essay on accountability in pakistan

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A Review of Accountability Systems: Learning from Best Practices

Nasir Iqbal & Ghulam Mustafa[1]

1.Background

[2] The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) ranks economies based on “how corrupt their public sectors are perceived to be.” The index ranges from 0 to 100, where 0 is highly corrupt and 100 is very clean (TI, 2022).

[3] The index for Voice and Accountability captures perceptions of the extent to which the citizens are able to participate in selecting their government, as well as freedom of expression, freedom of association, and a free media. ___________

The existing accountability system, especially National Accountability Bureau (NAB), led to political instability and dwindling economic growth and prosperity in the country. Apart from the poor performance of accountability systems, we heard voices from media, politicians, and even the judiciary against selective accountability, political victimization, political engineering through unjust accountability tools, and misuse of authority by the officials. Given this background, this brief aims to understand the structure of the accountability system with a particular focus on NAB in Pakistan. The brief also aims to review global best practices to provide legislators with a way to reform Pakistan’s accountability system.

2. What is accountability?

Accountability is used for surveillance and oversight of the exercise of power. The term “accountability” often refers to the discussion of public governance or its transparency (Philip, 2009; Boyce & Cindy, 2009). The question of accountability arises when there is a concern about the abuse of public office – which almost every government or institution across the globe. According to Maile (2002), accountability is a two-dimensional concept: answerability and enforcement. Answerability implies that public officials are answerable for their actions. Accountability in public governance transcends beyond the answerability in the form of information generation and its justification. It contains the components of enforcement which refers to rewarding the right doers and punishing the wrong doers (Domina and Parfenova, 2019). The question of accountability arises when there is a threat to the general use of power in public governance or administration matters. Establishing anti-corruption agencies is the response when accountability seems to be at stake at the behest of the public interest. The seeming simplicity of response poses a lot of difficult questions. The unchecked and rampant corruption militates against the core of democracy and democratic institutions like parliament, judiciary, and civil service (Berggren and Bjornskov, 2020). _________ [4] The index for Control of Corruption captures perceptions of the extent to which public power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as capture of the state by elites and private interests. _________

Broadly, there are three institutional modes to pursue accountability: vertical and horizontal, and diagonal accountability. Vertical accountability is electoral accountability, which the people do through elections to the incumbent governments. In contrast, horizontal accountability is perpetrated by the state authority to bring to the book for misappropriation of the authority, grabbing the money by using its authority, and all other means of corruption. They are establishing NAB or other Anti-Corruption departments in the form of horizontal accountability. The media and civil society do the diagonal accountability to hold the incumbent government accountable. These modes of accountability play a significant role in stopping the misuse of authorities and contributing to sustainable economic growth and development (Walsh, 2020). The institutional school of thought argues that accountability fosters economic growth and prosperity (Nawaz, 2015; Iqbal et al., 2012). However, we must be specific to gauge the modality of the NAB, being the most prominent horizontal mode of accountability (Ahmed, 2020; Imran, 2020).

3. Horizontal Accountability: The case of the NAB

NAB was established in 1999 to deal with the investigation and prosecution of white-collar crimes, which happened to be public office holders, politicians, and citizens who have been accused of having abused their powers or depriving the national treasury of millions under section 5(m). According to Section 2 of the NAB ordinance, National Accountability Ordinance (NAO) shall come into force from the first day of January 1985.

In February 2002, the government launched National Anti-Corruption Strategy (NACS) project to survey and assess international anti-corruption agencies and their models. NACS, based on global best practices, presented a need to rethink and revise the anti-corruption narrative. Therefore, the government made relevant amends in NAO. With the revised NAO, the NAB has been entrusted with the investigation and prosecution of crimes and prevention and awareness against them. So, the NAB is the premier anti-corruption organization in Pakistan, with a sole mission to eradicate corruption and corrupt practices. It mandates holding those accused of such practices accountable during an elaborative investigative process (Javed, 2021).

Box 1: The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC)

3.1 Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) of NAB

Besides awareness and prevention, enforcement is also one of the NAB’s strategies to cope with corruption. NAO mandates NAB to adopt a three-pronged approach for curbing corruption in the country.

Stage 1: Complaint Verification: NAB’s Enforcement Strategy functions on the admission of written complaints or information by NAB about an alleged act of corruption. In stage one, the initiation of the process begins with the verification of the contents of the information. The contents of the information are verified in light of law provisions. This process is known as complaint verification (CV). At the same time, a complainant is summoned for the confirmation of status and evidence available to him. Once confirmed that the alleged act of corruption falls under NAO and the information procured justifies to move forward, and it is processed further for subsequent action.

Stage 2: Inquiry: Section 18(c) of NAO 1999 speaks of inquiry for the collection of oral and documentary evidence in much formal way, and the scope of the inquiry is reasonably enlarged, and experts are engaged in case the need arises, i.e., banking experts, revenue experts, corporate experts, etc. Their statements are recorded, and preliminary reports are obtained regarding the commission of the offense if any. The investigation officer and the legal experts scan the evidence and reports furnished and obtained before the above-mentioned experts. The decision is taken considering the collected evidence if any offense is made. According to section 25(a), the option of Voluntary Return (VR) is made to the accused persons during the inquiry without entailing the consequences of section 25(b), which is a Plea Bargain.

Stage 3: Investigation: Upon digging out the evidence against the accused person(s) and assessing the same as trial-worthy evidence to stand the test of cross-examination by the defense lawyers at the trial, the inquiry mentioned above is upgraded to the investigation, which is to be concluded expeditiously and preferably within 90 days. Upon completion of the investigation, if the chairman of NAB is satisfied and decides to refer the matter to the accountability court in the form of a reference upon receipt of the reference to the concerned accountability court. The court proceeds accordingly, and the trial proceeds in the code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. Suppose evidence collected during inquiry investigation is insufficient to file a reference against the accused person(s) or set of accused persons. In that case, the investigation is closed to their extent only under section 9(c). Suppose an accused person or a set of accused persons want to avail of the option of a plea bargain under section 25(b). In that case, he may do so, and if accepted by the chairman of NAB.

The acceptance of Plea Bargain and its approval by the accountability court shall be deemed a conviction carrying all the consequences of section 15 of the NAO minus the jail sentence. To lend credence to the inquiry or investigation, the accused is allowed to explain or tell his side of the story in respect of the allegations that surfaced or the material collected against him. The accused is also free to place any documentary or oral evidence in favor of his defense. As for the SOPs and the judgments of superior courts, the version of the accused is analyzed, given the NAB’s Enforcement Strategy begins with an initiative of fact-finding without having to blame any person for an alleged act of corruption.

The entire process has been designed to move with an explanation from the complainant for the clarification of charges pressed against the accused to assess whether their position falls in line with material evidence. Suppose the version stated by the accused is found plausible in lieu of the supporting evidence. In that case, the benefit of the same is given to him. For verification, the evidence collected vis-à-vis allegations are verified against the explanations given by the accused and the recorded statements from witnesses.

Regional Bureaus are the operational arms of NAB, which are actively involved in field operations such as CVs, inquiries, and prosecution of cases at trial and appealing stages. The Operations Division and Prosecution Division at NAB Headquarters support the smooth conduct of operational activities per law and the standing operating procedures (SOPs). Under NAO, the chairman of NAB has been authorized to file references anywhere in Pakistan, keeping in view the smooth prosecution of the case and convenience of placing evidence before the concerned court without jeopardizing the accountability process in general at the hand of the accused person who is very powerful, and they tend to destroy the evidence over raw witnesses and influence the court and the prosecution (Tariq & Mumtaz, 2021).

Box 2: Reforms/Amendments in NAB Ordinance: History

4. Learning from global best practices: The case of Hong Kong & Singapore

Our study takes practices perpetrated by Hong Kong and Singapore as references—Anti-Corruption Agencies (ACA) in the Asian Pacific region, Hong Kong’s Independent Commission against Corruption (ICAC), and Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB). The discussion on these two accountability institutions is weaved up as follows.

Since its establishment in 1974, ICAC has enjoyed astounding success in its fight against corruption and is often quoted as a “Universal Model” (Heilburn, 2006; Lam, 2009). ICAC came into being when corruption was known to be systematic among high-level officials and police officers, which fueled prostitution, drug trafficking, and gambling in lieu of hefty returns. The legal framework of which ICAC is part has been made to be as clear, detailed, and effective as possible. According to a recent ranking, Hong Kong ranks 12 th among 180 countries on Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2021. It controls corruption with the help of three functional departments: Investigation, prevention, and community relations. The investigation is done through Operations Department, which is

responsible for investigating. The Corruption Prevention department is responsible for creating awareness, funding research related to the implication of corruption-related policies, conducting seminars for business leaders, and helping public and private institutions formulate strategies to reduce corruption.

The role of the Community Relations Department is to spread awareness in society regarding the societal costs of corruption, which is pursued through launching multiple campaigns against corruption (Speville, 2010). The institutional hierarchy comprises a special administrator, ICAC director, and three oversight committees. The ICAC submits regular reports with procedural guidelines for investigations, confiscation of property, and inquiries durations, whereby the oversight committee ensures that all investigations are carried out with integrity. When the ICAC was established, it did not have a credible record. Nonetheless, Hong Kong has known to be the least corrupted in East Asia (Owusu et al., 2020; Tsao and Hsueh, 2022).

On the other hand, Singapore’s Corruption Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was established in 1975, focusing primarily on investigation and enforcement. The function of CPIB was to receive and investigate complaints about corruption in the public and private sectors. Their prevention function is responsible for screening candidates before appointments in civil service statutory boards to appoint candidates with clean conduct, hence working in a corruption-free environment within CPIB (Hutahaen and Pasaribu, 2022).

4.1 Benchmarking CPIB and ICAC performance

There are myriad reasons why Hongkong ICAC and Singapore’s CPIB are successful because they have firm support in and out of government in carrying out these core missions. Even in totalitarian regimes, the hierarchical influence goes a long way to influence how an ACA should work. Yap (2022) suggests comparing outcomes based on the following indicators.

• Corruption Perception Index (CPI) : Hong Kong and Singapore rank 12 th and 4 th in CPI for 2021 out of 180 countries.
• Expenditure Per Capita and Staff-Population Ratio: Agency indicators are used to see whether the agency has been provided with adequate personnel and budget by their governments to perform their functions.
• Credibility and Independence: The benchmarking identifies four pre-requisites in analyzing the performance of ACA: independence, permanence, coherence, and credibility.

5. Restructuring the NAB

Multiple internal and external factors hamper accountability in Pakistan, including:

5.1 Internal factors

Delay has emerged as one of the leading factors in concluding the inquiries in investigations. Due to the complex and vast scope of the NAB ordinance, oral or documented evidence collection is quite cumbersome. Although the NAB is fully empowered to collect evidence, the influential accused persons do everything they can to hide the truth and delay the investigations by conceding documents and concealing/stealing the original record.

• When the trial proceeds, the procurement of evidence is another arduous task because the generally very resourceful accused tend to prevail.
• The potential witnesses deviate from their statement earlier given to the NAB under investigation. The witnesses who exhibit the official record before the courts are also very cooperative.
• The transfer postings of the judges and the NAB officials, concerned NAB officials, and other government officials concerned with the trial are also one of the problems contributing to the delay. It takes 2 to 5 years to conclude the prosecution before the accountability court.
• A Long-drawn, cumbersome, and time-consuming legal process generally takes almost 20 years for an accountability case to get adjudicated by the apex court and get concluded either in favor of the prosecution in case of conviction or the favor of the accused, resulting in acquittal. The law prescribes that an accountability court complete the trial within 30 days, and the appeal shall be disposed-off within 90 days.
• In the case of absconding of one or some of the accused persons before the accountability court, the declaration of absconding takes about 5 to 6 months before the accountability court before the regular trial gets underway as per the mandate of the criminal procedure court.
• The numbers of accountability courts are also not enough to cope with the rush of work. Moreover, the prosecution is under-resourced and short of the number of prosecutors to deal with the factum of delay.

5.2 External factors

• Relying on corrupt political leaders to handle corruption
• Using NAB as an “Attack Dog” against political opponents: According to Transparency International (TI), the NAB lacks operational autonomy because of the government’s dependence on weaponizing NAB against its political opponents. It has often been accused of being a partisan agency used for political victimization by the incumbent governments. The National Accountability Ordinance (NAO) 1999 has given NAB abundant operating authority and powers. But in reality, it is not free from political pressures.
• Lack of mainitaning transprancy by the NAB.

6. The way forward

The discussion demonstrates that Pakistan is experiencing poor performance on all global indices, which measure corruption and vertical and horizontal accountability in Pakistan. Moreover, the common perception among judiciary and civil society is that the NAB is used for political manipulation against the opposition leaders. The following points are important to improve the transparent performance of the NAB.

• There is a dire and unavoidable requirement to change the NAB’s structure. All political parties, civil society representatives, and lawyers’ bars and associations prepare the legal and institutional structure of the NAB so that the transparent accountability system may be promulgated.
• This is the era of digitalization, and the NAB must be trained and technologically well-equipped to build its capacity and skillful human resource to hatch the agenda for creating a transparent and inclusive accountability system.

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EVOLUTION OF ACCOUNTABILITY FRAMEWORKS IN PAKISTAN: 1947 TO 2022

• Muhammad Saqib Anjum Lughmani Institute of Management Studies
• Muhammad Tanweer Abdullah Institute of Management Studies
• Munawar Khan Higher Education Department, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

This paper focuses on the evolution of laws and institutions related to public sector accountability in Pakistan since its independence. It critically outlines a chronological legal history of the regulatory and institutions anti-corruption frameworks since 1860. It overviews the development phases of the promulgation, amendments, and annulment of such laws and points to the intent of the legislature and lawmakers in defining the scope of and promulgating these laws. In this regard, it outlines several different laws and seven evolution categories of accountability institutions. The authors also touch upon the influence of political government changes on such laws, especially through to contemporary political situation of Pakistan. In the later sections, there is a discussion on the international (comparative) context of accountability mechanisms followed up by conclusion. This paper offers a comprehensive review of accountability history vis-à-vis its institutional mechanisms and bodies, and serves as a source document for policy makers, academic researchers, and students of accountability in the context of Pakistan.

Author Biographies

Muhammad saqib anjum lughmani, institute of management studies.

PhD Scholar, Institute of Management Studies, University of Peshawar

Muhammad Tanweer Abdullah, Institute of Management Studies

Professor, Institute of Management Studies, University of Peshawar

Munawar Khan, Higher Education Department, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Associate Professor, Higher Education Department, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan

Copyright (c) 2023 Muhammad Saqib Anjum Lughmani, Muhammad Tanweer Abdullah, Munawar Khan

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License .

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Performance Agreements: how internal accountability leads to improved Public Sector Performance in Pakistan

October 21, 2021.

Pakistan has witnessed numerous government regimes during the country’s 74 years of existence.  Amongst the differing ideologies, priorities and approaches, a common agenda stands out: the goal of reforming, or overhauling, the country’s government machinery—and the bureaucracy at the heart of it. The result of these endeavors has been common: most of them have failed to bring about significant impact through sustainable reforms.

Resultantly, the status quo continues to permeate in practice, with the subject of reforms an endless conversation with a seemingly unattainable conclusion. The reasons for this are varied, and debatable. Whether this owes to a general unwillingness to change the status quo, or stems from a fear of the unknown, or can be attributed to acceptance of systemic inertia learnt on the job from a very early stage - is once again, debatable and may all be partially true.

Most of the reforms that were introduced in the past were driven by motives of down-sizing or rationalization of current expenditure. The prioritization of cost-cutting measures led to the unfailing perception that reforms meant reduced incentives, leading to internal resistance within the bureaucracy. Though the consequence on good governance was uniform across all government regimes, but Pakistan kept faltering on good governance indicators. To date, accepted standards of government responsiveness, equity, public participation, transparency and accountability, effectiveness and efficiency, and strategic vision have never been fully achieved.

With overall capacity diminished through ill-planned or poorly designed reforms, and the politicization of ranks and institutions in the public domain, acceptable standards of transparency and accountability remained out of reach. The resultant lack of public trust in institutions overall and the civil services of Pakistan in particular, has led to the perception that the country’s civil servants are unresponsive, and their processes bureaucratic.

All this is now finally changing.

The current government has embarked on an ambitious but holistic reforms agenda, which emphasizes a shift away from simplistic cost control towards optimal efficiency of government processes and governance outcomes. The new system has introduced Performance Agreements between the Prime Minister and the Ministers in charge of Federal Ministries, assigning objectives to each ministry and evaluating its performance against these pre-defined targets.

This initiative has been supported by UNDP’s Democratic Governance portfolio (Reforms and Innovation in Government for High Performance Project) funded by the United Kingdom Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO). Introduced as a pilot in 2019, 11 ministries were initially brought on board for a contract between the Prime Minister (PM) and their respective Minsters. The pilot proved a success and has been replicated across all 41 ministries this year. 

Each performance agreement flows through three stages. At the first stage , the ministries/divisions draft their performance agreements and set up their targets for the year. This serves as an internal stocktaking of performance within divisions and departments, facilitating the development of an accountable and transparent framework that is fully owned by the ministerial structure.

At stage two , the performance agreements are presented to a Peer Review Committee (PRC) comprising of key government institutions responsible for institutional management and development planning, namely Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Establishment, Deputy Chairman Planning Commission, and senior officers of Establishment Division, Cabinet Division, Finance Division and Planning Division. The PRC reviews the draft performance agreements presented by each ministry before submission to the Prime Minister’s Office for final clearance.

The third and final stage involves quarterly reviews of the ministries’ performance against the signed agreements, a summary of which is shared with the Prime Minister.

The ministries' targets are primarily based on four categories of initiatives: including administrative and internal financial matters, key initiatives under Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) and key policy/ reforms initiatives . The ministries are required to furnish the status of their targets in their performance reports which will include completed targets, partially completed targets, as well as initiated and pending targets.

The Performance Agreements initiative is a step in the right direction which will lead to improved public sector accountability and performance. It has institutionalized a strategic management framework for improving government performance and holding ministries accountable for achieving their mandates. It has also shown promise for transforming internal accountability, within the ministries, towards measuring performance of their employees as well as aligning individual employee performance with organizational goals. Performance Agreements and the allied peer review mechanism democratizes both the reform process and internal accountability of the civil service.

By addressing structural bottlenecks that impede prompt decision making and fast track service delivery like inter-ministerial dependency and cutting down on procedural sludge, it will improve efficiency and effectiveness of the government departments.  

While rooting for this ideal scenario, we also have to be realistic to realize that the initiative’s success depends upon its actual implementation and ownership. It is yet to be seen how the federal government perceives and responds to this initiative:  this factor alone will be extremely critical in determining the incumbent government’s strategic positioning in the next general elections.

Leveraging inter-departmental dependencies for improved coordination, enhanced accountability for results, and treating performance agreements as a policy instrument to ensure better public service delivery, will be key determinants of the success of this initiative. The system is brand-new, and the actual measure of success in the longer run will be the fundamental cultural change in the functioning of the federal bureaucracy.

 This understandably requires time and sustained efforts.

As all change processes go, the required shift in employee attitude towards individual performance expectations, their understanding and ownership of individual contributions towards organizational strategy and goals, and cascading accountability across the organizational hierarchy are all interrelated.

No reform effort can succeed without the ownership by the people it affects - the civil servants themselves. Incentivizing them to embrace change as co-owners and co-architects will be the only way to ensure sustainability of the initiative.

An inclusive approach that promotes stakeholder interests and voice and provides them with intangible incentives such as more effective accountability mechanisms, requires patience, consistency and a willingness by the Government and development partners to remain supporters of this critical process.  

Rana Kaiser Ishaque

Assistant Resident Representative, Chief Democratic Governance Unit (DGU)

Rana Kaiser Ishaque assumed his functions as UNDP Assistant Resident Representative (ARR) and Chief DGU in May 2018. Kaiser has more than 18 years of experience of working in the government and public sector in Pakistan, including extensive experience of public policy, development policy, government/public sector HR management, finance, social protection/inclusion and rule of law.

As ARR, Kaiser is leading the Governance portfolio in providing development support to the Government of Pakistan (GoP) in Rule of Law, Governance of Merged Areas, Human Rights, Social Inclusion, Electoral and Legislative reforms and Public Sector reforms. The Reforms and Innovation Project under the Governance Portfolio is providing Technical Assistance for the public sector reforms initiative of the GoP.

He holds a Master’s degree in development policy.

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This book analyses problems of governance, development and environment affecting contemporary Pakistan, issues that lie at the centre of federal and provincial policy deliberations, formulation and implementation. Perspectives on Contemporary Pakistan offers a comprehensive assessment of these policies, or their lack thereof. Authors from a variety of disciplines empirically and conceptually evaluate the latest developments, events and data regarding law and order, economic under-performance, social intolerance and climate crisis. The book offers varied perspectives on state sovereignty, civil-military relations, spousal violence, rural development, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, nuclear governance and transboundary climate risk.

Azhar Aslam

Pakistan has been in crises since its birth. Therefore, everyone knows the disparities Pakistan has in its socio-political and economic domains. In this paper, an alternate structure of governance is given for the resolution of all horizontal and vertical cleavages existing in the country for last sixty-seven years. Therefore, it is call of the day that we must contemplate for an alternate structure of governance. In this paper we are devising a strategy that may sustain our identity that is in question in the contemporary world. This paper is based on empirical analysis.

adnan sultan

Pakistan has been concerned for the improvement of its institutional and human capacity to improve the livelihoods of its citizens since its inception. This surge for improvement in the lifestyle of its citizens is assessed by the level of good governance in the country. Pakistan lags far behind in the field of governance, as the same is evident from the world reports on governance. Pakistan needs to review and revise its policies to earn effective and efficient governance practices. Law and order, energy, economy, political stability and national harmony are the key governance issues in Pakistan, which need comprehensive policy response. Pakistan has to overcome its shortcomings in the corruption control, accountability and mal-administration through legal frameworks in support, to ensure the good governance. Pakistan can achieve the good governance by introducing integrity, coordination, cooperation among individuals as well as institutions, besides the economic sustainability and proper policy process implementation.

The Pakistan Development Review

Hyder Yusafzai

Tasneem Ahmad Siddiqui is a former civil servant who has written a book that is in tune with the governance issues being faced by Pakistan on a variety of fronts. The author has had much experience of the grassroots level and provides the reader a view of the changes at that level for a dynamic societal change. There is clear evidence of the faith that he seems to have in the resourcefulness of the people of Pakistan. The hallmark of the book is its concise and easy reading with not just criticisms but workable solutions that are offered by the author. At the outset, the crisis being faced by Pakistan is highlighted. The author delves into the historical antecedents of this crisis, apportioning blame to the Harvard Advisory Group, as it was their flawed development strategy with a pro-industry bias that ignored agriculture. They believed in jump-start modernisation without giving serious consideration to the fact that Pakistan has a strong agricultural base. The stated wisdom of suc...

Aquarius Ruler

The purpose of this research report is to demonstrate and illustrate the good governance scenario in Pakistan also highlight the current problems and their proposed solution. This idea of governance is not developed from outside human’s experience throughout the ages. This is primarily laid on the lessons from historical backgrounds which recorded both the collapse of different nations that was resulted from the bad governance and also lessons on how distinct nations raised to greater heights as a result of good governance. The government of the state requires to make sure the provision of fundamental social services involving infrastructure poverty reduction programmes, provision of fundamental education to its masses, easy access to health care, protection of environment from pollution and dangerous chemicals as well as security of its public masses. The government is not supposed to ensure the provision of all these services by itself.

Vivekananda Nemana

Pakistan, a nation of 185.5 million people and a neighbor to Afghanistan, India and China -- in other words, a country of paramount strategic importance -- is in danger. Unlike other failed states, both a democratic government and a semblance of civilian infrastructure remain intact, and yet the nation is ranked #10 on the 2010 Foreign Policy and Fund for Peace's Failed States Index. Out of the 12 axioms that govern the index, Pakistan scores especially poorly on 'Security Apparatus,' 'Factionalized Elites,' 'Group Grievances,' and 'External Intervention.' A truly failed Pakistani state has grave implications for the international community. In addition to posing terrible physical, economic and humane costs to Pakistani society and citizenry, which constitutes the sixth-most populous nation in the world, a full-blown failure will surely lead to an explosion in militancy that places destabilizing pressures on sensitive neighboring countries. In this paper, I present a reform strategy to overhaul the country's political and economic stability and ensure security, while building on the country's robust elements. Some priorities of this approach are: i) the immediate provision of necessary services and security to disenfranchised groups such as women, minorities and rural peoples, ii) better enforcement of property rights to promote economic development, iii) increased transparency and accountability while reducing bureaucracy, iv) reformation of rules currently governing the security arms of government, v) improving communication between various branches of the state and iv) expanding access low-cost technological developments such as mobile phones in ways that can both empower the Pakistani people and reinforce the pursuit of institutional reform. The rules of the state must change to better reflect the nature of Pakistani society. I first express the policy goals of this strategy and briefly explain the ideology behind the strategy. I then provide a brief history of the nation, survey relevant statistics and identify key players. I will elaborate in detail the challenges facing Pakistan, and the questions we must consider when dealing with these challenges. I finally deliver my proposals to achieve each one of these policy goals, as well as my plans for their funding and implementation. I conclude with an overview of the anticipated effects of a fully-implemented strategy, and some finishing thoughts.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237557751

Adlakhan Ahmad

In this paper, governance is defined as the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development. “Good Governance” is then synonymous with sound development practices. Vital reforms for public expenditure may flounder if accounting systems are so weak that budgetary policies cannot be implemented or even monitored; if poor procurement systems encourage corruption and distort public investment priorities. This only illustrates a broader point; good governance is central to creating and sustaining an environment which fosters strong and equitable development. Governments play a key role in the provision of public goods. They establish the rules that make markets work efficiently, and they correct for market failure. In order to play this role, they need revenues, and ‘agents’ to collect these revenues. This in turn requires systems of accountability, adequate and reliable information, and further, efficiency in resource management and delivery of public services.

Akmal Hussain

parvez hasan

Pakistan has been facing a deep-seated economic and financial crisis and seemingly intractable governance issues for the last few years. Factors such as international sanctions and global economic slowdown, which have worsened Pakistan’s economic difficulties, were beyond Pakistan’s control. But by and large, the country’s economic and financial difficulties are the result of economic mismanagement in key areas over long periods. Bad governance, as reflected in widespread corruption and poor delivery of public services, and especially poor law and order have given birth to a crisis of confidence in the state. It is argued here that despite this scenario, a long and arduous process of building institutions, setting the policies right, and enforcing a rule-based governance stressing both merit and accountability can put Pakistan back on the road to shared prosperity. Resolving financial problems, accelerating demographic transition, exploiting tremendous agricultural potential, improv...

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Energy swindle crisis, text and context, lesson learned from bangladesh, plantation of 25m trees on cards to raise lahore’s tree cover…, the tarar saga, lahore pha on course for digitising revenue generation: dg, lahore pha reports record rs2.35b revenue in fy-2023-24: dg, israel vows to target yahya sinwar, new hamas chief, nobel laureate yunus to head caretaker govt in bangladesh, china cracks down on ‘fan culture’ after incident at paris olympics, prince harry considering ‘immediate’ return to uk on ‘one condition’, will tim walz’s selection as harris’s running mate shift the us…, when do the 2024 paris olympics end here’s everything you need…, what happens if bangladesh’s test series with pakistan, india gets cancelled…, india to appeal wrestler phogat’s olympic disqualification, following gender row, questions about one athlete’s nationality being raised |…, arshad nadeem has a message for pakistan ahead of olympics final, ‘corrupt’ anti-corruption watchdog needs accountability itself: shahid khaqan.

KARACHI: Awaam Pakistan Party Convener and former PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi on Wednesday lashed out at the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), emphasizing that the accountability institution itself needed accountability as it was corrupt.

Talking to media outside Karachi’s accountability court, he shared his ordeal in the justice system, his case was proceeding for four years and he was appearing on the 30th case hearing with no development in the case.

He raised the question of accountability, saying who would respond to him on who made cases against him and why made it, however, everyone was accusing others of cases against me.

He stated that cases were being made on political grounds by NAB and alleged that NAB officers were making billions.

Khaqan reiterated that NAB would be politicized against anyone and this institution would halt the running of state affairs.

Talking about the issues of independent power producers (IPPs), he stated that investment and fuel in power plants was made in dollars and government policies on IPPs were inconsistent.

He also shared the grievances of the public faced by overinflated electricity bills due to agreements with IPPs.

He demanded transparency and accountability from the government on IPPs to expose agreements, who were the owners of power plants, and which rates were decided.

However, he asserted that commission formation on the issues of IPPs wouldn’t be sufficient as there was no transparency instead it would exacerbate inflation.

He also gave the reference to K-Electric which was privatised and ran its affairs independently, however K-Electric created problems itself.

Citing the situation of Bangladesh, the ex-PM also warned about the public outrage and advised to learn a lesson from it, saying, the constitution was violated and public opinion was disregarded in Bangladesh, and the political situation in Pakistan was moving towards that direction.

Shahid Khaqan also suggested PTI to follow the constitution, it would be better for them and the country.

He also highlighted the judicial system, stating, people would take over streets if they wouldn’t get justice from courts.

Earlier, ex-PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, PSO former MD Sheikh Imranul Haq and others appeared before the court pertaining to illegal recruitment of PSO MD reference against Shahid Khaqan.

However, the court has adjourned the case hearing without any proceeding until August 9.

E-Paper | August 08, 2024

Imran warns kp ministers of accountability.

PESHAWAR: Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf founder and former prime minister Imran Khan has sent a stern message from his jail cell to members of his party’s government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that they would be held accountable for corruption and governance issues in their departments.

“I, along with PTI general secretary Omar Ayub Khan, former National Assembly speaker Asad Qaiser and other leaders, met the PTI founder in Rawalpindi’s Adiala Jail on Thursday to discuss our government’s performance and governance issues in the province,” provincial communication and works minister Shakeel Ahmad told a presser on Friday

“He had information that all is not well in some departments, so he asked us to deliver a clear-cut message to cabinet members, administrative secretaries and other government officials that they will be held responsible for any corruption, commission and irregularities in their departments.”

Accompanied by provincial government spokesman Barrister Mohammad Ali Saif, Mr Ahmad said the PTI government in the province had zero tolerance towards corruption.

He said that there were some complaints about administrative and other issues in his department, prompting Chief Minister Ali Amin Khan Gandapur to remove its secretary on Thursday evening. The minister also said that he was not “comfortable with the axed secretary.”

Sends message from jail they will be answerable for corruption in their departments

He said that the people should come forward if they had evidence of corruption or governance issues in any government department in the province.

“We will submit a monthly report to the PTI founder regarding the performance of government departments in the province. Also, he will hold weekly meetings with all cabinet members of the province and place public complaints about their departments before them for response,” he said.

To a question, the communication and works minister said that the impression that the PTI founder had no trust in the province’s chief minister was false.

He said that Chief Minister Gandapur was the leader of the house in the provincial assembly, enjoyed the complete support of the party’s founder, and regularly met Imran Khan in jail to update him about his government’s policies and actions and seek guidance.

To another question, Mr Ahmad said that currently, “parallel governments” were functioning in the province.

“There is an elected government led by Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, while the other government is run by unelected and non-political people,” he insisted.

He, however, didn’t elaborate on his assertion.

The communication minister also criticised Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government over the “ denial of rights ” to the province and insisted that it had been four months since the PTI formed the provincial government but the centre continued to refuse the posting of a chief secretary of the PTI government’s choice to the province.

He said that it was one of the basic issues facing the PTI-led government in the province.

On the occasion, Barrister Saif said that Communication and Works Minister Ahmad had highlighted the PTI founder’s directions and provincial government’s stand against corruption. He disclosed that all ministers would meet Imran one by one and ensure early resolution of people’s complaints.

“There won’t be any compromise on our commitment to eliminating corruption and administrative and financial irregularities from the province,” he said.

Published in Dawn, August 3rd, 2024

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She Thought Her Grip Was Unbreakable. Bangladeshis Would Prove Otherwise.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who once brought democratic hope to Bangladesh, turned increasingly autocratic and met her downfall in a crackdown on protesters.

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By Mujib Mashal

Mujib Mashal studied Sheikh Hasina’s politics closely over the past year and interviewed her in her office in Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s life, as well as her politics, had been defined by an early trauma at once personal in its pain and national in its imprint.

In 1975, her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh’s charismatic founding leader, and most of their family were massacred in a military coup. Ms. Hasina, who was abroad at the time, was forced into exile in India.

Her eventual return and elevation to prime minister embodied Bangladesh’s hopes of a better, more democratic future. She was celebrated as a secular Muslim woman who tried to rein in a coup-prone military, stood up to Islamist militancy and reformed the impoverished country’s economy.

But in time, she changed. She grew more authoritarian, crushing dissent and exuding an entitlement that treated Bangladesh as her rightful inheritance. Then, on Monday, the years of repressive rule finally caught up with Ms. Hasina, and her story came full circle: She resigned under intense pressure from a vast protest movement and fled once again into exile.

Student-led protesters enraged at her deadly crackdown on their initially peaceful movement stormed her official residence and plundered nearly everything inside. They defaced her portraits and tore down statues of her father around the city, and attacked the homes and offices of her party officials.

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After Awami League Government Falls, Anti-BNP Hashtags Flood Social Media in Bangladesh 

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The BNP’s bid for power in a post-Hasina Bangladesh is not being welcomed with open arms, as many protesters see “no difference” between the rival political parties.

People gather in front of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) headquarters during a protest rally in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Aug. 7, 2024.

On August 5, the world may have witnessed a pivotal moment in history, as Generation Z (born between 1997-2012) led what could be considered the first successful revolution of its kind. This demographic, often criticized by older generations for their preoccupation with digital technology and virtual worlds, has proven such stereotypes wrong in Bangladesh. Commonplace discussions that once relegated these young individuals to mere gadgets and fantasies have been upended by their actions.

The event should have garnered global celebration and praise, as these young individuals boldly stood up to an autocratic regime that had been in power for 15 years. This regime was notorious for its human rights violations , including extrajudicial killings, abductions, false cases, and rampant corruption . It was led by the former prime minister and president of the Awami League (AL), Sheikh Hasina, who has since fled and is reportedly seeking political asylum in India.

What began as a peaceful protest demanding reforms to the government job quota system quickly escalated into calls for Hasina’s resignation after more than 300 individuals, including students and children, were killed by law enforcement. The use of lethal force , including shootings from helicopters in various parts of the capital, intensified public animosity toward the AL and Hasina.

However, the revolution’s aftermath was not a time for celebration for the students and the general populace. Instead, they experienced a tense night on August 5, marked by arson, attacks on the homes of AL leaders, further killings, and looting in several locations, including Ganabhban and the national parliament house. The police force remained inactive during these events. Islamist party activists compounded the chaos by vandalizing murals of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the nation’s founding father, and other historical figures.

Disturbing footage of brutal killings of AL leaders and police officers by an enraged mob, as well as attacks by opposition parties, particularly the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami, spread across social media platforms. These groups also targeted Hindu temples nationwide, causing distress among non-Bangladeshis and prompting the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement organizers to call for an end to the violence and vandalism.

On the night of their tumultuous victory, students were compelled to return to the streets to protect the religious establishments of minority communities. In Bangladesh, where over 90 percent of the population practices Islam, this was a significant act of solidarity.

The following day, student leaders announced via social media that Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus had accepted their proposal to lead an interim government. This news brought a sense of relief to the people of Bangladesh, particularly the students. Political experts and leaders concurred that Yunus was the most suitable choice for this role. Military chief General Waker-uz-Zaman, who is responsible for governance until the interim government is set up, stated that Yunus is expected to arrive on August 8 and will take the oath of office at 8:00 pm the following day.

On August 7, amid concerns for public safety, the BNP called for an assembly at the capital’s Naya Paltan. Begum Khaleda Zia, who was just released from house arrest stemming from a corruption conviction, and her son Tarique Rahman, who remains in exile, addressed the gathering via video call. The BNP has demanded a national election under an interim government within three months.

These actions by the BNP have ignited a fire within the student community, as evidenced by the millions of posts under the hashtags #nobnp and #nojamat on social media. Many are questioning the BNP’s decision to hold an assembly in the absence of law enforcement and are calling for a new system that is no longer dominated by either of Bangladesh’s two main parties: the AL and the BNP.

Almas Tahmid, a student of the Department of English and Humanities at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh, said to The Diplomat. “There is no difference between the AL, BNP, and JI. They all harbor autocratic tendencies, and the political parties are hijacking the revolution that the students have fought for.”

Tahmid further commented on the students’ efforts to restore normalcy: “While we, the general students, are cleaning the cities, safeguarding our minority neighbors, and managing traffic, they [the BNP] are preoccupied with elections. Our priority is to rebuild the country under the interim government before participating in any election.”

The BNP, which has won multiple national elections and last held power from 2001 to 2006, has faced criticism for its autocratic practices, including political repression and intolerance for dissent. The party’s governance was characterized by political turmoil, allegations of human rights abuses, and manipulation of the judiciary.

BNP supporters are advocating for Tarique Rahman to become the next prime minister. His rise to political prominence began in the early 2000s during the BNP’s tenure in government. However, his career has been overshadowed by controversy, including his alleged involvement in the 2004 ten-truck arms haul case , which involved a significant cache of arms and ammunition intended for the Indian separatist group ULFA. This case underscored the challenges of corruption and accountability within the political system.

In 2018, Rahman was sentenced to life imprisonment for his involvement in the 2004 Dhaka grenade attack, which targeted then-opposition leader Sheikh Hasina. Despite these controversies, he has continued to exert influence over BNP politics from his exile in London, where he has resided since 2008 following the party’s electoral defeat and the rise of the Awami League.

The BNP’s history, along with Rahman’s legal challenges, illustrates the complex and often turbulent nature of Bangladeshi politics. The party’s past governance has been scrutinized for autocratic tendencies, and Tarique’s involvement in high-profile legal cases has had a significant impact on the nation’s pursuit of democratic governance and the rule of law.

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9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammad, accomplices make plea deals with U.S.

WASHINGTON – An al Qaeda operative jailed at Guantanamo prison for nearly two decades and considered to be the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks has pleaded guilty along with two of his lieutenants in the terror organization, the U.S. Department of Defense said in a letter to victims' families Wednesday.

The letter, obtained by USA TODAY, said Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and two of his top lieutenants agreed to plead guilty "in exchange for the removal of the death penalty as a possible punishment."

"These three accused have agreed to plead guilty to all of the charged offenses, including the murder of the 2,976 people listed in the charge sheet, and to be later sentenced by a panel of military officers," according to the letter from the Department of Defense's Office of the Chief Prosecutor for Military Commissions.

Mohammed, or KSM as he is called by U.S. intelligence agents, is described as the “ principal architect of the 9/11 attacks ” in the 2004 report by the 9/11 Commission. Two of his accomplices in the planning for the 9/11 attack, Walid Bin Attash and Mustafa al-Hawasawi, also entered into plea agreements Wednesday, the DOD said in a statement .

All three men have been in U.S. custody since 2003 , spending time at Guantanamo and prisons overseas.

Mohammed is described in court papers as an al-Qaeda militant and the principal architect of the 9/11 assault on New York's World Trade Center and the Pentagon outside Washington. Nearly 3,000 people died in the attacks, which launched a U.S. offensive labeled the War on Terror.

Federal authorities captured him in his native Pakistan native in 2003 and he was imprisoned at Guantanamo Bay in 2006.

Defense officials told families in the Wednesday letter that they will have an opportunity to speak at a summer 2025 sentencing hearing about the impact that the 9/11 attacks had on their loved ones.

"We recognize that the status of the case in general, and this news in particular, will understandably and appropriately elicit intense emotion, and we also realize that the decision to enter into a pre-trial agreement will be met with mixed reactions amongst the thousands of family members who lost loved ones," the letter said. "The decision to enter into a pre-trial agreement after 12 years of pre-trial litigation was not reached lightly; however, it is our collective, reasoned, and good-faith judgment that this resolution is the best path to finality and justice in this case."

9/11 families previously said they didn't want plea deals

The Department of Defense first disclosed last year that prosecutors were working on a plea deal that would spare Mohammed and his accomplices their lives.

Many 9/11 families slammed the potential agreement at that time, telling USA TODAY it amounted to a slap in the face to families seeking answers and accountability.

"The fact that there are now potential plea deals being offered right at the anniversary, it’s just a horrible, terrible feeling of betrayal,” Terry Strada told USA TODAY in the story. Strada's husband Tom died on the 104th floor of the World Trade Center’s North Tower. “I mean, justice has not been served in two decades. How much more do they expect the families to be able to take? People are dying without seeing justice done.”

President Joe Biden also issued a statement when the plea deals were first proposed, saying he concurred with the Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin’s recommendation not to accept deals suggested by the 9/11 defendants and their lawyers.

“The Administration,” the White House said in a 2023 statement to USA TODAY, “is committed to ensuring that the military commissions process is fair and delivers justice to the victims, survivors, families, and those accused of crimes.”

Investigators who worked on the case argued a plea agreement would deprive the public of the kind of official record produced in open court.

"The American people deserve to hear what the evidence is and not be satisfied with the fact that their government is telling them, well, we have these people, and they are guilty,” former FBI Agent Frank Pellegrino told USA TODAY at the time.

Highly educated, tortured in CIA custody

In CIA custody, interrogators subjected Mohammed to “enhanced interrogation techniques” including waterboarding him 183 times, according to the Senate Intelligence Committee's 2014 report on the agency’s detention and interrogation programs .

The 9/11 Commission report describes Mohammed as “highly educated” and the “model of the terrorist entrepreneur.” 

KSM orchestrated various terrorist plots, according to the report, including “car bombing, political assassination, aircraft bombing, hijacking, reservoir poisoning, and, ultimately, the use of aircraft as missiles guided by suicide operatives.”

He grew up in Kuwait but traces his ethnic roots to the Baluchistan region between Pakistan and Iran, the report says. He was raised in a religious family, joined the Muslim Brotherhood at 16 and became “enamored of violent jihad at youth camps in the desert.”

In 1983, he moved from Kuwait to the U.S. to attend Chowan College, a small Baptist school in North Carolina. He transferred a semester later to North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University in Greensboro and earned a degree in December 1986, the report says.

KSM took up the anti-Soviet Afghan cause soon after graduating, according to the 9/11 Commission. He traveled to Peshawar, Pakistan, where he fell in with notable Afghan mujahideen, or holy warriors, who became his mentors.