolving, the ability to offer innovative and meaningful benefits is increasingly important [ 8 ]. Organizations that successfully align their benefits packages with the values and needs of their workforce can create a more engaged, motivated, and happy employee base, driving innovation and success in the process [ 9 ].

This paper will delve into the methodologies for analyzing employee reviews on the Glassdoor platform, discussing the challenges and opportunities associated with mining this rich source of qualitative data [ 10 ]. It will also examine the role of advanced analytics in extracting actionable insights from employee feedback, a capability that is particularly relevant in the data-driven environment of Industry 5.0 [ 11 ]. By leveraging these technologies, organizations can gain a deeper understanding of employee sentiment, identify areas for improvement, and tailor their strategies to enhance job satisfaction and happiness. Moreover, the paper will explore the implications of job benefits on employee happiness within the context of Industry 5.0 given that some companies say they care about the well-being and “happiness” of their employees, but there is not enough scientific support [ 12 ]. It will argue that in an era characterized by rapid technological advancement and changing work paradigms, traditional benefits packages may no longer suffice. Instead, organizations must think creatively and holistically about how to support their employees’ well-being, considering factors such as work-life balance, mental health, and lifelong learning opportunities [ 13 ].

As we move further into the era of Industry 5.0, the link between innovation and the happiness economy becomes increasingly evident [ 14 ]. By analyzing employee reviews on platforms like Glassdoor, organizations can gain valuable insights into the factors that contribute to job satisfaction and happiness [ 15 ]. Furthermore, by understanding and addressing the evolving needs of their workforce, companies can leverage job benefits as a powerful tool for fostering a happy, productive, and innovative workplace [ 16 ]. This paper aims to contribute to the growing body of literature on the happiness economy in Industry 5.0, offering a comprehensive analysis of the role of employee feedback and job benefits in shaping the future of work. As indicated, analyzing happiness and job satisfaction through employee reviews on online platforms like Glassdoor is crucial for several reasons, impacting both the workforce and the organizations they belong to [ 17 ]. This analysis, encompassing job benefits and their relationship with job happiness and social marketing, offers a multifaceted understanding of the current work environment and employee well-being.

In the context of Industry 5.0, the significance of social marketing in enhancing employee happiness cannot be overstated. Social marketing, with its core in influencing behaviors for social good, extends into the workplace by shaping positive organizational cultures and promoting well-being. It plays a pivotal role in communicating the organization’s values and commitment to employee happiness, which is crucial in attracting and retaining top talent in a competitive landscape. Effective social marketing strategies not only spotlight the organization’s dedication to its employees’ well-being but also foster a sense of belonging and community among workers. By actively engaging in social marketing, companies can elevate their employer brand, making them more appealing to prospective and current employees. This approach aligns with the principles of the happiness economy, where the well-being of employees is seen as integral to organizational success. Through social marketing, organizations can effectively showcase their innovative benefits, work-life balance initiatives, and commitment to creating a supportive and happy workplace, thereby enhancing job satisfaction and overall organizational performance.

Intrapreneurship is essential for fostering innovation and enhancing employee satisfaction. Galván-Vela et al. [ 18 ] highlight how intrapreneurial activities contribute to a positive work culture and job satisfaction. Encouraging intrapreneurship boosts morale, creativity, and overall workplace happiness.

Given the importance of managing happiness in the work environment and its social, economic and political implications, this research aims to analyze how the main benefits offered by companies, are linked to the happiness of employees, and to the actions of social marketing that companies develop affects the general satisfaction of employees. Likewise, given that the benefits offered differ between the different sectors of the companies since there are sectors in which teleworking cannot be established, for example, the differences produced between the sectors are delved into. For all these reasons, given that there are studies that analyze the benefits offered by companies to their employees, through comment platforms such as Glassdoor, but none from the perspective provided by the results of the semantic network analysis, this research has been developed. This descriptive study analyzes the assessment that employees give to companies by studying the advantages in their comments from the perspective of Happiness Management and Social Marketing. To do this, first of all, the groups of advantages have been identified whose presence in the comments makes a difference in the average ratings compared to their absence. Secondly, the analysis of the groups of advantages detected was carried out in-depth to verify which advantages, more specifically, contribute to the formation of clusters that generate certain patterns of communication and behavior.

This article is structured as follows. In the first section, a theoretical framework is proposed that explains the importance of the benefits offered by companies in the satisfaction and happiness of employees. In the second section, we describe our sample and methods. The third section is devoted to the presentation of the results and the fourth section discusses the results and their implications for theory and research. We then conclude by presenting the study’s main limitations, along with future research directions.

Theoretical background

Understanding employee perspectives and the link with happiness management.

To maintain organizational effectiveness and achieve high performance, companies need to develop and maintain happy environments [ 19 ]. Analyzing employee perspectives is crucial for enhancing work happiness in companies, not only because employee behaviors in the workplace affect organizations and customers, but also employees’ perceptions of the workplace, such as their job satisfaction reflected in online reviews from other employees [ 20 ]. Knowing these employee perspectives provides direct insights into the workforce’s needs and expectations. Employees are the backbone of any organization, and understanding their viewpoints helps in creating a work environment that caters to their well-being and job satisfaction. This understanding is key to fostering a positive and productive workplace [ 21 ]. Employee feedback highlights areas for improvement too. Whether it’s about work conditions, management styles, or company policies, employee perspectives can pinpoint specific issues that might be hindering job satisfaction [ 22 ]. Addressing these issues not only improves the work environment but also demonstrates that the company values its employees’ opinions, thereby boosting morale and loyalty [ 23 ].

Analyzing employee perspectives aids in tailoring benefits and incentives. Different employees might value different aspects of their jobs, such as flexible working hours, professional development opportunities, or wellness programs [ 5 ]. Understanding these preferences allows companies to offer more meaningful and effective benefits, directly contributing to increased job happiness. And also, it promotes a culture of openness and trust. When employees feel heard and see their feedback leading to positive changes, it builds trust in the organization. This trust is fundamental for a harmonious work environment where employees feel valued and happy [ 24 ]. For all of this, analyzing employee perspectives is a vital step towards creating a more fulfilling, productive, and happy workplace. Analyzing these perspectives indicated by employees also allows us to better understand what makes employees happy, something that is essential for improving a company’s recruitment strategy [ 25 ].

The role of cultural factors in shaping employee happiness cannot be overlooked. Sanagustín-Fons et al. [ 26 ] explored the interplay between happiness and cultural tourism, emphasizing the perspective of civil participation. Their findings indicate that cultural engagement and community involvement are significant predictors of happiness. This underscores the importance of fostering a workplace environment that values cultural participation and community-oriented activities, which can enhance employees’ overall well-being and job satisfaction.

It enables the creation of a compelling employer value proposition. When a company knows what drives employee satisfaction, it can highlight these aspects in its recruitment messaging, attracting candidates who are more likely to be fulfilled and engaged in their roles [ 27 ]. Furthermore, aligning recruitment strategies with factors that contribute to employee happiness can significantly enhance the quality of hires. Candidates are increasingly looking for workplaces that prioritize not just financial compensation but also aspects like work-life balance, career development opportunities, and positive company culture [ 28 ]. By showcasing a commitment to these values, companies can attract talent that resonates with their organizational ethos. Moreover, understanding employee happiness helps in reducing turnover [ 29 ]. When new hires find that their expectations, shaped by the recruitment process, match their actual job experience, they are more likely to stay with the company. This alignment reduces the costs and disruptions associated with high staff turnover.

A recruitment strategy informed by employee happiness insights reflects a company’s commitment to its workforce’s well-being. This not only enhances the company’s reputation in the job market but also fosters a positive internal culture, making it an employer of choice for top talent. In essence, knowing what makes employees happy is a strategic tool for attracting and retaining the right people, crucial for the long-term success of any organization [ 30 ]. Several studies highlight the importance of analyzing online employee reviews for insights into employee satisfaction, organizational perception, and the predictive value of such reviews on firm performance. On the one hand, some authors investigated the informational value of online employee reviews and their predictive ability on firm financial performance [ 31 ]. The study found that employee online reviews have informational value and can predict firm performance, indicating that integrating structured and unstructured data can enhance decision support systems. They suggest further exploration into how different sectors utilize employee feedback for strategic advantages. Similarly, Symitsi et al. [ 31 ] explored the value of online employee reviews from various perspectives, including their impact on firm performance. They confirmed the significant predictive value of employee reviews on firm performance, advocating for the integration of big data in managerial decisions. And they point towards leveraging big data for competitive advantage and enhancing firm strategies. On the other hand, Sekar et al. [ 32 ] investigated the impact of employees’ perceptions of their organization on overall satisfaction using online reviews. They found that positive sentiments in reviews significantly affect overall employee satisfaction, with skill development being a strong predictor of satisfaction. Besides, Koncar & Helic [ 33 ] explored and predicted employee satisfaction using a novel dataset of two million online employer reviews, and they identified the number of benefits received and employment status as the most predictive factors for employee satisfaction, with less emphasis on employee position, suggesting employers use these insights to correct biases in assessing their reviews and improve satisfaction. A similar analysis was carried out by Querbach et al. [ 5 ], but focusing on aspects of social well-being.

Job benefits and happiness management through glassdoor

There is a direct correlation between job benefits and employee happiness [ 34 ]. Benefits like health insurance, retirement plans, paid time off, and flexible working hours are often cited in reviews as key factors in job satisfaction [ 35 ]. While salary is important, reviews often highlight the value of non-monetary benefits [ 36 ]. For instance, work-life balance, professional development opportunities, and positive work culture are frequently mentioned concerning job satisfaction [ 37 ].

Analyzing platforms like Glassdoor to understand the job benefits that contribute to employee happiness is crucial. These platforms offer unfiltered, real-world insights from a diverse range of employees. Unlike controlled surveys or internal feedback mechanisms, Glassdoor reviews often provide candid opinions about what benefits truly impact employee satisfaction. This raw feedback is invaluable for understanding the actual effectiveness of various benefits [ 30 ]. By examining these platforms, companies can identify trends and patterns in employee preferences. For instance, while traditional benefits like health insurance and retirement plans are consistently valued, there may be a growing appreciation for flexible working arrangements, mental health support, or professional development opportunities [ 28 ]. Understanding these evolving preferences helps companies stay ahead in offering competitive and relevant benefits. Analyzing employee feedback on platforms like Glassdoor assists in tailoring benefits packages to meet the specific needs of the workforce. This customization is key to enhancing job satisfaction and overall happiness [ 28 ]. When employees see that their employer is responsive to their needs and values their well-being, it fosters a positive work environment and strengthens employee loyalty. This analysis can also serve as a benchmarking tool. Companies can compare their benefits with competitors and industry standards, ensuring they remain attractive to both current and prospective employees [ 24 ]. So, analyzing Glassdoor reviews provides critical insights into the benefits that genuinely contribute to employee happiness, enabling companies to make informed, impactful decisions in their benefits offerings.

Glassdoor provides a deep knowledge about job benefits. Investigating which benefits make employees happier is also important because happy employees are more productive. When employees receive benefits that genuinely meet their needs and preferences, such as flexible working hours, comprehensive health insurance, or opportunities for professional growth, their job satisfaction increases [ 38 ]. This satisfaction translates into higher engagement and motivation at work. Happy employees are more likely to be committed, creative, and proactive, contributing positively to their tasks and the overall success of the organization. Therefore, identifying and providing the right benefits is not just about employee well-being; it’s a strategic approach to enhancing workplace productivity and organizational performance. Several studies highlight the importance of analyzing online employee reviews to understand the relationship between job benefits, employee satisfaction, and corporate performance. Coaley [ 39 ] explored employee reviews on Glassdoor and Indeed for four Las Vegas hotel/casino corporations to understand the employer-brand benefits. It was identified three main employer-brand benefits from the reviews: functional, economic, and psychological, each appearing as both positive and negative attributes of employment, and it was suggested further research into how these employer-brand benefits impact recruitment and retention strategies. In Brazil, da Silveira [ 40 ] investigated the effect of employee satisfaction on corporate performance using online reviews, and found a positive association between overall employee satisfaction and firm performance, especially in dimensions related to culture and career opportunities, while compensation and benefits were less connected. Finally, Zia & Sheikh [ 41 ] studied the impact of job satisfaction on employee performance, particularly in the context of Pakistan. They found significant determinants of employee performance related to financial and non-financial rewards and suggested a deeper investigation into the specific aspects of job satisfaction that most strongly influence performance across different industries.

Social marketing social and laboral happiness

Social marketing is a marketing discipline that, since it emerged at the end of the 1960s, has been configured as an ideal tool to promote behavioral change in a target audience to improve individual well-being and that of citizens [ 42 ]. The approach used by social marketing to carry out a behavioral change focuses on discovering the barriers and motivations of the target audience and designing a plan for this purpose using the 4Ps of the marketing mix [ 43 , 44 ]. Edgar, Boyd, and Palame [ 45 ] have suggested that social marketing has more potential to stimulate sustainable behavioral change in target populations than other educational interventions. It is essential in the workplace since he is a happy worker, demonstrated by his behavior by performing better and executing his tasks with greater satisfaction [ 46 ]. Likewise, workers present characteristics such as being tolerant and generous and having better problem-solving abilities. In addition, work happiness can also modify the environment of employees to achieve coexistence in a space with a good work environment, encourage collaborative participation and adaptability, and promote creativity and innovation [ 47 ].

In the effectiveness of social marketing in the workplace, it must be considered that individual behaviors are integrated into an ecological system in the sense that people carry out their behaviors within a historical, social, cultural, physical, and environmental environment. The behavioral ecological approach derives from the principles of environmental systems, in which everything is seen as interrelated within a complex system. It means that behaviors depend on the interaction between actors, their influences, interactions and reactions, and the co-creation of results [ 48 ]. Correct communication between these actors is vital in this context since one of the workplace’s main barriers to achieving this goal is cognitive or the need for information. Fishbein’s expectancy-value model [ 49 ] suggests a theoretical approach to rational decision-making. This approach is used when the decision has significant implications and, therefore, much cognitive effort is invested in making this decision. In the workplace, job evaluation is based on its conditions, for example, salary level, job interest, ability to combine work and family obligations, and belief in professional success.

The relevance of social responsibility in sustainable organizations is increasingly evident. Hernández García de Velazco et al. [ 50 ] analyzed the social responsibility of sustainable university organizations, highlighting the impact of endogenous capacities on organizational effectiveness. Their study demonstrates that socially responsible practices are integral to creating a supportive and happy work environment. By embedding social responsibility into their core values, organizations can enhance employee satisfaction and loyalty, which are critical for long-term success.

In this sense, the social marketing approach becomes critical because it involves analyzing the barriers and motivations to achieve a particular behavior, such as a positive and happy attitude towards work. Furthermore, attitudes, relationships, feelings of belonging, interpersonal skills, participatory decision-making, and effective communication play a crucial role in the performance and effectiveness of an organization [ 51 ]. Resources that allow optimizing the previous factors lead to positive attitudes, which result in pro-social behaviors [ 52 ].

Finally, it is important to also mention that companies can generate a better image of themselves through social marketing campaigns [ 53 , 54 , 55 ]. For example, employee reviews show positive environments and high job satisfaction [ 56 ], thanks to working conditions [ 57 , 58 ]. In fact, company image is also linked to reputation and culture [ 59 , 60 , 61 ].

Methodology

With the increasing role of the Internet and social media, there are more significant opportunities for employees to express their opinions about the companies they work for more directly. It can even be stated that social networks have weakened companies’ control over their information environment [ 62 ]. In this environment, Glassdoor is configured as an ideal platform to study employee opinions, as it allows employees to anonymously review the companies they currently work for or have once worked for and rate their overall satisfaction with these companies from one (low) to five (high) stars. The design of this website reduces bias in its ratings, and its design features support the quality of its ratings [ 63 ]. Focusing on Glassdoor, this study analyzes the benefits most valued by workers and delves deeper into the context.

This research uses a descriptive methodology that combines content analysis, inferential analysis, and text mining. Text mining on Glassdoor comments is an area of ​​growing interest that focuses on discovering patterns and insights in unstructured data [ 64 , 65 ]. However, the effectiveness of different text mining tools in this context has not yet been explored in depth [ 66 ]. One potential improvement area is using more complex representations of text content, such as conceptual graphs, to improve the discovery of meaningful patterns, such as that proposed with semantic network analysis [ 67 ]. Most studies have been based on primary data collected through the survey. However, research indicates that the external validity of survey-based studies is compromised due to sampling bias [ 68 ]. In this sense, employee-generated content on platforms like Glassdoor can be a valuable source of information, as it provides unsupervised information, which is impossible in a questionnaire-based survey method.

Various studies have applied statistical inference with the T-student distribution in data mining, most focusing on clustering, classification, and association models, demonstrating its value. In addition, its application in large samples is also valid due to the Central Limit Theorem, which states that the distribution of sample means will have an approximately normal distribution, regardless of the population from which the samples are drawn. This theorem allows using the student t-test in large samples since it ensures that the distribution of the sample means will be expected, even if the original data are not [ 69 ].

Content analysis is widely used for marketing and communication due to its effectiveness and big-volume data accommodation. As a unit of analysis, we have considered the reviews from the employees in Glassdoor, and the variables for codifying have been mentioned in the previous paragraph [ 70 ]. The sample was divided into two blocks, one with comments that refer to issues about social marketing and another with comments that prioritize aspects related to happiness. In each of these samples, an inferential analysis was carried out using the Student’s T test, making the comparison level of means more feasible. This analysis allowed us to identify, in each sample of comments, in which advantages the differences in the mean ratings were significant depending on whether they were mentioned. This analysis was also carried out by sector. Once these advantages were detected, we proceeded to delve deeper into the content using text mining. Text mining allows for extracting the relevant information necessary for the study, summarizing, and discovering trends and patterns in textual data. A semantic network analysis, derived from text mining, was used to quantitatively explore the correlation between the keywords obtained [ 71 ] and thus obtain a more detailed analysis of the context in which the most valued advantages appear, both in the comments of workers who give importance to social marketing activities, as well as those who prioritize issues related to happiness.

Variables identification

After reviewing the literature, the aspects most commented on and valued by employees in terms of benefits have been detected. Although non-financial characteristics explain job satisfaction better than monetary rewards among European Union employees, there are various classifications of benefits [ 72 ]. On the one hand, Querbach et al. [ 5 ] categorized the job benefits enhancing the three main dimensions of well-being, based on the previous work of Grant et al. [ 73 ]:

Physical: on-site cafeteria, food allowance (free company-provided meals), pension scheme, healthcare, company doctor, and parking. They categorized it as job benefits of care.

Psychological/status: flexible working hours, coaching, home office, vehicle allowance, and company phone. They categorized it as job benefits of status.

Social well-being: on-site daycare facility/reimbursed daycare, handicapped accessibility, employee events, stock or equity options, and employee discount. They categorized it as job benefits of life quality.

However, this classification ignores aspects valued by other authors, which have been shown to affect happiness management. For example, this classification is omitting aspects such as the importance of salary, social status, contribution to the community, interest, success or support that Friedmann [ 74 ] has valued. Omodan et al. [ 75 ] analyzed aspects such as attitudes in the work environment, relationships, feelings of belonging, interpersonal skills, participatory decision making and effective communication. Coaley [ 39 ] identified three main employer-brand benefits from online reviews: functional, economic, and psychological. Finally, the classification of Querbach et al. [ 5 ] does not consider aspects such as career or job promotion, community membership, job opportunities, co-workers, the nature of the work, or relationships with supervisors, as Salas-Vallina & Alegre [ 76 ] did. In addition, these authors also provided a list of adjectives for happiness at work, such as bursting, excited, accomplished, time flies, inspiring, happy, proud, challenging, concentrated/immersed, hooked/involved, persistent/constant.

For all this, for this research, an adaptation of the benefits proposed by these five authors has been carried out, which have finally been grouped into seven dimensions of variables: Facilities, Labor conditions, Relationships, Company, Benefits, Social Marketing and Happiness Management.

Sample and data collection

Glassdoor ( https://www.glassdoor.com/ ) is a website that offers an inside look at jobs and companies through user-generated content. It provides a platform for current and former employees to anonymously submit reviews about their workplaces, including insights into company culture, salaries, benefits, and management practices. Additionally, Glassdoor offers information on job openings, interview questions, and company ratings. This transparency aims to help job seekers make informed decisions about their career paths and for employers to understand how they can improve their workplace environment. Glassdoor has become a valuable resource for both job seekers and companies in the job market ecosystem [ 77 ].

For this research, 138,764 reviews have been downloaded, from 136 companies, between the years 2021 and 2023. The sample was selected based on several criteria to ensure a robust and representative dataset. Only companies with more than 10,000 employees were included. This criterion was set to ensure that the reviews represented experiences from large and potentially more structured organizations. Companies from various sectors such as construction, consulting and advisory, consumption, financial sector, industry, computing, advertising and public relations, healthcare, telecommunications, transportation and tourism were selected. This diversity aims to capture a wide range of employee experiences across different industries.

The data were downloaded with the web scraping technique, through the Octoparse version 8 software. This tool allows the downloading of large amounts of data in a structured way, which facilitates its cleaning and analysis by directly obtaining the data ordered by rows (each anonymous review) and columns (characteristics of each review, such as rating, advantages, disadvantages, etc.).

Before this grouping, a classification of each review was carried out based on these previously mentioned variables. For classification, a dictionary of words that have been searched within each review has been prepared.

As it was mentioned, the sample was divided into two blocks, one with reviews that refer to issues about social marketing and another with reviews that prioritize aspects related to happiness. After this classification, the sample was reduced to 1,877 social marketing reviews and 2,163 happiness reviews.

Network semantic analysis

Dividing conversational texts into groups based on word associations and visualizing them in network form has become a significant achievement in text mining research [ 78 ]. The Gephi tool has been used to visualize clustering in complex texts. Gephi is a platform Sebastien Heynmann, and Mathieu Jacomy developed for the interactive visualization and exploration of all types of networks, complex systems, and dynamic and hierarchical graphs. Its functionalities include importing, exporting, manipulating, analyzing, filtering, representing, detecting communities, and exporting large graphs and networks [ 79 , 80 ]. The following functionalities have been selected to display the network: Results of the analysis of comments linked to social marketing.

The Fruchterman Reingold distribution algorithm, which offers more robust visual and analytical capabilities for clustering [ 81 ], has been considered. The words have been structured into communities following the Louvain method developed by Blondel et al. [ 82 ]. This community detection method seeks to optimize modularity, a number between − 0.5 and 1 that compares the density of edges inside and outside a community—in theory, optimizing this value iteration by iteration results in the best possible grouping of the nodes of a network. However, going through all possible iterations from nodes to groups is impractical; therefore, different heuristics are used. In the Louvain Method of community detection, small communities are first found by optimizing modularity locally for all nodes. Each small community is associated with a node, which repeats until convergence. In this sense, connections are generated through co-currency; if two words appear in the same publication simultaneously, they are considered semantically related, and the connection that gives rise to the network is produced. Finally, the nodes associated with each word have been differentiated with different colors, using the GePhi option to show the communities on radial axes (Radial Axis Layout), aligning the words of each community to facilitate their understanding.

Finally, the PageRank of each word has been calculated [ 83 ], which identifies the relative importance of the word within the network. Unlike simply counting the number of words to which it is related, this measure also gives importance to a word or node as a weighted average of the importance of other words or nodes that connect with it [ 84 ]. The size of each node (words that have an ordinary meaning and are represented as a circle in the network) is proportional to its PageRank value, with the value of the largest node being the one with the largest.

Results and discussion

Results of the analysis of comments about social marketing.

Below are the results corresponding to the quantitative analysis through which we aim to know if there are differences in the averages of employee ratings depending on whether or not they mention certain advantages in their social marketing comments.

Table  1 shows the average ratings that employees give to companies depending on whether or not they mention in their comments the advantages related to the following dimensions (grouped advantages): social relations, working conditions, company image, benefits, facilities, and happiness. It is observed that when mentioning the advantages, the average score is higher, with the difference being more pronounced in the variables social relations (mean = 4.06), happiness (mean = 4.29), and company image (4.23). Another result worth highlighting is that the difference in the average evaluation of the benefits (depending on whether they are mentioned) is significant at a 90% confidence level. However, in this case, if it is not mentioned, the average rating is slightly higher than the average rating if it appears in the comments.

Once the dimensions most valued by employees had been verified, another T-Student test was carried out to verify which of the specific advantages are the ones that give rise to a more significant difference in the average rating depending on whether it is mentioned. or not in the comment. In this way, it can be seen in Table  2 that the following advantages with the most striking differences in evaluations are companion and company culture, in which there are significant differences depending on whether or not these advantages are mentioned in the comments.

Finally, it has been verified whether there are significant differences in the average ratings that employees give by sector depending on whether they mention the advantages previously indicated in Table  3 in their comments. The results (Table  3 ) show that the differences observed in pairs (mention the advantage or not mentioning it) have been significant, according to the T-Student contrast at 95% confidence, in the following cases: Working conditions in the transportation sector, social relations in companies in the IT sector, and company image in the construction, consulting, and IT sectors. In the tourism sector, the difference in the average evaluations of benefits is significant at 90%.

Next, the semantic network generated from the comments on social marketing is presented (Fig.  1 ). Those that mention advantages related to working conditions, company image, and social relations have been considered because the differences between the average evaluations depending on whether or not the advantage is mentioned are significant.

The semantic network of social marketing comments on advantages related to working conditions, corporate image, and social relations

Figure  1 shows the network generated from co-occurrences of words that appear in the same comment, made up of 1,300 nodes and 9,374 edges. In the framework, subgroups or communities are observed in networks established from the most frequent relationships between pairs of words. The nodes represent the words; the connections reflect whether they appear in the same comment. Depending on the modularity, each community is represented by a different color provided by the tool and represents a certain percentage of the network. The most representative communities and the terms that stand out the most are the following:

Community 1, in purple, represents 51.85% of the network. The terms social, business, and environment stand out in this community. The term social usually refers to activities of social responsibility and social action, including words such as society or community, as shown in this comment: “The culture you experience in Arup is truly aligned to the ethics and behavior lived by most leaders and employees. Diverse project opportunities that generate benefit to the community and broader society.” (Arup , January 2022) . Although the terms society or community indeed appear a considerable number on the Internet (58), they do not usually appear with other words recurrently in the comments.

Community 2, represented in green, represents 29.15% of the network. It includes work-related words like life, freedom, balance, and time. An example of this type of comment is one from Arup: “Good social events/perks and work-life balance. Friendly company culture.” ( Arup , July 2022 ).

The third most representative community is the blue one, which represents 17% of the semantic network. In this group, words appear referring to issues such as health insurance or pension funds, as shown in this comment from Starbucks:

“Good benefits like health insurance, free tuition for an online university, the partner fund, and a long list of lots of other benefits. Free coffee, drinks, food and discounts at any Starbucks location were amazing, I never had to worry about where to get my next meal. Tips were good sometimes.” ( Starbucks , October 2022 ).

Results corresponding to comments related to Happiness Management

Table  4 represents how users link happiness with the dimensions of facilities, labor conditions, relationships, company, benefits and social marketing. That is, when users show characteristics related to happiness in their review, and at the same time they are mentioning some of these dimensions, the average rating of the review varies. To check whether the rating differences observed in the dimensions were statistically significant, a contrast of means for independent samples (t-student) was carried out.

It is observed that when dimensions such as facilities, relationships, company or benefits are mentioned, significantly different average ratings are produced, with the greatest differences occurring in the dimensions facilities (going from 4.15 to 3.71 on average), benefits (it went from 4.16 to 3.95 on average) and company (it went from 4.11 to 4.31 on average).

Once we have found which dimensions are affected by happiness, we proceed to develop another contrast of means for independent samples that allows us to verify which variables or advantages of each dimension are those that give rise to the greatest differences in the evaluations or ratings. employee means. These differences are shown in Table  5 .

It is observed that the greatest differences occur when characteristics of the coffee cantine are mentioned (it goes from 4.15 to 3.62), the job nature (it goes from 4.13 to 4.65), the employee’s discounts (from 4.15 to 3.75) and food (from 4.15 to 3.80).

Table  6 represents how users from different sectors link happiness with the dimensions of facilities, labor conditions, relationships, company, benefits and social marketing. That is when users are showing characteristics related to happiness in their review, and at the same time they are mentioning some of these dimensions, the average rating of the review varies, and if this happens in each of the sectors. To check whether the rating differences observed in the dimensions were statistically significant, a contrast of means for independent samples (t-student) was carried out.

It is observed that when dimensions such as labor conditions, relationships, company or social marketing are mentioned, significantly different average ratings are obtained in some sectors.

Regarding labor conditions, different average ratings occur both in the consulting sector (it goes from 4.05 to 4.1) and in the transportation sector (it goes from 4.05 to 4.44), that is, while in transportation, when users mention aspects linked to labor conditions, this is reflected in an increase in their rating, in the consulting sector the opposite effect occurs, this aspect causes their rating to decrease.

In the computing sector, different average ratings also occur when attributes linked to relationships are mentioned (it goes from 4.26 to 4.47), therefore relationships are important in this sector. Furthermore, in the tourism sector, different average ratings are obtained when aspects of relationships are mentioned (it goes from 3.99 to 3.67), therefore relationships are less important in this sector. Finally, in the healthcare sector there are also significant differences (it goes from 4.14 to 3.86), therefore relationships are less important in this sector too.

Regarding the attributes linked to the company (such as its culture, mission, values, etc.), different average ratings are produced both in construction (it goes from 4.14 to 4.58) and in tourism (it goes from 3.93 to 3.50), that is, while in construction it implies a positive impact, increasing the rating, in tourism the opposite effect occurs, obtaining a lower rating. Finally, regarding social marketing attributes, different average ratings occur in the finance sector (it goes from 4.12 to 4.00), that is, it is not a valued aspect in this sector.

Regarding the analysis of the network that represents the reviews that show happiness management in their comments, Fig.  2 shows the network generated from co-occurrences of words that appear in the same comment, formed by 906 nodes and 9,032 edges.

Semantic network of comments about happiness

The most representative communities and the terms that stand out the most are the following:

Community 1, in purple, represents 47.35% of the network, that is, the words most connected to each other belong to this group. In this community the terms work, company, challenge, career and flexible stand out. The term challenge is mentioned by employees to express that companies give them opportunities to challenge their careers, through a challenging atmosphere. When the career is mentioned, it is in the context of career growth, advancement and progression. The term company is linked to both commitment and colleagues and collaboration. Finally, flexibility refers to a flexible environment that allows flexible work. An example of a review within this community is the following: “They train you constantly. If you are proactive, they give you room to grow and take on challenges. The teams are very collaborative. Good benefits.” ( Accenture , August 2023 ).

Community 2, in green, represents 16.56% of the network. In this community, the terms comprehensive, collaboration, development, professional and colleague stand out. Employees mention the term comprehensive to express that companies facilitate comprehensive benefits. On the other hand, when collaboration is mentioned, it is in the context of a collaborative environment, with challenging projects and collaborative colleagues. The term development is linked to professional development. An example of a review within this community is the following: “Microsoft fosters a culture of innovation, offering numerous opportunities for career growth and skill development. The work environment encourages collaboration, and the company’s global impact is truly inspiring. The comprehensive benefits package and flexible work hours are definite advantages.” ( Microsoft , November , 2023 ).

Community 3, in blue, represents 16.34% of the network. In this community, the terms culture, commitment, strong, time and teamwork stand out. The term culture is mentioned by employees to express that cultures related to challenge, competitiveness and collaboration are promoted in their companies. On the other hand, when commitment is mentioned, it is in the context of benefits, coffee and beverages. Another term that stands out is time, linked to free time and flexible time. Finally, teamwork is linked to strong work groups, which allow career development. An example of a review within this community is the following: “Great company culture, constant challenges, great teamwork, personal and professional growth, diversity and inclusion, balance between work and personal life.” ( HP Inc. , July 2021 ).

Community 4, in grey, represents 16.23% of the network. In this community, the terms environment, employee and growth stand out. Employees mention the term growth to express growth opportunities. This term is also linked to employees since it identifies employees’ desire for employee growth, and with the term environment, since environments that encourage growth are rewarded. An example of a review within this community is the following: “The company inspires me with opportunity, growth, challenge and learning.” ( Amazon , November , 2021 ).

Regarding the term work, it is the most mentioned in all the comments on this network about happiness. The most frequently mentioned terms are related to words such as culture, environment, challenge, growth career, flexibility, development, salary, leadership or reward (Table  7 ). Therefore, when employees show happiness with their jobs, they mention these terms.

Conclusions

This work reveals the relevance of employee opinions in the evaluations they give to companies from the perspective of Happiness Management and Social Marketing. Additionally, this research explores whether Glassdoor’s ranking of the best companies to work for provides meaningful information about which benefits employees value most. In this way, it would be possible to identify companies with the potential for superior performance in the future. For this, two types of analysis have been carried out, one quantitative and the other qualitative. The results of the quantitative analysis and those of the qualitative analysis have been differentiated into two blocks: the first corresponds to the comments referring to social marketing, and the second to those linked to happiness management. This distinction has been made because social marketing and happiness management are becoming increasingly important in the private sector. In this sense, it has been proven that when companies carry out social marketing campaigns, an improvement in their image is generated [ 53 , 54 , 55 ]. The company’s image is one of the critical factors in the results of the quantitative analysis in the first block since the mean differences in employee ratings are statistically significant depending on whether or not it is mentioned in the comments. Concerning the company’s image, issues related to reputation and culture are the most relevant. Canning et al. [ 59 ] also highlight employees’ importance to culture (also on the Glassdoor platform) in their research. These results are crucial as cultural norms are linked to greater employee trust and commitment [ 56 ].

Furthermore, reputation is another factor linked to the company’s image, which corresponds to other studies such as that of Shirin & Kleyn [ 61 ], who affirm that the company’s reputation positively influences its commitment. Working conditions and social relations have also been the advantages most valued by employees, along with the company’s corporate image, both in the social marketing and happiness comment blocks. However, in the block of social marketing comments, there are significant differences regarding specific advantages over social relationships, such as events and camaraderie. Camaraderie is revealed as a fundamental factor in employee comments on Glassdoor and in other studies such as that of Moro, Ramos, and Rita [ 56 ], whose results highlight that a positive attitude of co-workers contributes to a positive environment and improves job satisfaction.

In the transition to Industry 5.0, organizations increasingly recognize the critical role of employee happiness in driving innovation and competitive advantage. The literature review highlights the convergence of human-centered technology and automation, emphasizing not only the integration of advanced technologies but also the importance of fostering an environment conducive to creativity, ethics, and happiness [ 1 ]. This shift toward happiness economics suggests that employee well-being is directly related to organizational success, as happy employees tend to exhibit higher levels of productivity, creativity, and loyalty [ 2 , 3 ].

The integration of Industry 5.0 human-centric technology into the workplace underlines a fundamental shift towards prioritizing employee happiness, as highlighted by Ravina-Ripoll et al. [ 9 ]. This transformation is not only technological but fundamentally human, where the happiness economy emerges as a cornerstone for organizational success [ 2 , 3 ]. Quantitative analysis, particularly student t-tests, offers empirical validation of this relationship, highlighting how specific job benefits significantly influence employee happiness. This analysis echoes the findings of Lyubomirsky et al. [ 7 ], emphasizing the tangible impact of flexible work arrangements and health programs on employee satisfaction.

Analysis of employee reviews on the Glassdoor platform has provided valuable insights into the factors that influence job satisfaction and happiness. Glassdoor offers a candid look at organizational practices and their impact on the workforce, revealing a strong correlation between workplace benefits and employee happiness [ 5 , 7 ]. Benefits such as flexible work arrangements, health and wellbeing programs and career development opportunities are increasingly valued in the changing Industry 5.0 workplace landscape, underscoring the need for organizations to align their benefits packages with the values and needs of their employees.

The relationship between social marketing and happiness management is critical in brand management, allowing brands to reflect and absorb societal culture [ 85 ]. In the business environment, a successful social marketing program must consider establishing explicit behavior change objectives, using the most appropriate communication channels, focusing on solid research on the target audience, paying attention to monitoring channels and evaluation, and developing a relational approach when addressing complex issues [ 86 ]. A model that addresses how to carry out effective social marketing management is the application of Rothschild’s MOA framework (Motivation, Opportunity, and Ability) [ 87 ]. In this sense, Binney, Hall, and Shaw [ 88 ] demonstrated an association between behavioral change and the constructs above. Going one step further, and due to the complexity of the behavior, Parkinson et al. [ 89 ] proposed adding one more construct to the MOA model, the nature of the behavior, which refers to the fact that the complexity of behavior is determined mainly by its inherent characteristics, and the levels of motivation, opportunity, and ability of the person, all of which will probably change over time. An adequate combination of Happiness management and social marketing can be addressed using the models and concepts mentioned above to improve social well-being.

The results of the qualitative analysis, through the semantic network, have allowed us to delve deeper into the context in which the comments appear, both in the social marketing and happiness blocks. Before continuing, it is necessary to highlight that semantic networks have been developed with the three most significant advantages according to the quantitative analysis: working conditions, social relations, and company image. In this sense, it stands out that in the largest community detected in the network of social marketing comments, mentions of valuable actions for society predominate, accentuating the importance of social marketing. This is also evident in other studies on employee comments on Glassdoor, such as that of LaVan, Zilic & Basappa [ 57 ], which measure the relevance of green jobs in companies. Another interesting result has been finding positive comments about the balance between work and family life. This fundamental aspect is also reflected in the research results by Hope et al. [ 58 ]. Regarding working conditions, it is worth highlighting the preponderance of aspects related to health insurance and pension funds; however, the differences in the average ratings have been insignificant in the previous T-Student analysis.

Qualitative analysis through semantic networks deepens the nuanced understanding of happiness within the workforce, revealing the complex interplay between job benefits and employee perceptions in different communities. Qualitative analysis conducted through semantic networks on comments extracted from Glassdoor offers a unique perspective on the complex fabric of employee happiness and satisfaction. This approach allows for a nuanced understanding of how various factors interact in the work environment, revealing the multifaceted nature of employee happiness beyond what quantitative measures can capture.

This approach, which explores the semantic relationships between key terms in employee reviews, reveals the subjective dimensions of happiness and satisfaction. It reveals how employees value not only tangible benefits but also the broader cultural and relational aspects of their workplace, aligning with the perspectives of Querbach et al. [ 5 ] on the importance of a supportive work environment.

The first community strongly emphasizes the importance of work-life balance and flexibility, reflecting a growing trend in employee expectations. The prominence of terms related to “life,” “freedom,” “balance,” and “time” indicates a significant valuation of policies that enable employees to harmonize their professional and personal lives. This finding aligns with research suggesting that today’s workforce appreciates and expects flexible work arrangements [ 5 ].

Another community focuses on health insurance and pension funds, highlighting the critical role of health and financial security in employee satisfaction. The debate around these benefits suggests that, despite the changing nature of work, traditional benefits remain critical to ensuring a sense of security and well-being among employees. Qualitative insights highlight the significant emphasis employees place on health insurance and pension funds, indicating the importance of health and financial security in fostering workplace satisfaction. This aligns with the findings of Luo et al. [ 13 ], who highlight the value that employees place on comprehensive health benefits, linking them to greater job satisfaction and general well-being. The emphasis on health and well-being benefits in employee comments reflects broader trends in the literature, suggesting that such benefits are crucial to ensuring a sense of security and well-being among employees. Additionally, qualitative analysis supports the idea that, despite the changing nature of work, traditional benefits, such as health insurance, remain critical to improving employee satisfaction [ 13 ].

Another community focuses on professional growth, challenges and professional development opportunities. The frequent mention of “challenge”, “growth”, “career” and “professional development” underlines the importance that employees place on being provided avenues to advance and develop within their roles. These findings align with the work of Sekar et al. [ 30 ], who found that positive sentiments in online reviews significantly affect overall employee satisfaction, with skill development being a strong predictor of satisfaction. The emphasis on career challenges and growth opportunities reflects a critical aspect of employee engagement and satisfaction, suggesting that the workforce highly values career development opportunities. This is further corroborated by the analysis presented in their paper, which highlights the importance of providing employees with pathways to advance and develop in their roles, thereby improving job satisfaction and promoting a culture of continuous learning and improvement [ 32 ].

The latter community reveals a deep commitment to the company’s culture, values and collaborative environment. Terms like “culture,” “engagement,” “teamwork,” and “collaboration” suggest that employees highly value a positive, inclusive, and supportive work culture. This is consistent with literature indicating that organizational culture significantly impacts job satisfaction and employee retention [ 2 , 3 ].

Theoretical and managerial implications

Theoretical implications.

The analysis of worker opinions on Glassdoor offers rich theoretical implications for academic literature, particularly in the realms of happiness management, the happiness economy in Industry 5.0, and social marketing. These implications extend across various disciplines, providing a nuanced understanding of employee satisfaction and its broader impacts on organizational success and societal well-being. These platforms, by providing unfiltered insights into employee experiences, satisfaction, and well-being, serve as a valuable resource for understanding the dynamics of workplace happiness and its broader economic and social implications.

In the context of happiness management, employee Glassdoor reviews can significantly contribute to the development of theories related to job satisfaction and employee well-being. Reviews often highlight factors that contribute to or detract from workplace happiness, such as leadership quality, work-life balance, and recognition [ 90 ]. By analyzing these inputs, researchers can refine models of happiness management, emphasizing the importance of psychological well-being in the workplace [ 91 ]. This analysis can lead to a better understanding of how positive work environments foster not only higher productivity but also greater employee loyalty and creativity [ 92 ]. For instance, studies have shown that job satisfaction is linked to reduced employee turnover and increased productivity [ 93 ]. By analyzing employee reviews, researchers can identify specific aspects of work-life that impact happiness, such as leadership quality, work-life balance, recognition, and career development opportunities. This analysis can enrich the theoretical frameworks of happiness management by providing empirical evidence of how these factors are perceived by employees across different industries and organizational contexts.

Employee reviews on Glassdoor also have implications for social marketing, particularly in how organizations communicate their values and culture to attract talent and engage with broader societal issues. Reviews act as a form of electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM) that can influence employer branding and corporate reputation, thus, positive employee feedback can be a powerful tool for attracting talent, building brand loyalty, and enhancing corporate reputation. Conversely, negative reviews can highlight areas where organizations need to improve their social responsibility efforts, such as promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion, or implementing environmentally sustainable practices. Analyzing these reviews allows for a deeper understanding of the social constructs that drive job choice and employee engagement, offering insights into how companies can leverage social marketing strategies to promote a positive work environment and corporate social responsibility. This analysis can inform theories on how effective social marketing can enhance employee satisfaction and happiness, thereby contributing to a positive organizational image and attracting socially conscious consumers and employees. This feedback loop between employee satisfaction and corporate social marketing strategies underscores the importance of internal stakeholders in shaping a company’s external image. It also provides a basis for developing theories on the role of employee happiness in the broader context of corporate social responsibility and ethical business practices [ 94 ].

Furthermore, this research is aligned with different studies and allows the existing gap to be reduced in three ways. First, this research addresses the need to explore the value of online employee reviews from various perspectives, leveraging big data to gain a competitive advantage and improve companies’ strategies [ 31 ]. Secondly, it deepens the study of the benefits that companies offer their employees, not only in one sector but in a wide range of industries [ 39 ]. Thirdly, an analysis differentiated by sectors and dimensions of benefits has been carried out, covering a research need that several authors called for [ 13 , 41 ].

Managerial implications

Analyzing the opinions left by workers on Glassdoor is important for several compelling reasons, impacting both organizations and the broader job market. This platform offers a treasure trove of candid feedback from current and former employees about their work experiences, company culture, management practices, and job satisfaction. This feedback is invaluable for multiple stakeholders, including job seekers, company management, and researchers.

For job seekers, these reviews provide insights into the company’s working conditions, growth opportunities, and the overall satisfaction levels of its employees [ 8 ]. This information helps them make informed decisions about whether a company aligns with their career goals and personal values [ 13 ]. It essentially allows them to look beyond the glossy exterior presented by corporate marketing and get a glimpse of the real working environment. Social marketing is presented as a powerful tool to promote behavioral changes aimed at improving individual well-being and that of the community in general. The application of social marketing in the workplace is essential, especially when it comes to promoting a culture that values happiness, collaborative participation, adaptability and innovation [ 42 , 45 ]. The results of this research highlight how social marketing strategies, by addressing barriers and leveraging motivations, can lead to sustainable behavioral changes, including improving employee satisfaction and creating a positive work environment.

From a company’s perspective, employee reviews on Glassdoor can serve as a powerful tool for self-assessment and improvement. By analyzing these reviews, companies can identify areas of strength and areas needing improvement [ 11 ]. This could range from enhancing communication and leadership practices to revising compensation and benefits packages [ 15 ]. Addressing these issues not only helps in attracting top talent but also in retaining current employees by showing that the company values their feedback and is committed to creating a positive work environment. Analysis of employee reviews on Glassdoor reveals that happiness management and social marketing are intrinsically linked to the perception of an organization’s culture and values. Positive feedback about the work environment, culture and benefits contributes significantly to a company’s image, attracting and retaining talent. Employee ratings, and the benefits they mention in their reviews, are the result of effective social marketing, which not only improves job satisfaction but also promotes a sense of belonging and community among employees, which are key drivers of happiness. in the workplace. Additionally, this research explores how social marketing can amplify the visibility of an organization’s commitment to innovative benefits, work-life balance, and a supportive work atmosphere. By effectively communicating these values, organizations can reinforce their reputation as reputable employers among workers, thereby attracting candidates who share similar values and are more likely to experience satisfaction and happiness at work.

Moreover, for researchers and analysts, these reviews offer a rich dataset for studying employment trends, job satisfaction determinants, and the impact of corporate culture on employee well-being [ 7 ]. They can use this data to identify patterns and correlations that can inform broader discussions on work-life balance, employee engagement, and organizational effectiveness [ 5 ]. To maximize the impact on employee happiness and organizational performance, companies must strategically integrate happiness management initiatives with social marketing strategies. This involves not only providing meaningful benefits and fostering a positive work culture but also effectively communicating these efforts both internally and externally. By doing so, organizations can create a feedback loop in which increased employee happiness generates positive reviews and testimonials, further improving the company’s image through social marketing.

This research contributes to happiness management theories by empirically demonstrating how positive job environments enhance productivity, loyalty, and creativity. These insights show how leadership quality, work-life balance, and recognition contribute to workplace happiness, enhancing productivity, loyalty, and creativity. Such feedback aids job seekers in making informed decisions, helps companies improve practices and attract talent, and provides researchers with valuable data on employment trends and corporate culture’s effect on employee well-being.

By analyzing employee reviews on Glassdoor, organizations can gain valuable insights into the factors that contribute to job satisfaction and happiness. Furthermore, understanding and addressing the evolving needs of their workforce allows companies to leverage job benefits as a powerful tool for fostering a happy, productive, and innovative workplace.

Despite the wealth of information available, there remains a paucity of empirical studies that fully leverage this real-time data. This study addresses this gap by utilizing Glassdoor reviews to explore employee satisfaction, demonstrating the value of these digital platforms in capturing the fluid and evolving nature of workplace happiness.

Furthermore, for job seekers, these reviews provide insights into companies’ working conditions, growth opportunities, and overall satisfaction levels. From a company’s perspective, employee reviews on Glassdoor can serve as a powerful tool for self-assessment and improvement. For researchers and analysts, these reviews offer a rich dataset for studying employment trends, job satisfaction determinants, and the impact of corporate culture on employee well-being.

These practical implications underscore the importance of leveraging the feedback employees share on Glassdoor to inform both happiness management and social marketing strategies. By understanding and addressing the needs and preferences of their workforce, organizations can improve job satisfaction, employee well-being, and ultimately, organizational performance. This holistic approach aligns with the broader goals of Industry 5.0, which emphasize the value of integrating human-centered practices with technological advances to foster a sustainable, innovative and happy workplace.

Limitations and future research lines

Using user opinions on Glassdoor to analyze happiness management has limitations. Firstly, the self-selection bias means the reviews may not represent the entire workforce, as typically those with extreme opinions are more inclined to post, which is why this research has only analyzed the benefits highlighted by employees, and not the disadvantages. Glassdoor also allows knowing these negative reviews, so a future line of research would be to focus on the negative aspects that workers highlight.

Secondly, anonymity can lead to exaggerated positive or negative feedback, impacting the reliability of the data. However, this research has initially downloaded 138,765 employee reviews, which makes it possible to reduce this possible bias.

Additionally, the lack of demographic and job-specific information limits the ability to contextualize responses or identify trends across different employee groups. Glassdoor allows knowing the country, city and job position of each person who publishes a review, so a future line of research should replicate this analysis taking into account the geographical diversity and the types of benefits that are applied in each country [ 38 ].

The self-selection bias inherent in Glassdoor reviews means that the data may disproportionately represent employees with extreme positive or negative experiences. To mitigate this, we included a large sample size of 138,764 reviews, which helps to balance out individual biases. Additionally, the anonymity of the reviews can lead to exaggerated feedback, both positive and negative. By focusing on consistent keywords and patterns across many reviews, we aimed to derive more reliable insights.

Another limitation is the lack of demographic data, such as age, gender, and job position, which restricts our ability to analyze trends across different employee groups. While we ensured diversity by including companies from various sectors, future research could benefit from incorporating demographic information to provide more nuanced insights. Lastly, reviews reflect perceptions at a specific point in time and may not capture ongoing changes within organizations or industry trends. Collecting reviews over a three-year span (2021–2023) helped to mitigate this by capturing more stable trends and reducing the impact of short-term fluctuations.

Finally, these reviews reflect individual perceptions at a point in time and may not accurately capture ongoing changes within the organization or industry trends. Glassdoor also allows knowing the date on which the review is published, so future research could analyze the evolution of the benefits offered by companies over time, or for example the differences before, during and after COVID-19.

Concerning the concept of the happiness economy within Industry 5.0, Glassdoor employee reviews can shed light on how the adoption of Industry 5.0 technologies—such as artificial intelligence, robotics, and the Internet of Things—affects employee happiness and job satisfaction. For example, research could explore how automation and digitalization impact workers’ sense of job security, skill development opportunities, and work satisfaction. The feedback from employees can provide insights into the balance between technological efficiency and human well-being, contributing to the development of a happiness economy that values both productivity and employee satisfaction. This aligns with the broader goals of Industry 5.0, which focus on creating a sustainable and human-centric industry [ 95 ].

Analyzing Glassdoor worker opinions extends across disciplines, offering a holistic view of the interconnectedness of employee happiness, organizational success, and social well-being. These reviews provide empirical data that can enrich theories in happiness management by detailing the specific workplace factors that contribute to or detract from employee well-being. In the context of Industry 5.0, they offer insights into the human side of technological advancement, highlighting the importance of designing technologies and work processes that enhance, rather than undermine, human happiness. For social marketing, these reviews underscore the role of authentic employee voices in shaping organizational brands and driving social change.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Galiano-Coronil, A., Blanco-Moreno, S. & Tobar-Pesantez, L.B. Social marketing and happiness in employment. Evidences from Glassdoor. BMC Psychol 12 , 444 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01882-8

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How Positivity Can Turn Toxic

How it goes wrong, and how to recover..

Posted January 10, 2022 | Reviewed by Michelle Quirk

• Take our Empathy Test
• Find a therapist near me
• Positivity can be good for well-being, as long as we’re not using it to avoid or suppress negative emotions.
• Toxic positivity is defined as the act of rejecting or denying stress, negativity, or other negative experiences that exist.
• Because negative emotions are tools we use to get important needs met, we don’t just want to be shoving them away without acknowledgment.

Positivity involves things like gratitude , optimism , and positive reappraisal. You may have heard that positivity is good for well-being. On the flip side, maybe you’ve felt annoyed, angry, or uncomfortable when positivity was forced on you. Indeed, positivity can be good for emotional health ...as long as we’re not using it to avoid or suppress negative emotions. Then, it can become toxic.

Toxic positivity is defined as the act of rejecting or denying stress , negativity, or other negative experiences that exist (Sokal, Trudel, & Babb, 2020).

It can sometimes be difficult to distinguish positivity from toxic positivity. For example, if someone tells us, “Hey, look at the bright side,” we might feel like they are diminishing or denying our negative feelings. Because negative emotions are tools we use to get important needs met, we don’t just want to be shoving them away without acknowledgment. So, seemingly positive advice from friends can often feel like toxic positivity to the person receiving it.

Here are a few more examples of toxic positivity:

• I say: “I’m having a bad day.” Toxic response: “But you have so much to be grateful for.”
• I say: “I don’t know if I can have a relationship with my sister. She doesn’t treat me with decency and respect.” Toxic response: “She’s family. You should love her no matter what.”
• I say: “This job sucks.” Toxic response: “You’re lucky you even have a job.”

In these examples, someone is using positivity to get rid of our true or negative experiences.

On the other hand, say a friend tells us, “Hey, it’s OK not to be OK.” This shows acceptance of our negative emotions as well as compassion and gratitude. This approach is not toxic because it doesn't deny our emotions and force us to feel something we don’t want to feel.

When Does Positivity Become Toxic?

One study showed that looking for silver linings is only beneficial in uncontrollable contexts. For example, if we lose our job, we might benefit from thinking about our future opportunities. But if we try to use positive reappraisal in controllable situations—or situations that we could change—we might actually be worse off (Troy, Shallcross, & Mauss, 2013).

Some research suggests that it is inappropriate to use positivity (positive reappraisal) when our identities are being threatened. For example, when people experience racial oppression, looking for silver linings appears to actually lead to worse well-being (Perez & Soto, 2011).

If people encourage us to use a specific emotion regulation skill that we’re not good at, it could actually leave us worse off. And, for many people, positivity can be a difficult skill to develop and implement. So if you’re not good at being positive, optimistic , or reflecting on your situation to find the silver lining, it could actually be bad for you (Ford & Troy, 2019).

Most people think of positive emotion as a good thing, and more is better, right? Well, it turns out that too much positive emotion may actually be a bad thing. Too much positive emotion has been shown to be a risk factor for mania (Gruber, Johnson, Oveis, & Keltner, 2008).

Being obsessed with happiness and focusing excessively on getting happy has also been shown to be bad for well-being (Ford & Mauss, 2014). It’s thought that this may create a discrepancy between how we feel now and how we want to feel. Indeed, having ultra-high expectations for happiness tends to be bad for our mental health.

Toxic positivity can be tricky. The benefits of positivity are very real and impactful, but at the same time, it can be easy to get positivity wrong. Hopefully, the guidance here will help you take what you can from the field of positivity psychology while still being able to prevent positivity from becoming toxic.

Adapted from an article published by The Berkeley Well-Being Institute .

Facebook image: Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

LinkedIn image: LightField Studios/Shutterstock

Ford, B., & Mauss, I. (2014). The paradoxical effects of pursuing positive emotion. In J. Gruber & J. T. Moskowitz (Eds.), Positive emotion: Integrating the light sides and dark sides (pp. 363–382). Oxford University Press.

Ford, B. Q., & Troy, A. S. (2019). Reappraisal reconsidered: A closer look at the costs of an acclaimed emotion-regulation strategy. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 28(2), 195–203.

Gruber, J., Johnson, S. L., Oveis, C., & Keltner, D. (2008). Risk for mania and positive emotional responding: Too much of a good thing? Emotion , 8(1), 23–33.

Perez, C. R., & Soto, J. A. (2011). Cognitive reappraisal in the context of oppression: Implications for psychological functioning. Emotion , 11, 675–680.

Sokal, L., Trudel, L. E., & Babb, J. (2020). It’s okay to be okay too. Why calling out teachers’“toxic positivity” may backfire. Education Canada , 60(3).

Troy, A. S., Shallcross, A. J., & Mauss, I. B. (2013). A person-by-situation approach to emotion regulation: Cognitive reappraisal can either help or hurt, depending on the context. Psychological Science , 24(12), 2505–2514.

Tchiki Davis, Ph.D. , is a consultant, writer, and expert on well-being technology.

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10 Research-Based Industrial / Organizational Psychology Strategies to Boost Motivation and Performance

Maintaining high intrinsic motivation and performance levels is a significant challenge in today’s fast-paced work and work/study environments. As graduate students, many of us work at the institutions where we study. This SPSPotlight feature aims to provide essential Industrial/Organizational (I/O) theories, tactics, and applied strategies to help you succeed academically and professionally. This article explores ten powerful benefits of integrating  I/O psychology techniques to help transform your work and academic settings into sustained motivation and peak performance.

The field of Industrial/Organizational (I/O) psychology offers valuable research-based strategies for enhancing individual motivation and performance in work or team settings. These strategies address a range of factors that influence job or life satisfaction, engagement, and overall productivity. I/O psychology provides frameworks grounded in scientific research to enhance crucial aspects of work and work/study dynamics that cross over into positive psychology theories. These strategies benefit corporate settings and have profound positive implications for graduate students, particularly those pursuing doctoral degrees and those working within academic institutions.

1. Hedonic Treadmill Effect: Keep the Spark Alive for Long-Term Satisfaction  

Have you ever noticed how that excitement for a new job (or other ‘new’ event) fades over time? It’s called the hedonic treadmill—we adapt to positives, returning to our happiness baseline. The Hedonic Treadmill theory suggests that people tend to return to a baseline level of satisfaction after experiencing positive or negative events. In work settings, this often manifests as the “honeymoon hangover” effect, where the initial excitement of a new role fades over time. Organizations and academic institutions can implement continuous learning and development programs to counter this, to set progressive goals, and to ensure that teams and individuals remain engaged and personally challenged. This approach helps maintain higher levels of satisfaction and motivation in the long term.

The hedonic treadmill, or hedonic adaptation, describes individuals' tendency to return to a stable level of happiness despite major positive or negative events or life changes. This concept is rooted in the observation that people generally revert to a baseline level of well-being after experiencing significant life events, such as winning the lottery or suffering a significant injury. The metaphorical term “treadmill” suggests that individuals, despite efforts to increase happiness, tend to stay in the same place emotionally, much like running on a treadmill.  For example, after an initial surge in joy from a positive event, such as a promotion or a new relationship, the increased happiness diminishes as the novelty wears off, and individuals return to their previous emotional state. Similarly, negative events, such as a job loss or divorce, may cause a temporary decrease in happiness, and over time, individuals tend to recover emotionally.

The concept of relative comparison also influences the hedonic treadmill. People often assess their well-being not in absolute terms but relative to others around them and their environments. If their circumstances improve but those of their peers improve even more, their relative position may not change, leading them to feel no happier than before. 

Understanding the hedonic treadmill has significant implications for positive psychology and well-being interventions. Rather than focusing solely on external changes or material gains, efforts to enhance long-term happiness should prioritize internal factors such as developing resilience, practicing gratitude, and cultivating meaningful relationships. By focusing on these internal factors, individuals can be better equipped to maintain higher levels of well-being despite life’s inevitable ups and downs.

I’ve found success in creating (and re-creating) five to ten-year trajectories that encompass personal passions and future aspirations, along with the steps necessary to accomplish them. Balancing the hedonic treadmill through short and long-term goal-setting while pivoting when required has been helpful. Escape the hedonic treadmill by continuously engaging, setting clear goals, and involving meaningful tasks to increase motivation and balance happiness.

2. Cultivate a Growth Mindset: Encourage the Malleability of Traits

A growth mindset fuels resilience and adaptability. Promoting a growth mindset, where individuals believe their abilities can be elevated and developed through effort and learning, and fosters malleability, resilience, and adaptability. This perspective is crucial for facilitating resilience and adaptability. This concept is particularly relevant in academic settings, as graduate students often face challenges requiring persistence, perseverance, failure, and a willingness to learn from failure. Organizations and universities can nurture this malleable mindset by providing opportunities for skill development, recognizing effort, and framing challenges as opportunities for growth.

3. Overcome Emotional Contagion: Create a Positive Climate

Emotions are contagious—and a downbeat vibe might spread like wildfire. Set a positive tone! Your enthusiasm can boost morale and create a more productive, enjoyable atmosphere. Emotional contagion propels emotions to spread among individuals in a group. The emotional contagion phenomenon, where adverse emotions spread quickly through a group of individuals, can significantly impact team dynamics. Negative emotions can quickly dampen morale and productivity in institutional and academic environments. Leaders and academic mentors can leverage their emotional intelligence to set a positive tone, ensuring that optimism and enthusiasm become the prevailing emotions in the workplace or lab, thereby boosting overall team performance​. Working together as a team to raise awareness of how emotional contagion can spread negatively can also become a bonding tactic.

4. Make Work Meaningful: Connecting to a Bigger Purpose

Individuals crave purpose. Aligning roles with values demonstrates how each task contributes to the bigger picture. When work feels meaningful, motivation skyrockets.  Teams and individuals are more motivated by meaningful work versus monetary rewards. Meaningful work is self-transcendent and aligns with broader personal, organizational, or academic goals or trajectories. By aligning roles with personal values and emphasizing the more expansive impact of individuals’ work, organizations and educational institutions can promote more profound satisfaction and engagement in tasks. Meaningful connection not only enhances job satisfaction but also drives higher performance​.

5. Uphold Organizational Justice: Build Trust and Foster Fairness

A fair workplace fosters trust and inspires dedication. Stay transparent, communicate openly, and ensure equitable rewards. Organizational justice, which includes distributive, procedural, and interactional fairness, is vital for maintaining trust and commitment among teams and graduate students. When individuals perceive fairness in their treatment, they are more likely to be motivated and engaged. Transparent communication, equitable policies, and fair decision-making processes are essential ingredients to foster a sense of justice within any organization or academic setting​.

6. Organizational Citizenship Behaviors (OCBs): Encourage Going the Extra Mile

Are they going the extra mile? Recognize it! Organizational Citizenship Behaviors (OCBs) include actions like volunteering for additional tasks, helping colleagues with their work, and participating in organizational activities that go beyond formal job descriptions and drive success. These behaviors are crucial for the success of both institutional and academic environments. By recognizing and rewarding OCBs, organizations and universities can cultivate a culture where individuals are motivated to contribute beyond their formal roles, benefiting the entire organization or academic community. Reward OCB actions and build a culture of excellence.

7. Prevent the Thermodynamics of Revenge: Mitigate Counterproductive Behaviors

Bad attitudes and counterproductive behaviors can poison your team or workplace. Counterproductive work behaviors, such as delay, disruption, sabotage, ethical misconduct, or other forms of deviance, can severely harm organizational or academic health and trust. I/O psychology offers strategies to identify and mitigate these behaviors, such as fostering open communication, addressing grievances early, and implementing fair conflict resolution processes. This approach helps create a more harmonious and productive environment.

8. Prioritize Well-being: Healthy, Happy, and Productive

A healthy team is a thriving one. This principle also extends to academic settings. Prioritizing physical and mental health through wellness programs, stress management resources, and supportive work environments ensures that teams and individuals are motivated and equipped to perform at their best. This holistic approach to well-being supports long-term productivity and satisfaction. Embrace self-care tactics, mindfulness practices, or group meditative activities to support feelings of belonging or team bonding. 

9. Embrace Transformational Leadership: Inspire and Empower

Ditch micromanaging. Transformational leadership involves inspiring individuals through a shared vision and providing individualized support and a plan of development that empowers their work. This approach fosters innovation and creativity and drives success. The empowerment leadership style is particularly effective in corporate and academic settings, where it can foster higher motivation and performance levels. Transformational leadership techniques can help unlock the full potential of teams, labs, or work groups​ through empowerment by allowing new ideas and processes to emerge.

10. Cross-Cultural Leadership: Harness the Power of Multiculturalism

Diverse teams bring fresh ideas and innovative solutions. Understanding cross-cultural nuances and empowering diverse voices can create a more dynamic and successful team. In today’s globalized world, effective leadership must account for multicultural differences. Cross-cultural leadership involves adapting leadership styles to diverse cultural contexts, which can improve communication, reduce conflict, and enhance team performance. Embracing diversity in leadership fosters inclusivity and drives innovation and creativity. These premises are multiculturally relevant in academic settings, where diverse perspectives can enrich research, studying, teaching, or other pursuits.

Ready for transformation?

I/O psychology provides a roadmap for success in work and academic settings. Integrating I/O psychology principles creates work and work/study group dynamics that motivate and drive overall performance. Teams can achieve sustained success by fostering growth and malleable mindsets, ensuring fairness, promoting meaningful work, and implementing effective leadership tactics. These strategies, grounded in extensive research, provide a framework that creates unique environments where teams thrive, leading to sustained organizational success and a better-balanced hedonic treadmill effect. These researched strategies can boost motivation, enhance performance, a create a thriving, engaged workforce. A win-win situation!

Start applying tactical I/O psychology strategies in your graduate (or undergraduate) academic setting by fostering a growth mindset among colleagues. Encourage colleagues (and yourself) to view challenges and setbacks as learning opportunities rather than fixed limitations. Create a supportive and positive emotional climate by regularly checking in with colleagues and teammates to share stressors or discuss other common factors. Ensure meaningful work by aligning tasks with personal and academic goals, emphasizing the broader impact of your contributions. Promote fairness and transparency in all educational processes, from grading to research collaboration, to uphold a sense of organizational justice. Find wellness resources and flexible work arrangements to help you balance academic responsibilities with personal well-being, stay motivated, and perform at your very best!

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They do this, what about me? Exploring the diffusion mechanism of group CWB from the bystander perspective

• Published: 15 August 2024

Cite this article

• Qian Zheng 1 ,
• Lei Zhao 1 ,
• Zhiming Yao 2 ,
• Yujing Wang 1 &
• Fengpei Hu   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6513-7778 1  

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Counterproductive work behavior (CWB) is prevalent in employees’ daily work and can be extremely destructive. Although a growing body of research has focused on the effects of CWB, little is known about its effects from the bystander perspective. To address this gap, we integrated insights from social conflict and social combustion theories to explore why, when, and how group CWB affects bystander CWB through two studies. In study 1, 312 employees were sampled using a scenario simulation experimental design. The results showed that the positive relationship between group CWB and bystander organization-directed CWB (CWBO) is stronger under leadership-avoidant conflict management. In addition, exonerating cognition and moral disengagement played serial mediating roles in the positive relationship between group CWB and bystander CWBO. Study 2 confirmed the robustness of the results of Study 1 using two waves of data from 265 employees and specifically explored the effect of group CWB (individual- and organization-directed, namely I and O) on bystander CWB (I and O). In addition, Study 2 demonstrated the negative moderation of leadership-cooperative conflict management. This study contributes to the CWB literature by illustrating new theoretical perspectives, unveiling the underlying mechanisms of the spread of CWB in organizations from a bystander perspective, and offering constructive guidance to practitioners.

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This work was supported by Zhejiang Provincial National Social Science Foundation(No. 20XXJC05Z; 21XXJC01ZD), Zhejiang Provincial Natural Science Foundation of China (No: LY20C090012), Humanities and Social Sciences Foundation of Ministry of Education of China [No.18YJA840016; No.22YJA630028].

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Zheng, Q., Zhao, L., Yao, Z. et al. They do this, what about me? Exploring the diffusion mechanism of group CWB from the bystander perspective. Curr Psychol (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-06404-8

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Positive Psychology: Looking Back and Looking Forward

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Envisioning the future of positive psychology (PP) requires looking at its past. To that end, I first review prior critiques of PP to underscore that certain early problems have persisted over time. I then selectively examine recent research to illustrate progress in certain areas as well as draw attention to recurrent problems. Key among them is promulgation of poorly constructed measures of well-being and reliance on homogeneous, privileged research samples. Another concern is the commercialization of PP, which points to the need for greater oversight and quality control in profit-seeking endeavors. Looking ahead, I advocate for future science tied to contemporary challenges, particularly ever-widening inequality and the pandemic. These constitute intersecting catastrophes that need scientific attention. Such problems bring into focus “neglected negatives” that may be fueling current difficulties, including greed, indifference, and stupidity. Anger, which defies easy characterization as positive or negative, also warrants greater scientific study. Going forward I advocate for greater study of domains that likely nurture good lives and just societies – namely, participation in the arts and encounters with nature, both currently under study. Overall, my entreaty to PP is to reckon with persistent problems from its past, while striving toward a future that is societally relevant and virtuous.

Introduction

I have studied psychological well-being for over 30 years ( Ryff, 1989 , 2014 , 2018 ), seeking to define its essential features as well as learn about factors that promote or undermine well-being and probe how it matters for health. I bring this past experience and expertise to thinking about positive psychology (PP), noting that I have never considered myself a positive psychologist, mostly because it has always seemed misguided to me to partition science by valence. Everything that interests me involves complex blends of good and bad things, what Rilke called the beauty and terror of life. With these ideas in mind, I reflect about the future of PP by first looking at its past to highlight what it has, or has not, contributed over the last two decades. My views represent personal observations from an outsider who, from the outset, was dubious about the point of launching the PP movement.

I begin with a look at early critiques, including my own, that distilled various concerns about the launching of PP. Some of those problems have endured, such as the failure to embrace the deeper history of psychology and related fields that have long addressed optimal human functioning. This distortion undermines the building of cumulative and coherent knowledge, while also contributes to insularity within PP. Additional past critiques, some from within PP, emphasized the need to put negative and positive experience together, as in dialectical approaches. I made similar points along the way. For this essay, I describe work outside the PP umbrella doing exactly that, drawing largely on the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) national longitudinal study 1 , which I have led over the past two decades.

Returning to PP, on the topic of scientific progress I highlight select contributions over the past 20 years, but again underscore that most of these topics predated PP. On the downside, two notable problems are discussed: (1) poorly constructed measures of well-being and problematic findings, which contradict the claim that PP rests on solid science; and (2) widespread use of homogeneous research samples (white, well-educated, Western) in PP, thereby ignoring how race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and culture matter for positive human functioning. Linked to these problems is widespread pursuit of financial profit, purportedly grounded in rigorous scientific findings. Such commercialization, illustrated by products and shopping carts on websites, makes clear that PP has become a major business. Money-making, I observe, is a strange counterpoint to the recurring emphasis on character strengths and virtue. Financial gain raises additional issues of ethical oversight and quality control in what is being sold.

Going forward, PP and the human sciences in general need to address contemporary societal problems. I focus on ever-widening inequality, now compounded by the pandemic. What we know is that the suffering is not occurring equally, but is happening disproportionately among those who were already vulnerable. These difficulties bring into high relief topics that psychology has largely neglected. Among pernicious negatives of our era that may be fueling the problems we see are greed and indifference, especially among the privileged, as well as stupidity, which seems to cut across educational strata. Anger is another important contemporary emotion that defies easy characterization as positive or negative. These topics stand in marked contrast to what PP was meant to correct – namely, the preoccupation with psychopathology, weakness and damage ( Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi, 2000 ).

Looking ahead, I examine factors that may be key in nourishing good lives and just societies, such as active engagement with the arts, broadly defined. Widespread initiatives are moving in this direction, though few emphasize the critical role of the arts in understanding human suffering, which I bring into high relief. A key question is whether great literature, music, poetry, painting, and film can activate caring and compassion, particularly among the advantaged. Encounters with nature constitute another domain for nourishing good lives, while also strengthening commitments to take care for our planet. I note currently unfolding work along these lines.

Looking Back

Early critiques of positive psychology.

Most cite Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) as the definitive statement of what PP was about and why it was needed. The essay began with the authors describing what led each of them to believe that psychology as a discipline was preoccupied with “pathology, weakness, and damage” (p. 7). These assertions were remarkably at odds with extensive literatures on the positive in clinical, developmental, existential, and humanistic psychology – decades of prior work, much of which I drew on to formulate an integrative model of psychological well-being ( Ryff, 1989 ). Instead, most of the foundational exegesis was devoted to describing the 15 articles that followed. All represented longstanding programs of research on such topics as evolution, subjective well-being, optimism, self-determination, maturity, health, wisdom, creativity, and giftedness. These realms were themselves notably at odds with the assertion that psychology was preoccupied with the negative, a point strangely missed by the founders of PP.

Three years later Psychological Inquiry published a target article titled “Does the Positive Psychology Movement Have Legs?” ( Lazarus, 2003 ), followed by numerous commentaries. Ryff (2003) found fault with many aspects of the Lazarus critique (e.g., subjectivism, dimensional versus discrete models of emotion, and cross-sectional research), most of which I clarified were not problems specific to PP. On the topic of emotion, however, I argued for joint focus on negative and positive emotions because “…bad things happen to people, and the healthy response is to feel the sadness, pain, frustration, fear, disappointment, anger, or shame resulting from the adverse experience. However, good things also happen to people, and the healthy response is to feel joy, pride, love, affection, pleasure, or contentment from such experience positive experiences. Thus, the capacity for experiencing and expressing both realms of emotion is central to healthy functioning.” (p. 154).

The unsatisfactory Lazarus critique meant that the central strengths and limitations of PP had not been addressed. On the credit side of the ledger, I praised the special issue for bringing together in the same forum research programs that addressed positive, healthy, adaptive features of human functioning, but underscored that everything assembled came from longstanding programs of prior research. Nothing meant to exemplify this new movement was new : “This myopia about past and present is damaging not for the superficial reason of taking credit for advances already contributed by others but for more serious problems of increasing the likelihood of reinventing wheels, both conceptual and empirical, such that science fails to be incremental and cumulative” ( Ryff, 2003 , p. 155).

To illustrate historical precursors, I drew on Coan’s (1977) Hero, Artist, Sage, or Saint. It described centuries of scholarly efforts to depict the more noble attributes of humankind, such as the ancient Greeks’ emphasis on reason and rationality, St. Augustine’s emphasis on close contact with the divine, the Renaissance emphasis on creative self-expression, and the poets and philosophers of the Enlightenment. I also noted James (1902/1958) eloquent writings about healthy-mindedness juxtaposed with the sick soul, along with others who formulated individuation ( Jung, 1933 ; Von Franz, 1964 ), ego development ( Erikson, 1959 ), maturity ( Allport, 1961 ), self-actualization ( Maslow, 1968 ), the fully functioning person ( Rogers, 1961 ), and positive mental health ( Jahoda, 1958 ).

My own work on well-being ( Ryff, 1989 ) had drawn extensively on these sources, while Ryan and Deci’s (2001) review of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being distilled other philosophical precursors. I noted other contributions on positive topics, such as studies of ego development ( Loevinger, 1976 ), adult personality development ( Helson and Srivastava, 2001 ), generativity ( McAdams and St. Aubin, 1998 ), the human quest for meaning ( Wong and Fry, 1998 ), effective coping and self-regulation ( Carver and Scheier, 1998 ), and proliferating research on human resilience and post-traumatic growth ( Tedeschi et al., 1998 ; Luthar et al., 2000 ). My point: “Taken as a whole, this impressive array of current and past research on the upside of human condition leaves one wondering what all the fanfare has been about. Positive psychology is alive and well, and it most assuredly has legs, which stretch back into the distant history of the discipline. It is only from particular vantage points, such as clinical or abnormal psychology that the positive focus constitutes a novelty. For other subfields, especially life-span developmental and personality psychology, there has always been a concern for healthy, optimal human functioning. Perhaps the main message in the positive psychology initiative is thus how deeply entrenched and divided are the subfields within which psychologists work” ( Ryff, 2003 , p. 157). Unfortunately, this failure to consider relevant wider literatures has persisted through time. More than a decade later, the positive in PP was defined entirely from “Three Foundational Documents” ( Pawelski, 2016 ), which included Seligman (1999) and Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) , and an unpublished paper from a 2000 conference in Akumal, Mexico organized by Seligman. Effectively, all meanings of the positive in PP emanated from its founder, thus more deeply entrenching the historical myopia.

My 2003 essay concluded with a call for psychology to organize its house of strengths and to be circumspect about generating new assessments: “Those who would add to the many tools already available need to be clear that they are not contributing to clutter – that is, generating instruments that are redundant with extant measures.” (p. 157). The concern went unheeded, as I detail later.

Calls to Put Negative and Positive Realms Together

Wong (2011) advocated for a balanced and interactive model of the good life: “the development of character strengths and resilience may benefit from prior experience of having overcome negative conditions” (p. 70). The call to maximize positive affect and minimize negative affect could also create a “happy person as a well-defended fortress, invulnerable to the vicissitudes of life” ( King, 2001 , p. 53). New to the discourse, Wong called for a balance between individualist and collectivist orientations, thereby signaling the need to address cultural issues. Similarly, Lomas and Ivtzan (2016) called for second wave positive psychology to recognize the insufficiency of the admonition of first wave PP to go beyond a psychology preoccupied with disorder and dysfunction. Negative states could be conducive to flourishing, calling again for recognition of the dialectical nature of wellbeing. Five dichotomies were examined: optimism versus pessimism, self-esteem versus humility, freedom versus restriction, forgiveness versus anger, and happiness versus sadness. Within each, the value of both sides was described. These ideas aligned with other prior work, such as Carver and Scheier’s (2003) observation that doubt and disengagement play critical roles alongside commitment and confidence as well as Larsen et al. (2003) emphasis on co-activation of positive and negative emotions that allow individuals to make sense of stressors and gain mastery over them.

At the 6th European Conference on PP in Moscow, I spoke about “Contradiction at the Core of the Positive Psychology Movement: The Essential Role of the Negative in Adaptive Human Functioning” ( Ryff, 2012 ), beginning with a quote from Dostoyevsky’s Notes From the Underground: “And why are you so firmly and triumphantly certain that only what is normal and positive – in short, only well-being is good for man? Is reason mistaken about what is good? After all perhaps prosperity isn’t the only thing that pleases mankind. Perhaps he is just as attracted to suffering. Perhaps suffering is just as good to him as prosperity.” I then drew on Mill’s (1893/1989) Autobiography: “Those only are happy, I thought, who have their minds fixed on some object other than their own happiness, on the happiness of others, on the improvement of mankind, even on some art or pursuit, followed not as a means, but as itself an ideal end. Aiming thus as something else, they find happiness by the way.”

Arguing that psychology should not be partitioned by valence because all lives encompass both positives and negatives, I provided three examples of how they might come together. In the first, the positive is construed as an antidote to the negative, such as how positive emotions can help undo negative emotions ( Fredrickson, 1998 ), or how psychological well-being can help prevent relapse of depression or anxiety ( Fava et al., 1998 ; Ruini and Fava, 2009 ). In the second, the negative is seen as the route or path to the positive, as in trauma contributing to personal growth ( Tedeschi et al., 1998 ), or the expression of negative emotion fostering relational intimacy ( Reis, 2001 ), or the expression of negative emotion in childhood contributing, via skilled parenting, to emotional development ( Gottman, 2001 ). In the third, the positive and negative emotions are inextricably linked, such that embedded within every negative is a positive and within every positive is a negative. This dialectical perspective is more common in interdependent cultural contexts, with our findings ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2011 ) showing that Japanese adults report experiencing both positive and negative affect, whereas United States adults report mostly positive affect. The dialectical emotional style was also linked with better health (fewer physical symptoms) in Japan compared to the United States.

Around the same time, McNulty and Fincham (2012) issued an important new challenge to PP: to consider that psychological traits and processes are not inherently positive or negative, but can be either depending on the context in which they occur. This insight was illustrated with interpersonal research (longitudinal studies of marital partners). Four putatively positive processes (forgiveness, optimism, benevolent attributions, and kindness) were shown to be beneficial, or harmful, depending on the context in which they occurred. For example, whether forgiveness was linked with self-respect differed by levels of agreeableness of one’s partner. Martial satisfaction over time also varied depending on whether attributions for spouses’ undesirable behaviors were more or less benevolent. This work, including numerous other examples, offered compelling evidence that simplistic characterizations of phenomena as positive or negative are misguided.

Integrative Work Outside the Positive Psychology Umbrella

Extensive research not part of PP has brought negative and positive aspects of human experience together. To illustrate, I describe select findings from the MIDUS (Midlife in the United States) national longitudinal study (see text Footnote 1), which is based on diverse probability samples, thereby facilitating analyses of how well-being and health vary by age, race, gender, and socioeconomic status. A counterpart study in Japan (MIDJA) has illuminated cultural differences in well-being and health. MIDUS has unprecedented depth in high quality measures of hedonic well-being (life satisfaction, positive, and negative affect), eudaimonic well-being (autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations with others, purpose in life, and self-acceptance), optimism, sense of control, personality traits, generativity, social responsibility, and social ties with spouse/significant other as well as parents during childhood. Deeply multidisciplinary in scope, MIDUS has facilitated linkage of all of the above variables to epidemiology, biology, neuroscience, and genetics. Most importantly, MIDUS data are publicly available and are widely used by scientists around the world.

Many findings have combined positive and negatives. For example, Morozink et al. (2010) showed that those with lower educational attainment had elevated levels of IL-6 (interleukin-6, an inflammatory marker implicated in numerous diseases) but higher psychological well-being buffered against such effects. Miller et al. (2011) showed that those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds had increased risk for metabolic syndrome in adulthood, but maternal nurturance buffered such risk. Resilience findings (see Ryff et al., 2012 ) showing that positive psychosocial factors afforded protection against poor health and physiological dysregulation in the face of various challenges (aging, inequality, early life adversity, cancer, loss of spouse). Breaking new ground, multiple studies have documented that higher purpose in life predicts increased length of life and better health behaviors ( Ryff and Kim, 2020 ). Regarding underlying mechanisms, Heller et al. (2013) showed that sustained activation of reward circuitry in the brain predicted higher eudaimonic well-being as well as better diurnal regulation of cortisol. Personality researchers have studied “healthy neuroticism,” with findings from multiple international studies showing that neuroticism is less strongly linked with poor health behaviors (smoking, inactivity) among those who are high in conscientiousness ( Graham et al., 2020 ).

With regard to race, MIDUS has advanced knowledge of the Black-White paradox in health ( Keyes, 2009 ) – i.e., despite inequality and discrimination, Blacks show higher levels of flourishing and lower levels of mental disorders than Whites. Keyes (2005 , 2007) also revealed neglected types of mental health in the general population by jointly examining mental distress (depression and anxiety) and well-being (emotion, psychological, and social). In contrast to those who are flourishing (high well-being and no mental distress) are those who are languishing, defined as not suffering from mental distress but having low well-being. Declining well-being over time also predicted increased subsequent risk of mental distress ( Keyes et al., 2010 ), while positive mental health predicted subsequent recovery from mental illness ( Iasiello et al., 2019 ). Space does not permit the details, but many findings from MIDUS and MIDJA have documented cultural differences in how emotion and well-being matter for health and biological risk ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2021 ).

To reiterate, I include the above glimpse at MIDUS research is to underscore the need for greater interplay and exchange between the field of PP and much parallel science being done by those who do not view themselves as positive psychologists and are not publishing in journals aligned with PP or happiness.

Recent Work in Positive Psychology

This section first below examines select areas of research that represent forward progress of PP over the past two decades. Then I note recent evaluative overviews of PP from those within the field. Some of their concerns are elaborated in the next sections on what I see as problems within PP science: first, the promulgation of poor instruments for assessing well-being, and second, the reliance on largely privileged, homogeneous samples for conducting PP research.

Forward Empirical Progress

Whether the science of PP is moving constructively forward can examined in various ways. Rather than conduct a systematic review of empirical findings, I choose to focus on chapter-writing, mostly from 3rd Edition of the Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology ( Snyder et al., 2021 ). Unlike journal articles, chapters allow authors to combine many advances on particular topics over time thereby offering a narrative overview of multiple findings. The book includes 68 chapters written by 153 authors, 86% of whom were from the United States.

In the study of emotion, multiple lines of progress are evident. The broaden and build theory continues to evolve by showing short- and long-term benefits of positive emotions in multiple domains, including thoughts, actions, stress, health, physiological and neurological connections ( Tugade et al., 2021 ). Studies of positive affectivity, a trait composed of different components (joviality, self-assurance, and attentiveness) have also progressed via linkages to other constructs (extraversion, happiness, and well-being) as well as psychological disorders, health, marital and job satisfaction, and cultural issues ( Naragon-Gainey and Watson, 2021 ). Positive affect has been linked to longer life, lower incidence of disease, better recovery from disease and better overall health ( Hunter et al., 2021 ), with calls for further work on mechanisms, culture, and technology. The emotional approach to coping (EAC) shows evidence on the intentional use of emotional processing and expression to manage adverse circumstances, such as infertility, sexual assault, diabetes, cancer ( Moreno et al., 2021 ), while calling for more work on interventions, including who benefits (which contexts).

Happiness studies have examined ways in which happy and unhappy people respond to social comparisons, make decisions, and reflect ( Boehm et al., 2021 ), along with strategies (experiments and activities) to improve happiness and formulation of underlying mechanisms. Veenhoven (2021) reviewed differences in happiness across nations and linked them to important questions about what governments can or cannot do to raise levels of happiness, thus reaching toward issues of public policy. A unified model of meaning in life was advanced, underscoring the need for conceptual integration in this growing area of science ( Steger, 2021 ). Positive aging was covered via multiple positive formulations that have been extensively studied, in some cases with interventions ( Nakamura and Chan, 2021 ).

Shifting to life outlooks, how the future is construed was covered with work on optimism showing that those who expect good things to occur have higher well-being, better health, and higher quality social ties, partly attributable to how they cope with adversity ( Mens et al., 2021 ). Detrimental consequences of hope were considered, while calling for greater work on the origins of hope and cultural issues. Hope, defined as the perceived ability to achieve desired goals via pathways and agency, was examined with a goal pursuit process model and linked to academic and athletic performance, health and well-being, social relationships, and work ( Rand and Touza, 2021 ). Resilience, the capacity for positive adaptation in the face of significant adversity, was examined in models that illuminated self-regulation skills, good parenting, community resources and effective schools ( Cutuli et al., 2021 ). Strategies for reducing risk, building strengths and mobilizing adaptive systems were future directions.

Positive mental health was covered with a thoughtful historical perspective and overview of current conceptualizations and measures ( Delle Fava and Negri, 2021 ), examined from life course and cultural perspectives. Illustrating methodological novelty, Tarragona (2021) considered the benefits of personal narratives and expressive writing on mental health and physical health (immune function and cardiovascular health), particularly in the context of trauma. Dominant approaches to mental health interventions (psychotherapy, counseling, and coaching) were examined for commonalities and differences in time perspectives, therapeutic strategies and recipients ( Ruini and Marques, 2021 ), while emphasizing the need for professional regulation and oversight.

Several chapters covered interpersonal themes. Attachment theory was presented as a framework for studying positive relationships ( Mikulincer and Shaver, 2021 ) via links between mental representations of attachment security and how they matter for diverse outcomes (health, social adjustment or interpersonal conflict, and personal growth). Relationship complexities were examined, underscoring both meaningful rewards and substantial risks of close social ties ( Gable and Maisel, 2021 ). They highlighted positive processes, involving positive emotions, intimacy, growth of self-concept, and benefits of sharing positive events. Past research on empathy was reviewed and emerging work on the neuroscience of empathy described ( Duan and Sager, 2021 ). How empathy relates to racial/ethnic diversity, multiculturalism, and social justice were future directions. Forgiveness was described in terms of the methods used and the differentiation of various antecedents, some intrapersonal (empathy, personality, attributions, and religion) and others interpersonal (closeness and conciliatory behavior) ( Tsang and Martin, 2021 ). Whether forgiveness is uniformly positive was considered.

Pawelski and Tay’s (2021) described efforts to connect PP to the humanities through new conceptual analyses and various interventions. Silvia and Kashdan (2021) examined curiosity and interest, framed as recognizing, seeking out, and preferring things outside one’s normal experience. How these tendencies matter for well-being is under study in the laboratory and everyday life. Courage, defined as facing personal risks in pursuit of worthy goals, was examined historically and via modern theory and measurement tools focused on volition, goals, and risk ( Pury et al., 2021 ). Humility, formulated as accurate and modest self-presentation and being other-oriented, showed steady progress in empirical findings from 2000 to 2015 ( Worthington et al., 2021 ).

In sum, considerable evidence reveals forward progress on important topics in PP. Even though most areas of inquiry predated PP, it is useful to bring such contributions together to convey the range and diversity of topics on adaptive human functioning. At the same time, several chapters in the collection were not current in coverage, and some had a paucity of empirical findings. All ended with future questions. An interesting question is whether these have evolved over the past 20 years, or are largely similar to where the field was back then. Before addressing problematic areas of PP science, I next examine evaluative reviews from within the PP field.

Overarching Concerns About Positive Psychology

Lomas et al. (2021) call for PP to broaden toward complexity – go beyond the individual toward analysis of groups, organizations, and broader systems as well as to embrace diverse methodologies. Better understanding of context (historical, social, cultural, and institutional) was also emphasized. Contextual approaches were illustrated with positive organizational scholarship ( Cameron et al., 2003 ), positive educational approaches in schools ( Waters et al., 2010 ), and family-centered positive psychology ( Sheridan et al., 2004 ; Henry et al., 2015 ). Lomas et al. (2021) called for greater ethical oversight of the ever-expanding cadre of PP practitioners from applied programs: “…unless practitioners are affiliated to a particular profession, they may be operating outside the advice and provisions of any set of ethical guidelines” (p. 16).

Kern et al. (2020) contrasted the rapid growth of PP with concern about exaggerated claims, inflated expectations, disillusionment, and possibly, unintentional harms. Issues of over-promising and under-delivering in programs with individuals, schools, the workplace, and communities were noted. To help the field mature, they advocated for systems informed PP, which would clarify epistemological, political, and ethical assumptions and commitments. The implications of such ideas for research and practice were examined.

van Zyl (2022) reviewed criticisms and concerns about PP, including the lack of a unifying metatheory that underpins the science as well as fundamental ideas for how positive psychological phenomena should be researched. Related criticisms were that PP has borrowed most of its theories from social, behavioral and cognitive psychology, thereby advancing few of its own unique perspectives. There is the problem of terminological confusion – e.g., using terms like flourishing or well-being interchangeably when operationalizations of them are notably different, or failing to recognize the possible overlap among putatively distinct topics, such as grit, conscientiousness, or diligence. Inconsistency in the factorial structures of various measurement models is a further problem. The fact that most PP has failed to produce significant or sustainable changes was noted, along with its cultural (Western) biases.

Taken together, I agree with most of the above assessments and further illustrate them below.

Problems in Positive Psychology Science: Flawed Conceptualization and Measurement of Well-Being

I bring my expertise in the study of psychological well-being to how some have approached this topic in PP. As noted above, I foresaw problems of measurement clutter at the dawning of PP ( Ryff, 2003 ). My prediction was prescient and needs attention, given growing interest in the measurement of well-being across scientific disciplines. A recent edited volume ( Lee et al., 2021 ) included scrutiny of multiple measurement approaches along with an animated exchange among contributors ( Ryff et al., 2021a , b ; VanderWeele et al., 2021a , b ) on the pluses and minuses of various assessment strategies. What came into high relief was concern about the proliferation of thin, poorly validated measures that are undermining quality science in the study of well-being.

Although not considered in the above volume, Seligman and his collaborators have contributed to this problem. I offer two examples of the promulgation of poorly constructed and poorly validated measures of well-being that are at odds with claims that PP rests on rigorous science. A first study ( Seligman et al., 2005 ) sought to validate five different interventions (gratitude visit, three good things, you at your best, using signature strengths in a new way, and identifying signature strengths). Internet-based samples were recruited through the authentic happiness website 2 ; most participants were white and highly educated.

All completed baseline assessments and five follow-up assessments over a 6-month period after completion of the intervention assignment. As a general observation, the findings were overstated – most comparisons between the control group and intervention groups were not significantly different across time, nor was there coherence in when such effects were evident. There was also insufficient attention given to pre–post comparisons, which are central for demonstrating intervention effectiveness. My primary focus, however, is on the outcomes assessed – specifically, the measure of happiness.

Described as “scientifically unwieldy” (p. 413) happiness was “dissolved” into three distinct components: “(a) positive emotion and pleasure (the pleasant life), (b) engagement (the engaged life), and (c) meaning (the meaningful life).” I note the redundancy in defining each component. The source for this tripartite formulation was Seligman’s (2002) trade book, Authentic Happiness , which was operationalized with the Steen Happiness Index (SHI), an unpublished 20-item inventory. No evidence was provided that the inventory measures three distinct components of well-being, nor is it likely such evidence could be assembled. Many items lack face validity – i.e., they pertained to other constructs, such as optimism, positive self-regard, frustration, energy, social connection, making good choices. Adding to the befuddlement was this statement: “We continue to use the word happiness, but only in the atheoretical sense of labeling the overall aim of the positive psychology endeavor and referring jointly to positive emotion, engagement, and meaning” (p. 413). All analyses focused the atheoretical construct of happiness – i.e., the component parts were nowhere to be seen.

Next came PERMA, defined by Seligman (2011) in Flourish , another popular book. Added to the prior components of positive emotion, engagement, and meaning, were now two additional components: relationships and accomplishment. Again, none were explicitly defined, nor was the pronouncement about what happiness entails theoretically grounded in anything , nor was it linked with the extensive prior empirical literatures on subjective and psychological well-being as well as research on positive emotions (exemplified by the diverse MIDUS measures). Such obliviousness to what the field had been investigating for decades made inevitable that there would be redundancy with already validated approaches and assessment tools. Such duplication became a certainty given how PERMA was operationalized – namely, by taking items from prior instruments ( Butler, 2011 ). These were transformed into the PERMA-Profiler ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ) via multiple studies (none clearly defined) involving a large samples recruited mostly through online systems; most participants were well-educated.

Missing from the reported analyses were key preliminaries required to develop quality assessments. For example, of central importance was whether the item pools for the five components were empirically distinct (i.e., did each item correlate more highly with its own scale than another scale?). In subsequent tests of convergent validity with other measures, a further problem, not addressed, was the degree of item-overlap (redundancy), given that all PERMA items came from prior instruments. Additional analyses correlated PERMA scales with 20+ measures. For many (e.g., organizational practices, political orientation, work performance, social capital, burnout, values, self-efficacy, perceived stress, and gratitude), the relevance of these analyses was unclear.

Subsequent work showed that PERMA and subjective well-being are indistinguishable ( Goodman et al., 2018 ). Seligman (2018) responded by calling for the need to “transcend psychometrics,” accompanied by an exegesis on the psychometrics of baseball pitching. Also offered was the observation that “SWB probably is the useful final common path of the elements of well-being” (p. 1) – presumably an effort to deflect evidence away from the clear empirical redundancy of PERMA with subjective well-being. Most incoherent was the following: “All of this is to say that a good theory of the elements of well-being helps to build well-being and that the psychometric findings that the elements correlate perfectly with overall well-being and that the elements correlate very well with each other is not very instructive when it comes to building well-being” (p. 2).

Other findings have shown questionable support for the putative five-factor structure of PERMA ( Watanabe et al., 2018 ; Ryan et al., 2019 ; Umucu et al., 2020 ). Data from German speaking countries Wammerl et al. (2019) supported for the five-factor model but also bifactor models ( Reise, 2012 ). My observation is that these latter methodological studies examining various multivariate structures are largely disconnected from substantive issues of what well-being is, or critical questions needed to advance the field. Those are not about dimensional structures of recycled items, but about the antecedents and consequents well-being, whether well-being is protective in the face of adversity, and whether interventions can promote well-being. On all of these questions, the above two efforts to articulate a meaningful, conceptually grounded theory of happiness that works empirically (i.e., the data support the claimed multifactorial structure) AND that is distinct from what was already in the field, have failed.

Problems in Positive Psychology Science: Samples and Contexts

A second major problem in PP research, already illustrated in preceding sections, is the overwhelming reliance on homogeneous, privileged samples . This lack of diversity pervades subfields of psychology that have tended to conduct their research with readily available college students or community volunteers. Others call this the WEIRD phenomenon ( Henrich et al., 2010 ) – doing research with western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic societies. Minorities and socioeconomically disadvantaged individuals are missing in such inquiries, although population research makes clear that well-being and health are linked with sociodemographic factors ( Ryff et al., 2021c ). Our review, which included findings from MIDUS and other large studies, made clear that numerous aspects of well-being (hedonic and eudaimonic) do, in fact, differ by age, socioeconomic status, race, and gender. These differences also predict diverse health outcomes, assessed in terms of symptoms, chronic conditions, biological risk factors, and mortality. Thanks to the MIDJA (Midlife in Japan) study, we have illuminated cultural differences in many of these same topics ( Miyamoto and Ryff, 2021 ).

Closer to PP, I note that Frontiers in Psychology issued a recent call for papers to address with PPI (positive psychology interventions) work in non-WEIRD contexts ( van Zyl et al., 2021 ). Their bibliographic analyses showed that only about 2% of PPIs to date have been conducted with vulnerable groups, or in multi-cultural contexts. Clearly, a major need going forward is the importance of reducing the bias toward Western (often United States) samples of privileged people whose lives are clearly not representative of those from other cultural contexts as well as focusing on disadvantaged groups within such contexts.

The Commercialization of Positive Psychology: Needed Oversight

It is without question that PP has become a big business ( Horowitz, 2018 ). Happiness promotion involves billions of dollars spent on popular books, workshops, counseling/coaching, apps, websites, and social media platforms. PP has entered the corporate world through happiness consulting companies that claim to “bridge the gap between cutting-edge research in the field of positive psychology and best practices within corporate and community cultures around the globe” (p. 244). Horowitz wryly observes that few promoting happiness as the route to success consider the alternative – i.e., that success leads to happiness. There is also a marked failure to address the needs of lower echelon workers, such as better wages and benefits. Instead, motivational speakers cheer on executives, managers and workers with messages consonant with positive psychology and neoliberalism. Via apps and other gadgets happiness has become a “measurable, visible, improvable entity” (p. 246), thus replacing global commitments to combat stress, misery, and illness was with relaxation, happiness, and wellness.

I will not detail the dizzying array of websites promoting happiness, flourishing, and positive psychology; they are easily found online. Instead, I ask whether the for-profit cart has gotten seriously ahead of the scientific horse. This is a matter the scientific community cannot afford to ignore because it addresses whether the evidential basis behind the proliferation of products is truly there, or has been glossed over in the frenzy to sell. Prior to the commercialization of PP, scientists had shared understanding of what is required to demonstrate intervention effectiveness, as in randomized clinical trials, a staple of the National Institutes of Health. These guidelines exist to protect the public from products that are not credible. That the advertised promise of happiness promotion may be overstated is intimated by the “Earnings Disclaimer and Statement of Individual Responsibility” from the Flourishing Center 3 . It states that “the Flourishing Center, Inc. makes no guarantees that you will achieve results similar to ours or anyone else’s.” Additional text in this format follows: YOU FULLY AGREE AND UNDERSTAND THAT YOU AND YOU ALONE ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR YOUR SUCCESS OR FAILURE. NO REFUNDS ARE AVAILABLE UNLESS STATED OTHERWISE ON A PROGRAM’S SALES PAGE.

Closer to the heart of PP, we need to ask what it means when character strengths are being sold, when virtue has become a commodity, and when PP scientists have shopping carts on their websites. There is also the matter of pricing. Horowitz (2018) describes some who are receiving $25,000 speaker fees – are these defensible in academia? Many believe we have a responsibility to share our knowledge and expertise, but not to do so in pursuit of personal profit. Scrutiny also is required regarding the content of educational programs. Here I focus on the flagship program that is presumably leading the field – namely, the Master’s in Applied Positive Psychology (MAPP) at the University of Pennsylvania, described with no shortage of hubris, as Medici II ( Seligman, 2019 ). MAPP offers two semesters (nine courses) and a summer capstone project for a price of over $70,000. The curriculum is thinly described on the website, but if students are being taught that the theory, history, and meanings of PP (Introduction to Positive Psychology) began with Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) and other foundational documents ( Pawelski, 2016 ), they are not getting what they paid for. Further, if PERMA is being taught as a credible tool for measuring well-being (Research Methods and Evaluation), they are being miseducated. The theoretical, empirical, and experiential nature of positive interventions (Foundations of Positive Interventions) are not detailed on the website, but if Seligman et al. (2005) , reviewed above, is presented as credible evidence that PP interventions work, they are being misled.

Amidst these questions, it is important to underscore that high quality teaching materials for such programs do exist, such as the recent book on Positive Psychology Through the Life Span: An Existential Perspective ( Worth, 2022 ) and another on Positive Psychology in the Clinical Domains ( Ruini, 2017 ). Both offer thoughtful, historically comprehensive perspectives in their respective domains, which are essential features of quality education in PP.

The larger issue is the quality of what PP is marketing, not just in master’s programs, but also certificate programs and short-term seminars. Horowitz (2018) notes those who have expressed concerns about ethical oversight, calling for standardized nomenclature, formal training and certification guidelines, given uneven credentialing among those doing this work. Central concerns are whether the teaching in some programs is superficial and short-term practices lack scientific evidence of effectiveness. Stated otherwise, the commercialized end of PP appears to be fundamentally unregulated. “Despite all the research carried out in the field, what remains too often neglected are the who, why, and with what results ordinary consumers gain from all the money and time they spend on pursuing positive psychology by reading books, attending workshops, and carrying out recommended exercises.” (Horowitz, p. 274).

Looking Forward: Suggested New Directions for Positive Psychology

Societal ills as research imperatives.

Two major challenges of our era, ever-widening inequality and the world-wide pandemic, need scientific attention. Together, they constitute intersecting catastrophes ( Ryff, forthcoming ). Among those who were already disadvantaged, the pandemic has aggravated difficulties many were already facing plus added new challenges (unemployment, loss of healthcare, evictions due to unpaid rent, and food lines/hunger). MIDUS has been a prominent forum for investigating health inequalities, given its rich psychosocial, behavioral, and biological assessments ( Kirsch et al., 2019 ). Our findings have linked lower education and incomes to compromised well-being, greater psychological distress, poorer health behavior, higher stress exposures, elevated biological risk factors, greater morbidity and earlier mortality (see Text Footnote 1). A unique feature of the study has been recruitment of two national samples situated on either side of the Great Recession. Over the period covered by these two samples, educational attainment in the United States improved.

Despite such educational gains, the post-Recession refresher sample reported less household income (after adjusting for inflation), lower financial stability, worse health (multiple indicators) and lower well-being (multiple indicators) than the pre-Recession baseline sample. Further work compared the two samples on measures of negative and positive emotions, showing more compromised mental health in the later refresher sample, particularly among those with lower socioeconomic standing (measured with a composite of education, occupation, income, and wealth) ( Goldman et al., 2018 ). This worsening of mental health among disadvantaged Americans has occurred in the context of the opioid epidemic, growing alcoholism and increased death rates, including suicide, among middle-aged white persons of low SES standing ( Case and Deaton, 2015 ; Kolodny et al., 2015 ; Grant et al., 2017 ; Schuchat et al., 2017 ), a phenomenon known as deaths of despair ( Case and Deaton, 2020 ).

Positive psychologists need to engage with these societal changes. I note promising work already underway ( Waters et al., 2021 ). Although human strengths constitute important protective resources in the face of adversity, it is also the case that significant challenge can sometimes disable pre-existing strengths ( Shanahan et al., 2014 ). We found evidence of such disablement among those exposed to high levels of hardship in the Great Recession ( Kirsch and Ryff, 2016 ). Going forward, it is critical that studies of psychological strengths in the face of pandemic stress include assessment of key sociodemographic variables such as socioeconomic status in national samples. Vazquez et al. (2020) illustrated such work in a representative sample of Spanish adults. It is critical that future PP contributions to understanding impacts of the pandemic not perpetuate the longstanding prior focus on privileged, homogeneous samples.

Neglected Negatives Behind the Current Societal Problems

The founders of PP advocated that psychology should encompass more than psychopathology (depression and anxiety) and other forms of dysfunction. Hence, the call to elevate positive aspects of human functioning. I observe that psychology as a discipline has neglected something else: namely, a category of negative characteristics that may be implicated in the societal problems we now face. These include greed, indifference, and stupidity ( Ryff, 2017 , 2021a ), along with anger, which is not inherently positive or negative. I cover these topics below because they reveal a possibly pernicious blind spot in the larger vision of PP: namely, that the well-being and positive human functioning of some (especially those who are disadvantaged) may be compromised by the priorities and actions of others (especially those who are advantaged). To the extent that PP ministers primarily to the better educated and economically comfortable in conveying how to get the most out of life and achieve personal potential, PP may, itself, be part of the problem.

To illustrate, I note the widespread marketing of mindfulness meditation, including to CEOs as described by Horowitz (2018) in Happier? Purser (2019) offers more, observing that “mindfulness programs do not ask executives to examine how their managerial decisions and corporate policies have institutionalized greed, ill will, and delusion. Instead, the practice is being sold to executives as a way to de-stress, improve productivity and focus, and bounce back from working 80-h weeks. They may well be ‘meditating,’ but it works like taking an aspirin for a headache. Once the pain goes away, it is business as usual. Even if individuals become nicer people, the corporate agenda of maximizing profits does not change.”

Following from the above quote, we must consider that among the malevolent forces contributing to ever-widening inequality are behaviors of excessive self-interest orchestrated by those in positions of power. These problems are empirically evident when corporate profits soar, but worker paychecks lag ( Cohen, 2018 ), a problem described by economists as “monopsony power” – the ability of employers to suppress wages below the efficient or perfectly competitive level of compensation ( Kruger and Posner, 2018 ). Human history shows longstanding concern about problems of greed. The ancient Greeks saw greed and injustice as violating virtues of fairness and equality, and thereby, contributing to civic strife ( Balot, 2001 ). Dante’s Divine Comedy ( Dante’s, 1308/2006 ) placed sins of greed and gluttony, along with fraud and dishonesty, in his nine circles of hell. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations ( Smith’s, 1776/1981 ) made the case for self-interest and capitalism, but recognized the problem of greed, framed as the limitless appetites of the vain and insatiable.

Some within psychology are addressing what lies behind the worship of money and selfish wealth gratification, sometimes orchestrated through fraudulent tactics ( Nikelly, 2006 ). Motivational psychologists have studied “the dark side of the American Dream” ( Kasser and Ryan, 1993 ), showing that those motivated by primarily extrinsic factors (financial success) have lower well-being and adjustment compared to those motivated by less materialistic values. Social psychologists have shown that those with higher social class standing have increased sense entitlement and narcissism compared to those from lower class backgrounds; those in the upper-class are also more likely to behave unethically than those in the lower-class ( Piff et al., 2012 ; Piff, 2013 ). A large study of United States students examined what lies behind the widespread acceptance of inequality ( Mendelberg et al., 2017 ) by asking them to indicate their agreement or disagreement with the statement: “Wealthy people should pay a larger share of taxes than they do now.” The main finding was that students from affluent colleges (defined by family SES background) were more likely than those from public or less affluent colleges and universities to disagree with the statement – i.e., the most privileged were also the most strongly opposed to having the wealthy pay more taxes. In addition, such tendencies were most pronounced among those who were active in college fraternities and sororities.

The seamy underside of philanthropy, usually thought of as elites doing good in the world, is also under scrutiny ( Giridharadas, 2018 ). The Sackler family, well-known for their philanthropy in art museums around the world, offers a singular example. They owned Purdue Pharma, which created oxycontin, the highly addictive opioid painkiller that was aggressively marketed, thereby leading to massive over-prescribing. To date, more than 500,000 have died from overdose deaths. A 2021 HBO documentary, Crime of the Century , revealed the widespread individual actions behind this public health tragedy – within drug companies, political operatives, and government regulators, all of whom backed the reckless distribution of this deadly, but highly profitable, drug.

Some might argue that the above examples are isolated actions of those of extreme wealth and do not represent most of the rest of us. Stewart’s (2021) recent look at the new American aristocracy suggests otherwise. With a solid evidential basis, he shows that a much larger segment of the population is involved in warping our culture – i.e., how those laser-focused on career success are relying on an underpaid servant class to fuel their forward progress, while also making personal fitness a national obsession, even as large segments of the population lose healthcare and grow sicker. The privileged also segregate themselves in exclusive neighborhoods and compete relentlessly in getting their children into elite schools, which has contributed to ever-more extreme costs of higher education. Perhaps most troubling is the ethos of merit they have created to justify their advantages. Stewart powerfully distils that these people are not just around us, they are us.

Indifference

On this topic I have little to say other than to quote Elie Wiesel, Nobel Prize winning author and Holocaust survivor: “I believe that a person who is indifferent to the suffering of others is complicit in the crime. And that I cannot allow, at least not for myself. The opposite of love is not hate, it’s indifference.” In the present era, such indifference to the widespread suffering of others must be studied and documented. It is a character weakness that psychologists should try to understand – where does it come from? How is it enacted? What are its consequents?

Marmion’s (2018) tongue-in-cheek edited collection on the Psychology of Stupidity warrants consideration, given psychology’s long preoccupation with studying intelligence (of multiple types) and cognitive capacities (also of multiple types). The book offers a taxonomy of morons and links stupidity with established topics (cognitive bias, narcissism, and negative social networks). Wisely, Marion asserts: “No matter what form it takes, stupidity splatters us all. Rumor has it that we ourselves are the source of it. I am no exception” (p. ix). The kind of stupidity that most interests me and needs critical study is the swallowing of lies, or being duped by others. Lies are perpetrated by people in high or low places, but the essential question is why they have impact – why they are believed. Some in the clinical realm have examined such questions, focusing on those who lie with impunity, sometimes revealing clear sociopathy ( Peck, 1983 ; Stout, 2006 ). We need more science about these assaults on the truth and why they have become such pervasive part of contemporary life. My hypothesis is that all levels of human experience (personal ties, the workplace, communities, and societies) are damaged by the swallowing of lies, whether knowingly or unknowingly.

Often depicted as toxic, anger is sometimes legitimate as Aristotle understood. He reminded that at the right time, to the right degree, and for the right reasons, anger can be a powerful and needed response. Indeed, its neural underpinnings look more like positive affect than depression or anxiety ( Harmon-Jones et al., 2011 ). Anger may be uniquely justified vis-à-vis profoundly unequal life opportunities. Mishra’s Age of Anger ( Mishra’s, 2017 ), offers an astonishing integration of history, philosophy, literature, politics, economics, and cultural studies on the topic. He begins with this: “Individuals with very different pasts find themselves herded by capitalism and technology into a common present, where grossly unequal distributions of wealth and power have created humiliating new hierarchies. This proximity is rendered more claustrophobic by digital communications and the improved capacity for envious and resentful comparison” (p. 13). Drawing on Arendt, Mishra describes existential resentments that are poisoning civil society and fueling authoritarianism.

Most powerful is Mishra’s portrayal of the distinct philosophies of Rousseau and Voltaire, eighteenth century interpreters of life. Voltaire praised material prosperity and consumerism, boldly professing his love of conspicuous consumption. Rousseau reminded that the ancients spoke incessantly about morals and virtue whereas the French philosophes spoke only of business and money. He saw the new commercial society as acquiring features of class division, inequality, and callous elites whose members were corrupt, hypocritical and cruel. According to Mishra: “What makes Rousseau, and his self-described ‘history of the human heart,’ so astonishingly germane and eerily resonant is that, unlike his fellow eighteen-century writers, he described the quintessential inner experience of modernity for most people: the uprooted outsider in the commercial metropolis, aspiring for a place in it, and struggling with complex feelings of envy, fascination, revulsion, and rejection” (p. 90). Although Rousseau’s books were best sellers in his era, they are rarely invoked in current discourse. He castigated the Enlightenment philosophes for their self-love and self-interest, writing that amour propre ( McLendon, 2009 ) was a dangerous craving to secure recognition for self over others and an insatiable ambition to raise personal fortunes. These observations need serious examination vis-à-vis the thriving business of PP – to what extent are self-interest and personal ambition the central motives behind what is being sold?

Returning to empirical science, I note that MIDUS includes multidimensional assessments of anger, from over 20 publications have been generated (see Text Footnote 1). Anger expression has been linked to multiple indicators of health (sleep, cognitive function, inflammation, and allostatic load) as well as to race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, early life adversity, and cultural context.

What Nurtures Our Better Selves: The Arts and Humanities

To those who find my views to be overly negative, I end this section with more hopeful topics. I note that my career journey has reflected this dual focus on the forces that both undermine as well as nurture positive psychological functioning ( Ryff, 2022 ). As stated at the outset and multiple times long the way, I have always believed both are fundamental parts of the human experience. I begin this part with distant observations from Matthew Arnold, who in Culture and Anarchy ( Arnold, 1867/1993 ), emphasized that freedom should be employed in the service of higher ideals and further noted that these ideals are critically important during times of great peril, such as pandemics and wars. For him, culture was the study of perfection tied to the moral and social passion for doing good.

I have long believed that the arts (broadly defined) and humanities (history and philosophy) can help us discern how to do good and be well ( Ryff, 2019 ). Growing research is now linking diverse art (music, literature, poetry, art, film, and dance) to health ( Fancourt, 2017 ; Fancourt and Finn, 2019 ). To maintain a thread to current societal challenges, I here consider the arts in a somewhat different way – namely, whether they might be venues for nurturing compassion and insight about human suffering, which has become so widespread. Starting with contemporary film, multiple examples (e.g., The Florida Project, American Honey, Paterson, Parasite , and Nomadland ) reveal the lived experience of inequality, including descending into prostitution to feed a child, growing up with addicted parents, having dreams of self-realization stymied, experiencing homelessness, and working in physically-difficult, mind-numbing jobs. These works also portray the poetry in disadvantaged lives, including cleverness and resourcefulness vis-à-vis insensitive elites. The relevance of these domains for contemporary science, largely unstudied, is whether such inputs increase quotients of caring and compassion, and possibly challenge the complacency and indifference among those who are not suffering. Such questions elevate themes of social justice in ongoing research on well-being and health, while pointing to the arts as possible venues for informing and mobilizing individual and societal action.

The visual arts may also powerfully activate compassion vis-à-vis the pandemic or contemporary conflicts. The self-portrait of the Austrian artist, Egon Schiele, painted in 1912 and looking gravely ill before his death at age 28 from the Spanish flu, which also took his wife and their unborn child, is an example. Kandinsky painted Troubled in 1917, an abstract work of turbulence and trauma created during the Russian revolution when he was lived in Moscow and had a child die of malnourishment. A last visual example comes from over 1,000 watercolors painted from 1940 to 1942 and brought together in Charlotte Salomon: Life? Or Theater? ( Salomon, 2017 ). Born in 1917, this woman experienced multiple suicides in her family during her brief lifetime. She was a student at the Berlin Fine Arts Academy and in 1938 fled to southern France where an intense period of creativity unfolded. Next to a series of paintings depicting multiple faces with dramatic eyes and sad countenances, she wrote: “I realized that no heaven, no sun, no star could help me if I did not contribute by my own will. And then I realized that actually I still had no idea who I was. I was a corpse. And I expected life to love me now. I waited and came to the realization: what matters is not whether life loves us, but that we love life.” This insight about loving life had tragic salience: she was transported to Auschwitz in 1943 where, at age 26 and 5 months pregnant, she died.

Literature is another powerful realm for revealing travesties of the human condition. In A Tale of Two Cities ( Dickens, 1859/2004 ), Charles Dickens brought horrors of the French Revolution to the hearts and minds of his readers. We learned of the awful lives of those imprisoned within the Bastille, and after it was stormed, the executions by guillotine at the Place de La Concorde in Paris. The bloodbath of class retribution took more than 1,200 lives, including the French Queen and King. Here is how Dickens described the context: “…the frightful moral disorder born of unspeakable suffering, intolerable oppression, and heartless indifference” (p. 344). At the core of the book is Madame DeFarge, the tigress quietly knitting, observing, and overseeing the acts of vengeance. Near the end, we have insight into her fury, learning that her younger sister was the victim of shameless male aristocrats who carelessly exploited her and destroyed her life and family.

Two contemporary books of fiction address the current migration crisis. Mohsin Hamid’s Exit West ( Hamid’s, 2017 ) describes the awful realities of refugees whose lives have been stolen out from under them, only to be subjected to endless trauma as they try to find another home. Another recent work, Call Me Zebra ( Van der Vliet Oloomi, 2018 ), winner of the 2019 PEN/Faulkner award for fiction, tracks a family escaping from Iran by foot. The mother dies along the way, but the father and daughter eventually make their way to New York. The family is a group of anarchists, atheists, and autodidacts who took refuge in books; their distilled philosophy: “Love nothing except literature, the only magnanimous host there is in this decaying world…. The depth of our knowledge, the precision of our tongues, and our capacity for detecting lies is unparalleled” (p. 8). Memorization is key; thus, sprinkled throughout the book are quotes from Nietzsche, Omar Khayyam, Dante, Goethe, Rilke, Kafka, Cervantes, Garcia Lorca, Dali, and Picasso – “These writers’ sentences deposited me at the edge of the unknown, far from the repulsive banality of reality others refer to as life” (p. 205).

I conclude with examples of satire vis-à-vis experiences of oppression and want. Jonathan Swift’s, A Modest Proposal , written in Swift’s (1729) , was put forth with the stated intent of preventing the children of the poor people in Ireland from being a burden to their parents or the country, as well as to make them beneficial to the wider public. Swift began by describing female beggars in Dublin followed by their many children, all in rags, importuning every passing person for alms. He elaborated on the numerical scope of the problem and then observes that these young children cannot be fruitfully employed until they are around age twelve. Swift thus suggests that these children, if well nursed for their first year, be sent to England to provide “a most delicious nourishing and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee, or a ragout” (p. 3). Calculations were included to show the financial benefits that would follow. This satirical hyperbole mocked the heartless attitudes toward the poor among the British as well as their policies toward the Irish in general. The book is widely recognized as one of the greatest examples of sustained irony in the history of the English language.

Moving to the present, Paul Beatty’s The Sellout ( Beatty’s, 2015 ) won the Man Booker Prize and was praised as “Swiftian satire of the highest order.” The book covers race relations in the fictional township of Dickens (meaningfully named), California, a place where residents are left to fend for themselves. With masterful humor, Beatty parodies everything – from contemporary psychology to “slapstick racism” to public transportation to depict the obstacles of being poor and black in racist America. Sister cities for Dickens are identified: Chernobyl, Juárez, and Kinshasa – all known for their pollution, poverty, and dysfunction. The satire and razor-sharp wit reveal what it means to exist in a culture saturated with negative stereotypes.

To summarize, I have emphasized the role of the arts in awakening the wider public to human suffering. Central questions for science and praxis are whether these inputs can effectively increase needed supplies of compassion and empathy, while perhaps also provoke awareness of complacency among those who are comfortable, if not indifferent. Such topics can and should be studied, including in experimental and educational contexts. The National Endowment for the Humanities regularly tracks who partakes of the arts and further shows variation therein by educational status. Such practices are fundamentally not different from studying health behaviors (smoking, drinking, and exercise). These parts of living, focused on the content of what people are taking in, need to part of large epidemiological studies, where they could be linked with other important topics such as reported levels of social responsibility and caring ( Ryff and Kim, 2020 ) as well as their views about who should be taxed at what levels ( Mendelberg et al., 2017 ).

What Nurtures Human Flourishing: The Natural Environment

Nature is powerfully present in the visual arts and music as well and has been throughout human history. I have recently covered these topics elsewhere, including nature’s role in nurturing the human spirit ( Ryff, 2021b ) and here highlight some of that work. My overall messages are that those interested in understanding influences that nurture good lives as well as a concern for our planet need to bring encounters with nature into their scientific studies, including interventions designed to promote diverse aspects of well-being and health.

Vibrant research is now investigating how nature contributes to human flourishing ( Capaldi et al., 2015 ; Mantler and Logan, 2015 ). These ideas take on greater salience as more of the world’s population live in nature-impoverished urban milieus. Multiple theories have been invoked to explain how we benefit from nature, such as the biophilia hypothesis from evolutionary thinking, which suggests that our human ancestors depended on connecting with nature to survive ( Kellert and Wilson, 1993 ), or stress-reduction theory ( Ulrich et al., 1991 ), which proposes that past exposures to unthreatening natural environments contributed to survival via stress-reducing physiological responses. Other perspectives consider roles of the natural environment in addressing existential anxieties, such as meaning in life, isolation, freedom, and death ( Yalom, 1980 ). Eco-existential positive psychology ( Passmore and Howell, 2014 ) thus describe how restorative experiences with nature might contribute to sense of identity, multiple forms of happiness, meaning, social connectedness, freedom, and awareness of one’s mortality.

Empirical evidence has linked encounters with nature to high hedonic well-being, both short and long-term, and to aspects of eudaimonic well-being ( Capaldi et al., 2015 ; Mantler and Logan, 2015 ; Triguero-Mas et al., 2015 ). Some inquiries have examined intervening mechanisms, such as increased physical activity, increased social contact, stress reduction and restoration of cognitive attention. The focus on green spaces underscores growing concerns about urbanization, loss of biodiversity, and environmental degradation. Increasingly dire consequences of climate change (droughts, wildfires, and floods) have also led to research on pro-nature behaviors that support conservation of nature and biodiversity. Richardson et al. (2020) conducted an innovative population survey in the United Kingdom examining links between pro-nature actions with time spent in nature as well as knowledge of and concerns about nature.

Nature as a source of inspiration and uplift is pervasively present in poetry, literature, music, art, history, and philosophy. An example is the life of Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), beautifully written about in The Invention of Nature ( Wulf, 2016 ). Primarily a scientist, naturalist, and explorer (of South America and Siberia), Humboldt influenced many of the great thinkers of his day, including Jefferson, Darwin, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Thoreau, and Goethe. Humboldt was ahead of his time in thinking about the degradation and exploitation of nature, warning that humankind had the power to destroy the natural environment, the consequences of which would be catastrophic. He wanted to excite a ‘love of nature’ and thereby, revolutionized how the natural world was seen. He believed that nature speaks to humanity in a voice “familiar to our soul” (p. 61), thereby aligning himself with the Romantic poets of his time who believed nature could only be understood by turning inward.

The educator Mark Edmundson uses great literature and poetry to nurture well-being, including the ideals needed by the human soul such as courage, contemplation, and compassion ( Edmundson, 2015 ). In Why Read ( Edmundson, 2004 ). Edmundson elaborates what a liberal, humanistic education can contribute to personal becoming. Apropos of Humboldt and his contemporaries, Edmondson examined Wordsworth’s famous poem, “Lines Composed a Few Miles from Tintern Abbey” written in 1798. Wordsworth’s life had become flat – “he lived in a din-filled city, among unfeeling people, and sensed that he is becoming one of them …there is a dull ache settling in his spirit” (p. 57). Returning to a scene from his childhood, he remembered himself as a young boy, free and reveling in nature. The return to nature, which is the heart of the poem, reminds him of its role in nurturing his own vitality. “Wordsworth’s poem enjoins us to feel that it (the answer to one’s despondency) lies somewhere within our reach – we are creatures who have the capacity to make ourselves sick, but also the power to heal ourselves” (p. 49).

Wordsworth’s poetry served the same vital function in the life of John Stuart Mill (1893/1989) , who in early adulthood realized something deeply troubling – that he lacked the happiness central to the utilitarian philosophy in which he was immersed. Reflecting on his life, Mill described an early educational experience that was exceptional, but profoundly deficient. His father began teaching him Greek and Latin at a young age and then expanded the pedagogy to fields of philosophy, science, and mathematics. However, his father was deeply opposed to anything connected to sentiment or emotion. To escape the logic machine he had become, Mill began a quest to feel, and it was the poetry of Wordsworth, mostly about nature, that ministered deeply to the longings in his soul. He credited it for helping him recover from the crisis in his mental history.

To summarize, amidst the many interventions under study in PP, I lobby for a focus on encounters with nature, which some are already investigating. The preceding examples give us reason to believe that human lives may be enriched by such experiences. These can occur by being in nature as well as from reading about nature in poetry and literature, taking it in through film, or listening to music inspired by nature.

Concluding Thoughts

My observations about what PP has accomplished over the last two decades are clearly mixed. Some may see the criticism as unfounded, if not mean-spirited, while others may view the input as long overdue straight talk about problems with an initiative intended to be transformational. I have long believed that self-criticism is central to making progress, whether in our individual lives, or our collective pursuits. My hope is thus that the field of PP will grow and flourish going forward, but also come to grips with its limitations. How might this happen?

One way is to pay attention to the problem of overreach in what PP claims to have accomplished. This will require greater scrutiny of the science touted as the evidential basis that PP works. Peer review is all we have to monitor the quality of the work that we do, but alas, it is an imperfect system, such that seriously flawed work sometimes gets published, even in high visibility outlets. There is the related problem of PP taking credit for more than it can credibly call its own achievements – i.e., the impact of PP ( Rusk and Waters, 2013 ) has been overstated. As conveyed at the outset, extensive science on positive human functioning was happening well before PP declared its visionary new path. The upshot is that quantitative summaries of positive science unavoidably include many products that have nothing to do with the field of PP. Work from MIDUS is but one example of such wide-ranging science, much published in top-tier journals, showing protective benefits of psychological strengths. These studies were not created or nurtured by PP, and therefore, do not constitute evidence of its impact. Such distortion diminishes the stature of PP.

Relatedly there is need to recognize the insularity of PP, much seeming United States-centric, particularly in leadership. By creating its own professional society and journal, PP unfortunately removed itself from the wider discipline of psychology and its subfields, each with their own organizations and journals. While new groups can nurture comradery and a sense of identity, they can also create distance from related areas of inquiry. Most problematic, they can lead to insider peer reviewing that likely lowers rather than elevates the quality of the work generated.

On the matter of the commercialization of PP, I am perhaps an outlier in seeing this as a significant problem. However, it is construed, those who care about the long-term future of PP need to grapple with how to prevent the pursuit of profit from becoming a force that could ultimately take the enterprise down – on grounds that it is not scientifically substantiated, nor is it properly regulated, or doing lasting good, or is even creating harm. Without proper oversight, business pursuits could become the antithesis of the original promise and purpose of PP – to advance optimal human functioning.

Most of my essay has not been about these troublesome matters. Rather, I have tried to underscore the widespread consensus, from within PP and beyond, that thoughtful formulations are needed going forward, which put positives and negative together – i.e., research and practice that integrates human strengths and vulnerabilities. Parenthetically, one benefit of this shift may be that the adjective “positive” is less relentlessly present in titles of articles, books, and journals. As many have observed, greater attention must be given to diversity – i.e., how the wide array of topics being studied vary by numerous dimensions (e.g., age, gender, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, disability status, sexual orientation, and cultural context). It is also critical that societal relevance be a priority in the future science and practice that lies ahead. So doing demands attending to contemporary problems, and how they are negotiated in diverse life contexts. Our societal ills further call for study of negatives that have historically been neglected (greed, indifference, stupidity, and anger). Nonetheless, amidst the contemporary turbulence is the promise of the arts and of nature to help us be better – in seeing and caring about the suffering of others as well as in inspiring us to make the most of the lives we have been given and do so with commitment that encompasses families, schools, the workplace, communities, and the planet.

Data Availability Statement

Author contributions.

The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

1 www.midus.wisc.edu

2 www.authentichappiness.org

3 www.theflourishingcenter.com

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The top 10 journal articles from 2023 examined the effects of social media, CBT for substance use, and the psychology of gig work

APA’s 89 journals published more than 5,500 articles in 2023. Here are the top 10 most read

Vol. 55 No. 1 Print version: page 22

1. Looking through a filtered lens: Negative social comparison on social media and suicidal ideation among young adults.

Spitzer, E. G., et al.

Young adults who engage in comparisons to others on social media and thus feel bad about themselves are more likely to think about suicide, this research in Psychology of Popular Media (Vol. 12, No. 1) suggests. Researchers surveyed 456 college students about their frequency of social media use and used scales to assess participants’ tendency to engage in negative social comparison on Instagram and Facebook, suicidal ideation, and thwarted belongingness (i.e., feeling as if lacking connections or meaningful relationships with others). Results indicated that participants who engaged in negative social comparisons were more likely to report suicidal ideation than those who did not. Specifically, on Instagram, those who negatively compared themselves to others the most also showed the highest levels of association between thwarted belongingness and suicidal ideation. These findings suggest the need for limits on social media use and education around its mental health effects. DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000380

2. Self-compassion and women’s experience of social media content portraying body positivity and appearance ideals.

Rutter, H., et al.

The type of social media content women view can affect their self-compassion—how kind to themselves and accepting of their flaws they are—suggests this study in Psychology of Popular Media (advance online publication). In two experiments, a total of 247 women viewed content consistent with appearance ideals (fitspiration body photos; faces with makeup), appearance-neutral content (landscapes), or body-positive content (body-positive body photos, body-positive quotes, faces without makeup). In both experiments, women who viewed content consistent with appearance ideals reported a state of worse self-compassion and worse thoughts about themselves than those who viewed body-positive or appearance-neutral content. Women who already had daily low self-compassion or high disordered-eating symptoms were the most affected by viewing content consistent with appearance ideals. On the contrary, viewing body-positive content increased the state of self-compassion relative to viewing appearance-neutral content. DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000453

3. Reducing social media use improves appearance and weight esteem in youth with emotional distress.

Thai, H., et al.

Reducing smartphone social media use to 1 hour per day might improve body image and weight esteem in youth with emotional distress who are heavy social media users, this study in Psychology of Popular Media (advance online publication) suggests. The researchers randomly assigned 220 participants (ages 17 to 25 who used social media at least 2 hours per day) to either a 4-week intervention in which they limited their social media use to 1 hour per day or to a control condition with unrestricted access to social media. After the 4-week intervention, the group with restricted social media use felt better about their appearance and weight relative to before the intervention, whereas the other group showed no changes. Thus, reducing smartphone social media use appears to be a good method to improve how youths feel about their appearance and weight and could become a component in the prevention and treatment of body image-related disturbances. DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000460

4. Interventions to reduce the negative impact of online highly visual social networking site use on mental health outcomes: A scoping review.

Herriman, Z., et al.

In this review, published in Psychology of Popular Media (advance online publication), researchers identified 39 studies published between 2011 and 2022 that examined how interventions designed to reduce the negative impact of online highly visual social networking site (e.g., Facebook, Instagram) use impact mental health. Most of the studies were conducted on Western adults younger than age 35 and varied widely in terms of the variables assessed, making it difficult to highlight overall conclusions. Nevertheless, results indicate that interventions focused on reducing the exposure to highly visual social media platforms benefited well-being but may also reduce social connectedness. Interventions focused on social media literacy programs may reduce addiction and improve body image. Other interventions that adopted varied psychological approaches did not appear to lead to significant results. The researchers also highlighted the gaps in research that should be addressed to improve the efficacy of such interventions, including a need for interventions that are more guided by psychological theories and assessments of these interventions that are rigorous and include diverse populations. DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000455

5. On the outside looking in: Social media intensity, social connection, and user well-being: The moderating role of passive social media use.

Roberts, J. A., & David, M. E.

According to this study in the Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science (Vol. 55, No. 3) , heavy passive social media use may be linked with a weaker sense of social connection and well-being. In two survey-based studies with 226 participants in the United States, researchers found that passive engagement with social media (viewing social media but not regularly posting or interacting through the platform) was associated with less social connection, lower well-being, and higher stress. In a third, experimental study, with 160 participants, the researchers asked participants to use social media heavily (10 minutes) or lightly (5 minutes) and engage with it actively or passively. The results indicated that heavy social media use had a negative impact on feelings of social connection when used passively but a positive effect when used actively. DOI: 10.1037/cbs0000323

6. Social media usage is associated with lower knowledge about anxiety and indiscriminate use of anxiety coping strategies.

Wolenski, R., & Pettit, J. W.

Social media might not be the best source to learn about anxiety and how to reduce it, this study in Psychology of Popular Media (advance online publication) suggests. Young adults (N=250) responded to an online survey in which they reported their sources of information about anxiety, the strategies they use to cope with anxiety, and their anxiety symptoms and severity. The researchers also tested participants’ knowledge about anxiety. Participants rated the internet (e.g., Wikipedia, medical websites) as their most used information source, followed by friends and family, therapy, and social media. Participants with an anxiety diagnosis or severe symptoms sought information on social media more frequently than the other participants. Across all participants, those who sought information on social media more frequently showed a lower knowledge about anxiety and were more likely to report using both adaptive and maladaptive strategies to reduce anxiety. On the contrary, using the internet was associated with more knowledge about anxiety. These findings suggest the need to promote the dissemination of accurate information about anxiety on social media. DOI: 10.1037/ppm0000456

7. The psychological scaffolding of arithmetic

Grice, M., et al.

In this article in Psychological Review (advance online publication), the authors propose that arithmetic has a biological origin, rather than philosophical, logical, or cognitive basis. This assertion rests on four principles of perceptual organization—monotonicity, convexity, continuity, and isomorphism—that shape how humans and other animals experience the world. According to the authors, these principles exclude all possibilities except the existence of arithmetic. Monotonicity is the idea that things change in the same direction, so that approaching objects appear to expand, while retreating objects appear to shrink. Convexity deals with betweenness, such that the four corners of a soccer pitch define the playing field even without boundary lines connecting them. Continuity describes the smoothness with which objects appear to move in time and space. Isomorphism is the idea of analogy, allowing people to recognize that cats are more similar to dogs than rocks. The authors’ analysis suggests that arithmetic is not necessarily an immutable truth of the universe but rather follows as a natural consequence of our perceptual system. DOI: 10.1037/rev0000431

8. An evaluation of cognitive behavioral therapy for substance use disorders: A systematic review and application of the society of clinical psychology criteria for empirically supported treatments.

Boness C. L., et al.

Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is an empirically supported treatment for substance use disorder (SUD), is the conclusion of this review in Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice (Vol. 30, No. 2) . The researchers reviewed five meta-analyses of the effect of CBT on SUD, but only one had sufficient quality for inclusion to evaluate the size of the effects of CBT. This meta-analysis found that CBT produced small to moderate effects on SUD when compared with minimal treatment (e.g., waitlist, brief psychoeducation) and nonspecific treatment (e.g., treatment as usual, drug counseling). These effects were smaller in magnitude when compared with other active treatments (e.g., motivational interviewing, contingency management). The effects of CBT on SUD tended to diminish over time (i.e., CBT was most effective at early follow-up of 1 to 6 months posttreatment compared with late follow-up of at least 8 months posttreatment). The researchers recommend CBT to be used as an evidence-based approach to SUD but highlight the need for more research to identify patient characteristics that might moderate response to CBT and the best deployment of CBT (e.g., as a standalone or an adjunct intervention). DOI: 10.1037/cps0000131

9. A network approach to understanding parenting: Linking coparenting, parenting styles, and parental involvement in rearing adolescents in different age groups.

Liu, S., et al.

Mothers’ and fathers’ behaviors that promote a sense of family integrity (i.e., coparenting integrity), warmth, and emotional involvement are central components of the parenting network in two-parent families, according to this study in Developmental Psychology (Vol. 59, No. 4) . Researchers used network analysis to explore different facets of maternal and paternal coparenting (e.g., integrity, conflict), parenting styles (e.g., rejection, warmth), and parental involvement (e.g., emotional support, discipline) in two-parent families in China with a total of 4,852 adolescents at different stages of adolescence. They found that maternal and paternal coparenting integrity, warm parenting style, and emotional involvement were key to the parenting network, as indicated by the central spot they occupied in the network analysis. They also found that the expected influence of these characteristics varied for adolescents in different developmental stages—maternal integrity, warmth, and emotional involvement were important throughout adolescence, but paternal integrity, warmth, and emotional involvement were particularly important in early adolescence. The results suggest that supportive parenting might be a prime target for enhancing parenting systems. DOI: 10.1037/dev0001470

10. Seeking connection, autonomy, and emotional feedback: A self-determination theory of self-regulation in attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder.

Champ, R.E., et al.

In this article in Psychological Review (Vol. 130, No. 3) , the authors propose a new framework on the basis of self-determination theory (SDT) for understanding attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and developing treatment approaches. The researchers suggest that using SDT, which proposes that humans have a natural tendency toward growth and self-actualization, supporting intrinsic motivation and self-organization, can offer a new positive understanding of ADHD and its symptoms. This approach counters the negative characterizations of ADHD; moves beyond symptom reduction and the focus on how ADHD presents motivation, engagement, and self-regulation issues; and instead focuses on potential positive aspects of ADHD and well-being. In addition, the framework highlights the need to help individuals with ADHD better understand how they function, tell the difference between biological and individual needs, and develop self-autonomy and self-regulation skills. According to this SDT approach, treatments that are autonomy supportive and increase self-determination could improve the functioning of individuals with ADHD. DOI: 10.1037/rev0000398

PsycArticles is available by subscription to institutions throughout the world. These are the articles published this year that were downloaded most often between January and September 2023.

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