Statistics on gender indicate a proportion of male to female of approximately 2:1 ( Table 2 ). One possible reason is the high number of military experiments as related to infectious diseases. Another is that more men than women were held in concentration camps, so that there was a higher male availability in the predominately male camps. In Ravensbrück the situation was reversed with the large female camp and a small male compound ( Figure 3 ).
Clandestine photograph of a mutilated leg of the Polish political prisoner Bogumiła Babińska-Dobrowska at Ravensbrück concentration camp. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of Anna Hassa Jarosky and Peter Hassa W/S #69340.
Gender | Confirmed victim | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Female | 3960 | 4381 | 8341 |
Male | 9700 | 7188 | 16,888 |
Unknown | 2094 | 436 | 2530 |
Total | 15,754 | 12,005 | 27,759 |
While for most nationalities male victims were the majority, in the case of certain national groups, female victims were in the majority. This is the case for victim groups from the Netherlands (in the case of sterilisation at Auschwitz), and Greece (for the Jewish skeleton collection). Children were often victims of experiments in psychiatric clinics. Later in the war, Roma and Jewish children were targeted for research by Mengele in Auschwitz.
The statistics show the age distribution was the same for men and women. While there was a very wide age spectrum, the peak is of victims born in 1921, so in their early twenties at the time of the experiment ( Figure 4 ). Several hundred Jewish children were held by Mengele for twin research, and batches of Jewish children were dispatched for hepatitis and tuberculosis research, and body parts of small children were retained by psychiatric researchers.
Age of victims at the start of experiment.
Ethnicity and religion have been recorded, as for the definitively confirmed experiment victims ( Table 3 ). Here, one is thrown back on the categories imposed by the Nazis. Thus a victim of the Jewish skeleton collection for the anatomy department at Strasbourg was baptised Protestant. 18 Generally, the Nazis used the generic and stigmatising term of ‘Zigeuner’ or gypsy rather than the self-identifying terms of ‘Sinti’ and ‘Roma’.
Ethnicity | Confirmed victims (15,754) |
---|---|
Jewish | 20% (3098) |
Roma and Sinti | 2% (335) |
Unknown or other | 78% (12,321) |
In addition to the experiment victims are Roma and Sinti victims of large scale anthropological investigations of Ritter, Justin, and Ehrhardt, amounting to at least a further 21,498 persons ( Figure 5 ).
A gypsy used for seawater experiments in Dachau to test methods of making seawater drinkable, ca. July–September 1944. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of National Archives and Records Administration, College Park W/S #78688.
If however one takes the year 1943 we find a higher proportion of Jewish victims, in part because of the intensification of experiments on Jews (particularly on women and children) at Auschwitz and Auschwitz-Birkenau. This would again indicate that there was an intensification of racial research ( Table 4 ).
Religion | Confirmed victims | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Jewish | 3076 | 792 | 3868 |
Other or unknown | 12,678 | 11,217 | 23,891 |
Grand total | 15,754 | 12,008 | 27,759 |
Victim number indicates how from 1942 onwards there was an overall intensification of research ( Figure 6 ).
Start year of experiments.
The life history approach allows appraisal of both experiments and victim numbers over time. The period 1933–39 shows sporadic experimentation in the context of racial hygiene. Mixed race adolescents were sterilised and evaluated by anthropologists. The concerns of racial hygiene with mental illness explain why psychiatrists and neurologists conducted experiments in psychiatric institutions. The psychiatrist Georg Schaltenbrand pointed out that his neurological research subjects were transferred to other institutions, many as we now know to be killed. This interrupted his research on the transmissibility of multiple sclerosis. The numbers of brains and body parts increased. From 1942 onwards there was an overall intensification of research.
The chart ( Figure 7 ) shows when experiments started, but not the distribution of victims over time.
Victims by start year of each experiment.
The largest series of experiments were for infectious diseases. Malaria research at Dachau between 1942 and 1945 had 1091 confirmed victims, and after infection different combinations of drugs were tested. These experiments by Schilling began in 1942 and remarkably Schilling tried to continue the research after the liberation of the camp. 19
He pleaded at his trial to be allowed to continue the research, albeit on volunteers. The highest numbers were in 1943. The momentum continued even though the war was clearly lost. Other large groups included the twins researched on by Mengele, and to date 618 individuals are known ( Figure 8 ).
Twins Frank (lt) and Otto (rt) Klein attend a world gathering of survivors of Dr. Joseph Mengele's medical experiments at Auschwitz. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum W/S #05586.
The overall findings provide an accurate basis for analysis of experiments to date. First, nearly a quarter of confirmed victims were either killed to obtain their organs for research, or died as a result of experiments taking the research subject to the point of death (notoriously, the experiments on freezing and low pressure at Dachau). The euthanasia killings and executions were sources of bodies for research, and the extent that this happened and research conducted before and after the end of the war is still being documented. Of the fully documented victims died 781 died before the end of the war as a result of the experiments: research subjects were weakened by the strain of the experiment such as a deliberate infection or severe cold, or they were deliberately killed because it was feared that they would testify against the perpetrators ( Table 5 ).
Fatalities.
Circumstances of death | Confirmed victim | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Body used for research (e.g. euthanasia and executed victims) | 2956 | 50 | 3006 |
Died (e.g. from injuries) or killed after the experiment | 781 | 23 | 804 |
Died from experimental procedures (e.g. when onset of death studied from freezing) | 383 | 171 | 554 |
Grand total | 4120 | 244 | 4364 |
While, most subjects survived, amounting to 24,010 persons, many had severe physical disabilities with life-long consequences. 20
The analysis presented here shows that several types of unethical medical research occurred under National Socialism. Not only were large numbers of victims affected, but also overall, numbers of surviving victims were far higher than anticipated. The survivors were often seriously disabled and handicapped for the remainder of their lives. The experiments gained in numbers with the war and the implementation of the Holocaust, and were sustained at a high level of intensity despite imminent defeat.
One issue arising is that body parts of deceased victims were retained by medical research and teaching institutes, notably for anatomy and brain research. While there was meant to be full disclosure of specimens deriving from euthanasia victims and executed persons by 1990, specimens continue to be identified. 21 The complex data is to be further augmented and refined, the history of specimens retained for research during and after WW2 is being documented, and the narratives of survivors analysed in order to understand more fully the consequences of coerced research. This research provides a basis in historical evidence for discussions of the ethics of coerced medical research.
Wellcome Trust Grant No 096580/Z/11/A on research subject narratives.
AHRC GRANT AH/E509398/1 Human Experiments under National Socialism.
Conference for Jewish Material Claims Against Germany Application 8229/Fund SO 29.
7 Annas G, Grodin M. The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code . New York: Oxford University Press; 1992; Weindling P. Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials: From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan; 2000.
8 Weindling P. John Thompson (1906–1965): Psychiatrist in the Shadow of the Holocaust . Rochester: Rochester University Press; 2010.
9 Klee E. Auschwitz, die NS-Medizin und ihre Opfer . Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag; 1997; Mitscherlich A, Mielke F. Wissenschaft ohne Menschlichkeit . Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider; 1949. See also Schwarberg G. The Murders at Bullenhuser Damm: The SS Doctor and the Children . Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 1984.
10 Lang H-J. Die Namen der Nummern: Wie es gelang, die 86 Opfer eines NS-Verbrechens zu identifizieren. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe; 2004.
11 Brody H, Leonard S, Nie J-B, Weindling P. United States Responses to Japanese Wartime Inhuman Experimentation after World War II: National Security and Wartime Exigency. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 2014; 23: 220–230.
12 Baumann S. Menschenversuche und Wiedergutmachung . München: Oldenbourg; 2009.
13 Schwerin A von. Experimentalisierung des Menschen: Der Genetiker Hans Nachtsheim und die vergleichende Erbpathologie 1920–1945 . Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag; 2004; Schmuhl H-W. The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics, 1927–1945: Crossing Boundaries . Dordrecht: Springer; 2008.
14 Roelcke V. Fortschritt ohne Rücksicht, In: Eschebach I, Ley A. eds . Geschlecht und “Rasse” in der NS-Medizin . Berlin: Metropol Verlag; 2012: 101–114.
15 Hildebrandt S. Anatomy in the Third Reich: An outline, Part 1. National Socialist politics, anatomical institutions, and anatomists. Clinical Anatomy 2009; 22: 883–893.
16 Hunt N. The Soviet Experience of Nazi Medicine: Statistics, Stories and Stereotypes . MPhil thesis, Oxfrod Brookes University; 2011; and Loewenau A. The impact of Nazi medical experiments on Polish inmates at Dachau, Auschwitz and Ravensbück . PhD thesis, Oxford Brookes University; 2012.
17 Weindling, P. Victims and Survivors of Nazi Human Experiments: Science and suffering in the Holocaust. London: Bloomsbury; 2014.
18 www.die-namen-der-nummern.de/html/the_names.html (accessed 8 October 2014).
19 Eckart WU, Vondra H. Malaria and World War II: German malaria experiments 1939–45 . Parassitologia 2000; 42:53–58.
20 Loewenau A. Die “Kaninchen” von Ravensbrück: Eine Fotogeschichte. In: Eschebach I, Ley A eds. Geschlecht und “Rasse” in der NS-Medizin . Berlin: Metropol Verlag; 2012:115–140.
21 Weindling P. “Cleansing” Anatomical Collections: The Politics of Removing Specimens from German Anatomical and Medical Collections 1988–92. Annals of Anatomy 2012; 194:237–242.
Addressing social justice through the lens of henrietta lacks.
Among the many disruptions of the pandemic, one particular disappointment was the cancellation of the in-person annual meeting of the American Society for Bioethics and Humanities (ASBH), scheduled for Baltimore and set to coincide with the Berman Institute’s 25th Anniversary Celebration and the centennial of Henrietta Lacks’s birth. Yet despite the switch to a virtual format, the Berman Institute was able to host a plenary session that was the talk of the meeting and continues to reverberate.
“Social Justice and Bioethics Through the Lens of the Story of Henrietta Lacks,” was moderated by Jeffrey Kahn and featured Ruth Faden as a panelist. She was joined by Henrietta Lacks’s granddaughter, Jeri Lacks, architect Victor Vines, and Georgetown University Law Center bioethicist Patricia King.
Faden began the session by providing an overview of the Henrietta Lacks story, famed in the context of structural injustice.
“The structural injustice of racism defined in pretty much every way how this story unfolded,” she said. “What is wrong about what happened to the Lacks family engages every core element of human well-being. There were assaults on the social basis of respect, and of self-determination, on attachments, on personal security and on health. Mrs. Lacks and her children were poor Black people in a segregated world in which the most profound injustices of racial oppression were daily features of their lives.”
Faden was followed by Jeri Lacks who expressed the importance of continuing to let the world know about her grandmother’s story.
“Her cells were used to develop the polio vaccine and to treat HIV, and in creating in vitro fertilization. She is a person who continues to give life, and to preserve life,” said Lacks. “No matter what your race, your age, your social circumstances, she continues to improve your life.”
Victor Vines, an architect who was part of the architect team leading programming and planning for the National Museum of African American History and Culture and led the feasibility study for what will be Johns Hopkins University’s Henrietta Lacks Hall, spoke next about addressing racial injustice through architecture and design.
“When we started work on Lacks Hall, we didn’t talk a lot about architecture or design. We talked about what that story is that we want to tell through the building. Meeting with the Lacks family was critically important to that,” Vines said. “We had to understand what they went through and what they care about. The building still has to function and house the Berman Institute, so we had to meet their needs. And we discovered a third client, the East Baltimore community. At the end of the day, this building and university reside within that community, and they will be called to embrace this project – or not.”
King concluded the panel with a riveting and wide-ranging discussion that touched upon intersectionality, segregation, the Tuskegee experiments and participation in clinical trials, COVID, race as a social construct, and the role of consent, all within the framework of Henrietta Lacks’s story.
“Our narratives are important and should be thought of as lessons or homework for institutions,” she said. “They not only document the deep distrust we bring to health encounters but also convey relevant aspects of our lives that should be appreciated.”
As the session ended Kahn noted that perhaps it was fortunate the session had been virtual, so the recording “could be shared with others for posterity. I’m not quite speechless, but maybe close,” he said.
Johns Hopkins University President Ronald J. Daniels and Paul B. Rothman, CEO of Johns Hopkins Medicine and dean of the medical faculty of the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, along with Berman institute Executive Director Jeffrey Kahn and descendants of Henrietta Lacks, recently announced plans to name a new multidisciplinary building on the Johns Hopkins East Baltimore campus in honor of Henrietta Lacks, who was the source of the HeLa cell line that has been critical to numerous advances in medicine.
Surrounded by descendants of Lacks, Daniels made the announcement at the 9th annual Henrietta Lacks Memorial Lecture in the Turner Auditorium in East Baltimore.
“Through her life and her immortal cells, Henrietta Lacks made an immeasurable impact on science and medicine that has touched countless lives around the world,” Daniels said. “This building will stand as a testament to her transformative impact on scientific discovery and the ethics that must undergird its pursuit. We at Johns Hopkins are profoundly grateful to the Lacks family for their partnership as we continue to learn from Mrs. Lacks’ life and to honor her enduring legacy.”
Henrietta Lacks’ contributions to science were not widely known until the 2010 release of the book The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks by Rebecca Skloot, which explored Lacks’ life story, her impact on medical science and important bioethical issues. In 2017, HBO and Harpo Studios released a movie based on the book, with Oprah Winfrey starring as Deborah Lacks, Henrietta Lacks’ daughter.
Several Lacks family members attended today’s event. “It is a proud day for the Lacks family. We have been working with Hopkins for many years now on events and projects that honor our grandmother,” said Jeri Lacks, granddaughter of Henrietta Lacks. “They are all meaningful, but this is the ultimate honor, one befitting of her role in advancing modern medicine.”
The building, which will adjoin the Berman Institute of Bioethics’ current home in Deering Hall will support programs that enhance participation and partnership with members of the community in research that can benefit the community, as well as extend the opportunities to further study and promote research ethics and community engagement in research through an expansion of the Berman Institute and its work.
The story portrayed in The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks points to several important bioethical issues, including informed consent, medical records privacy, and communication with tissue donors and research participants.
“The story of Henrietta Lacks has encouraged us all to examine, discuss and wrestle with difficult issues that are at the foundation of the ethics of research, and must inform our relationships with the individuals and communities that are part of that research,” said Jeffrey Kahn, director of the Johns Hopkins University Berman Institute of Bioethics. “As a result, students, faculty and the entire research community at Johns Hopkins and around the world do their work with a greater sensitivity to these critical issues.”
In 2013, Johns Hopkins worked with members of the Lacks family and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) to help broker an agreement that requires scientists to receive permission to use Henrietta Lacks’ genetic blueprint in NIH-funded research.
The NIH committee tasked with overseeing the use of HeLa cells now includes two members of the Lacks family. The medical research community has also made significant strides in improving research practices, in part thanks to the lessons learned from Henrietta Lacks’ story.
“It has been an honor for me to work with the Lacks family on how we can recognize the contribution of Henrietta Lacks to medical research and the community. Their willingness to focus on the positive impact of the HeLa cells has been inspiring to me. The Henrietta Lacks story has led many researchers to rededicate themselves to working more closely with patients,” said Daniel E. Ford, vice dean for clinical investigation in the school of medicine. “The new building will be a hub for the community engagement and collaboration program of the NIH-supported Institute for Clinical and Translational Research.”
Groundbreaking on the building that will be named for Henrietta Lacks is scheduled for 2020 with an anticipated completion in 2022.
To learn more about Henrietta Lacks and the wide-ranging impact of HeLa cells on medical research,
please visit: www.hopkinsmedicine.org/henriettalacks .
Alan is also engaged in a broad range of research projects and programs, including the Berman Institute’s science programs: the Stem Cell Policy and Ethics (SCOPE) Program ; the Program in Ethics and Brain Sciences (PEBS-Neuroethics) ; and the Hinxton Group , an international consortium on stem cells, ethics and law; and the eSchool+ Initiative . Recent research has focused on using deliberative democracy tools to engage with communities about their values for allocating scarce medical resources like ventilators in disasters like pandemics. Additional recent work has focused on ethical challenges related to gene editing, stem cell research, social media, public engagement, vaccines, and neuroethics. ( Publications )
Vaccinating pregnant women against ebola.
In a STAT News opinion piece, Johns Hopkins University experts, including our Ruth Faden, argued it is unfair to deny pregnant and lactating women the experimental Ebola vaccine if they wish to take it, given the great risk the virus poses to those who are exposed to it.
“From a public health perspective and an ethical perspective, the decision to exclude pregnant and lactating women is utterly indefensible,” they wrote.
The authors are members of Pregnancy Research Ethics for Vaccines, Epidemics, and New Technologies (PREVENT) Working Group, which has brought together an international team of experts in bioethics, maternal immunization, maternal-fetal medicine, obstetrics, pediatrics, philosophy, public health, and vaccine research to provide specific recommendations developed to address this critical gap in vaccine research and development and epidemic response. This group recognizes that excluding pregnant women from efforts to develop and deploy vaccines against emerging threats is not acceptable.
Dr. Kass is coeditor (with Ruth Faden) of HIV, AIDS and Childbearing: Public Policy, Private Lives (Oxford University Press, 1996).
She has served as consultant to the President’s Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments, to the National Bioethics Advisory Commission, and to the National Academy of Sciences. Dr. Kass currently serves as the Chair of the NIH Precision Medicine Initiative Central IRB; she previously co-chaired the National Cancer Institute (NCI) Committee to develop Recommendations for Informed Consent Documents for Cancer Clinical Trials and served on the NCI’s central IRB. Current research projects examine improving informed consent in human research, ethical guidance development for Ebola and other infectious outbreaks, and ethics and learning health care. Dr. Kass teaches the Bloomberg School of Public Health’s course on U.S. and International Research Ethics and Integrity, she served as the director of the School’s PhD program in bioethics and health policy from its inception until 2016, and she has directed (with Adnan Hyder) the Johns Hopkins Fogarty African Bioethics Training Program since its inception in 2000. Dr. Kass is an elected member of the Institute of Medicine (now National Academy of Medicine) and an elected Fellow of the Hastings Center.
He was the founding director of the Trent Center for Bioethics, Humanities and History of Medicine at Duke University where he was also a professor of medicine and philosophy. He was appointed as an Academic Icon at the University of Malaya and is a faculty affiliate of the Kennedy Institute of Ethics at Georgetown University.
Dr. Sugarman was the longstanding chair of the Ethics Working Group of the HIV Prevention Trials Network. He is currently a member of the Scientific and Research Advisory Board for the Canadian Blood Service and the Ethics and Public Policy Committees of the International Society for Stem Cell Research. He co-leads the Ethics and Regulatory Core of the NIH Health Care Systems Research Collaboratory and is co-chair of the Johns Hopkins’ Institutional Stem Cell Research Oversight Committee.
Dr. Sugarman has been elected as a member of the American Society of Clinical Investigation, Association of American Physicians, and the National Academy of Medicine (formerly the Institute of Medicine). He is a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American College of Physicians and the Hastings Center. He also received a Doctor of Science, honoris causa, from New York Medical College.
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The 10 Cruelest Human Experimentation Cases in History. D.G. Hewitt - May 20, 2018. "First, do no harm," is the oath taken by physicians the world over. And this has been the case for centuries now. For the most part, these men and women of science stay faithful to this oath, even defying orders to the contrary.
Most people are aware of some of the heinous medical experiments of the past that violated human rights. Participation in these studies was either forced or coerced under false pretenses. Some of the most notorious examples include the experiments by the Nazis, the Tuskegee syphilis study, the Stanford Prison Experiment, and the CIA's LSD ...
Stanford Prison Experiment. The Stanford Prison Experiment, perhaps one of the most famous forms of human experimentation ever conducted, took place in August of 1971. The purpose of the Stanford Prison Experiment was to study the causes of conflict between prisoners and those who guard them.
The following is a list of the 30 most disturbing human experiments in history. 30. The Tearoom Sex Study. Image Source Sociologist Laud Humphreys often wondered about the men who commit impersonal sexual acts with one another in public restrooms.
Unethical human experimentation is human experimentation that violates the principles of medical ethics.Such practices have included denying patients the right to informed consent, using pseudoscientific frameworks such as race science, and torturing people under the guise of research. Around World War II, Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany carried out brutal experiments on prisoners and ...
Controversial and Unethical Psychology Experiments
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Zimbardo stopped the experiment at that point. Featured Programs. 9. The Monster Study (1939). The Monster Study is a prime example of an unethical psychology experiment on humans that changed the world. Wendell Johnson, a psychologist at the University of Iowa, conducted an experiment about stuttering on 22 orphans.
This paper gives an overview of the most remarkable unethical human research and how past misconducts helped develop ethical guidelines on human experimentation such as The Nuremberg Code 1947 following WWII. Unethical research in the field of neuroscience also proved to be incredibly distressing. Participants were often left with life-long ...
the government in experiments with psychoactive chemicals such as heroin, MDMA, methamphetamine, and psilocybin • The most pervasive drug used in the project was LSD • The CIA conducted the study on military personnel, but also on students, patients, and prisoners • Operation Midnight Climax -government employed prostitutes lured in
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Milgram Experiment: Overview, History, & Controversy
Such experiments have been criticized as unethical but have advanced medicine and its ethical codes, such as the Nuremberg Code. When He made his claim of genetically altering humans, the response ...
Associated Press reporters reviewed four decades of medical journals and found more than 40 studies that by modern standards would have been deemed unethical. The news comes as a federal bioethics ...
Unethical human experimentation in the United States
Understanding the historical foundations of ethics in human research are key to illuminating future human research and clinical trials. This paper gives an overview of the most remarkable unethical human research and how past misconducts helped develop ethical guidelines on human experimentation such as The Nuremberg Code 1947 following WWII. Unethical research in the field of neuroscience ...
How the Classics Changed Research Ethics. Some of history's most controversial psychology studies helped drive extensive protections for human research participants. Some say those reforms went too far. Photo above: In 1971, APS Fellow Philip Zimbardo halted his classic prison simulation at Stanford after volunteer "guards" became abusive ...
They had learned an essential lesson in racism, even though the process was completely unethical. 11. The Little Albert Experiment. Source: John B Watson/Wikimedia. John B Watson/Wikimedia. John ...
Numerous unethical human experiments, particularly the Tuskegee Syphilis study, raised alarms about the misuse of human subjects in the mid-20 th century in the United States. The current American federal research regulations for protection of human research subjects are heavily influenced by the three principles of ethics discussed in the ...
Ugly past of U.S. human experiments uncovered. Shocking as it may seem, U.S. government doctors once thought it was fine to experiment on disabled people and prison inmates. Such experiments ...
Before that, human psychology experiments had far more potential risk. The original guidelines have, of course, been adapted and added to over the past 70 years as well — and for good reason. Below, you'll find seven examples of disturbing and highly unethical psychology experiments conducted on human subjects.
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Jeremy Sugarman, MD, MPH, MA. He was the founding director of the Trent Center for Bioethics, Humanities and History of Medicine at Duke University where he was also a professor of medicine and philosophy. He was appointed as an Academic Icon at the University of Malaya and is a faculty affiliate of the Kennedy Institute of Ethics at Georgetown ...