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Researching violence against women: a practical guide for researchers and activists

Produced by PATH and the World Health Organization, this guide draws on the experience of researchers from more than 40 countries and presents methods for performing surveys and qualitative research on gender-based violence in low-resource settings. It covers all aspects of the research process, from study design to training field workers. It also describes ways to use findings to influence decision-makers. Most important, it presents clear guidelines for protecting the safety of women participating in the research.

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Researching Gender-Based Violence

Embodied and intersectional approaches.

• Edited by: April D.J. Petillo and Heather R. Hlavka
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• Language: English
• Publisher: New York University Press
• Copyright year: 2022
• Audience: Professional and scholarly;
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• Published: August 2, 2022
• ISBN: 9781479812219

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• v.61(Suppl 2); 2007 Dec

Methodological issues in the study of violence against women

The objective of this paper is to review the methodological issues that arise when studying violence against women as a public health problem, focusing on intimate partner violence (IPV), since this is the form of violence that has the greatest consequences at a social and political level. The paper focuses first on the problems of defining what is meant by IPV. Secondly, the paper describes the difficulties in assessing the magnitude of the problem. Obtaining reliable data on this type of violence is a complex task, because of the methodological issues derived from the very nature of the phenomenon, such as the private, intimate context in which this violence often takes place, which means the problem cannot be directly observed. Finally, the paper examines the limitations and bias in research on violence, including the lack of consensus with regard to measuring events that may or may not represent a risk factor for violence against women or the methodological problem related to the type of sampling used in both aetiological and prevalence studies.

Research on violence against women is considered as an important objective of any programme designed to eradicate this problem. In the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in 1995, one of the strategic objectives established was to study the causes and consequences of violence against women and the efficacy of preventive measures, encouraging governments and organisations to promote research in this area. 1

Despite a growing social and political interest in the subject, there are still few research studies on certain aspects related to the efficacy of measures implemented in the field of violence against women. Furthermore, there are no epidemiological surveillance systems that employ homogeneous criteria in order to measure this problem, thus permitting reliable data to be obtained on its prevalence and incidence.

The “Multi‐country study on women's health and domestic violence against women” is the first of its type carried out by the World Health Organization (WHO) and shows that the most common type of violence against women is that which is carried out by their partner. This type of violence is far more common than attacks or rapes carried out by strangers or other people that the victims may know. 2

In a report issued by the Center for Communications Programs, at Johns Hopkins University, it was shown that 10–69% of women worldwide, and 18–58% of women in Europe, reported having suffered physical abuse by their partners at some point in their life. 3 This variability in figures may correspond to the actual difference with regard to the size of the problem in different countries, but it may also reflect major methodological differences in approaching the problem.

In Spain, the first law on measures providing comprehensive protection for intimate partner violence (IPV) against women was passed at the end of 2004. 4 This law, in addition to tightening up legal measures for abusers, and developing specific measures to increase victims' protection, promotes the development of activities, and training and awareness programmes in all the professional fields that are involved in fighting this problem, ranging from the areas of health, law and education to the media.

The objective of this paper is to review the methodological issues that arise when studying violence against women as a public health problem. Although some of the issues examined in this article can be applied to any type of violence against women, we will concentrate on IPV, since this is one of the most common phenomena of violence against women and it has the greatest consequences at a social and political level.

Problems defining a case

The first problem is the lack of consensus regarding the definition of violence against women.

Some authors defend a broad definition that includes all acts or omissions that endanger women or contribute to subordination. 5 The definition in the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women provides a very useful conceptual, defensive framework. Violence against women is defined as “any act of gender‐based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” 6

The advantage of this open definition is that it establishes violence against women in a wider social context and enables the interested parties to take into consideration the majority of violations against women's human rights, classifying them under the heading of gender based violence. The disadvantage is that when very broad definitions are used, the term loses its descriptive power.

However, to facilitate research, surveillance and follow‐up, more specific, operational definitions are required. From a research point of view, attempts have been made to solve this problem by focusing on measuring behaviour and specific acts, and their effects on women's physical, sexual and emotional wellbeing.

In order to ensure comparability between studies, it is important to know exactly what type of violence is being investigated. Thus, studies may focus on gender based violence in its broadest concept; family violence may include any family member as the aggressor or there may be a focus on IPV.

However, for some authors IPV is not a unitary phenomenon. Johnson, for example, identifies three major types of intimate partner violence distinguished from each other by the control context within which they are embedded. 7 Only one of these (intimate terrorism) is a form of violence equivalent to the one examined here.

Considering that the definitions refer to both subjective perception and objective action, questionnaires often ask whether women have suffered specific acts of violence during a certain period of time. Incidences of violence throughout the woman's life and within the last year should be quantified.

Likewise, further information is necessary on whether or not the aggressor lives with the victim, the duration of violence, frequency and type of abuse to be studied.

The majority of studies examine only physical abuse 3 as it is the violence type that is easiest to define and therefore the easiest to measure. However, as the WHO report states, “intimate partner violence refers to any behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological or sexual harm to those in the relationship.” Such behaviour includes psychological violence (constant intimidation, insults and humiliation), sexual relations without consent and other forms of sexual coercion, as well as various dominating behaviours (isolating women from family and friends, watching their movements and restricting their access to information or help). 8

However, sexual violence is the subject of far fewer studies, and psychological violence of even fewer. Humiliation and isolation may not be recognised by the women themselves as a form of violent behaviour that has repercussions for their health. 9 , 10

Another aspect to be taken into consideration is the transcultural applicability of definitions, and this aspect arises in the context of international studies. Anthropologists and women's health defenders point out how difficult it is to draw up international classifications, because the concept of what constitutes violence against women varies greatly from one culture to another.

The “Multi‐country study on women's health and domestic violence against women” mentioned earlier, aims to fill this gap by developing methodologies to measure violence against women and its health repercussions in different cultures. 2

Difficulties in assessing the magnitude of the problem

The first step required in order to learn more about violence against women is to assess the magnitude of the problem. However, obtaining reliable data on this type of violence is a complex task, not just because of the problems of defining the term as described above, but also because of the methodological issues derived from the very nature of the phenomenon, such as the private, intimate context in which this violence takes place, which means the problem cannot be directly observed. Taboos, fear and feelings of guilt and shame also account for a high rate of non‐responses and of hiding the truth. 11 , 12

For example, in Spain, the majority of the indicators available are taken from secondary sources, such as police records of reported violence and homicides, clinical records, legal registers, etc. 13

Other indicators related to the epidemiological surveillance of violence against women have also been developed in Spain, such as the epidemic mortality rate from IPV (ratio between deaths in a given month and the median of deaths during the preceding five‐year period). 14 , 15 , 16 As can be seen in figure 1 ​ 1, , in 2006, IPV attained epidemic figures in Spain (a rate of over 1.25) in January, February and August (rates of 1.50, 1.25 and 1.29 respectively).

Figure 1  Mortality attributable to intimate partner violence, epidemic index, Spain 2004–6. The epidemic index for intimate partner violence is obtained by dividing the number of murders that occurred in a specific month by the median value of cases that occurred in the same period over the previous five years. A phenomenon is considered to be a high level epidemic when it achieves a score of over 1.25 on the epidemic index; if the result is between 0.75 and 1.24, it is considered a medium level epidemic; and the rating of a low level epidemic is assigned to a score of less than 0.75. (Source: http://www.e‐leusis.net .)

However, although this information is of unquestionable relevance, we should remember that it only accounts for reported cases and cases that have the most tragic and tangible consequence: death at the hands of the aggressor. Clearly, a more precise assessment of the magnitude of the problem should include questionnaires among the general population and more specific groups. It is therefore necessary to use direct methods for measuring this problem.

Using direct methods implies asking women about the violence suffered. The information collected in this methodological approach comes from women's direct reports, with all the bias that this implies, because very often interviewees may not identify or acknowledge that a certain experience represents an act of violence or abuse, as they view such a situation as normal. In this respect, some authors recommend asking women about specific acts of violence experienced in their relationship. 8 This can be applied to different methodologies, ranging from in‐depth, open ended interviews, to self administered questionnaires with closed ended questions.

As with all problems, it would be advisable to use questionnaires and measuring tools that have been demonstrated to be reliable and valid in order to be able to correctly identify which women are abused and which are not, in accordance with whether they have experienced specific violent incidents in their relationships. This need has been given particular consideration in the United States, where a large number of tools have been developed since the end of the 1970s to measure, detect and diagnose IPV. 17 We have recently analysed 26 screening instruments and 14 diagnostic instruments. 18

These measuring instruments are not “neutral,” and many have been designed using different theoretical frameworks and are therefore based on different definitions of violence. The conflict tactics scales (CTS) is based on conflict theory. 19 With this method, violence, as well as rational discussion and dialogue and verbal aggression, is seen as a method to resolve conflicts within the family. The abusive behaviour inventory (ABI), on the other hand, attempts to reflect the feminist perspective, where physical abuse is conceptualised as the result of the position of power and control that the abuser has over the victim, which is maintained and reinforced via psychological abuse. 20 As a result, the choice between one instrument or the other depends on both the data obtained and the reality reflected by those data.

For this reason, we highlight that when reviewing different sets of data, comparisons must be made with great caution.

Another issue that should be taken into account when measuring violence is the possible presence of significant bias in studies that validate scales of diagnosis. Some of these studies include samples of abused women from centres for abused women or intervention programmes for abused women in their validation process. This is true for seven of the diagnostic tools analysed. 18 This might cause significant bias in the selection process because these women may not, in terms of the violence they are undergoing, be representative of the group of women who decide not to seek help.

For the above reason, we can expect questionnaires to be very sensitive to identifying severe cases of the types of violence they are trying to measure, but we do not know how sensitive they are in detecting less severe forms of these types of IPV. This may lead to an underestimation of the real magnitude of violence in general and of its subtypes, since the questionnaires may not identify as “abused” women who suffer these forms of non‐severe abuse. 21

Surveys carried out among the population are an essential tool for the detection and measurement of violence against women as they can provide data about the prevalence, frequency, patterns and consequences of this violence. Surveys can refer to violence related issues, which are relevant to a more general piece of research, or they can focus specifically on the evaluation of violence against women. Each of these surveys follows a specific methodology and definition of violence, which makes it far more difficult to compare their results. 18 Table 1 ​ 1 provides details of some of the surveys about violence against women which have been carried out at both a national and international level.

Source: http://www.msc.es/organizacion/sns/planCalidadSNS/pdf/equidad/genero_vg_01.pdf

In Spain, three large scale surveys regarding violence against women have been carried out among the population, in 1999, 2002 and 2006. The prevalence of women considered to be “technically” abused (those who, although they may not have been aware of it, the research team considered to be in a position inferior to that of their husband or partner) was 12.4%, 11.1% and 9.6%, respectively. However, only 4.2%, 4.0% and 3.6% answered “yes” when they were directly asked whether they had suffered abuse in the past year. 22

The differences in the figures provided may show that a high percentage of violence is accepted by women, or seen by them as something “natural” in their relationship, or that they believe that physical abuse is the only form of violence. 23

Limitations and bias in research on violence

In addition to the above, the complexity of the phenomenon requires the use of research methodologies that can often imply significant bias or limitations.

The health setting has been identified as one of the best contexts in which IPV can be identified and studied, mainly because of accessibility to this population, and also because it has been demonstrated that women who have suffered violence or abuse make a greater use of health services than those who do not or have not suffered such an experience. 24 , 25 For this reason, in recent years a great effort has been made to develop brief scales that can be easily administered by health personnel and women alike.

However, it should be noted that there is no scientific evidence of the benefits of universal screening for violence in the health setting. 26 False positive test results, most common in low risk populations, may compromise the clinician‐patient relationship. Additional possible harms of screening may include loss of contact with established support systems, psychological distress and an escalation of abuse. However, none of these potential harms has been studied. 27 , 28

Nevertheless, what different international and national expert organisations do recommend is that health professionals (particularly those involved in primary health care, emergency departments, gynaecology and mental health) should always be on the lookout for symptoms of abuse, and should include some questions on abuse in the routine history taking of adult patients. 26

However, we should point out that bias may occur if a population sample is recruited in a health setting, because it has been demonstrated that women who have suffered violence or abuse make greater use of health services than those who do not or have not suffered such an experience, 29 and this could lead to an overestimation of the prevalence of this problem in the general population.

Another common limitation in research on IPV is derived from the fact that women who are accompanied by their partner at the time of the interview or questionnaire are systematically excluded from samples. Considering that one of the forms of control that aggressors exercise over their victims is social isolation (often implying that women are not allowed to go out of the house alone) it can be confirmed that a large group of abused women is excluded from studies. However, despite our awareness of the selection bias that this implies, all methodologies used to investigate this subject must put women's safety first, as recommended in the ethical and safety recommendations for research on domestic violence. 30

Until the mid‐1980s, the hypotheses and theoretical suggestions to explain the violent behaviour of men towards their partners were not sustained by sufficient empirical evidence. In fact, one empirical study based review on possible risk factors associated with IPV found that the only risk factor demonstrated by literature published in the 1970s and 1980s was related to intergenerational learning of violent partner behaviour. 31 Although this is the only risk factor of certain consistency, it is upheld by studies in which certain methodological problems have been detected related to the retrospective nature of data collected. 31 Almost 20 years on, some studies that provide up to date data on this association also observe that retrospective directionality is a limitation that underestimates incidence. 32 , 33 , 34 Many of these studies also refer to the presence of memory bias. 35 , 36 , 37

Identification of elements explaining violent behaviour by men towards women is also part of a body of study that is not exempt from some criticism. One of the major criticisms is associated with a certain tendency to generate more knowledge about the causality of the problem centred on the women who are affected and not so much on their perpetrators. 38 Furthermore, there is criticism of approaches to the problem with a limited capacity for dealing with it in all its complexity. For this reason, in parallel to the generation of studies centred on analysis of the possible causal relation between a determined factor and the problem, the so called multidimensional or ecological explanatory models are presented. Among them, owing to its specificity in the problem of partner violence against women and its recognition by experts in the subject, the work that stands out is that of Heise. 39 The ecological framework proposed by Heise, one of the most commonly referenced models, explains that a suitable approach to the phenomenon should be focused on the complexity of individual, relational, socioeconomics and political determinants—the hierarchy.

In just under a decade, follow‐up studies are now emerging that use appropriate designs for describing the phenomenon of IPV and, furthermore, for identifying predictors of men's violent behaviour with women, and recurrent cases. 40 Their main limitation lies in the fact these studies are still few and far between, and are inappropriate for cases of violence that results in death. 40

Another significant methodological issue in prevalence studies lies in the belief that violence against women is too delicate a subject to be studied through population based studies. In this respect, self administered questionnaires represent a major achievement in research into this problem. 41 Despite this type of questionnaire and the improvements made to current scales that measure the phenomenon, there is still considerable information bias derived from women's refusal to participate as interviewees. 42 On the other hand, other studies observe that when direct questions are posed regarding abuse in an ideal setting, the majority of women are forthcoming with their answers. In fact, in Spain, studies conducted in the health area reveal a low non‐response rate. 43 , 44 , 45

Furthermore, certain problems have been identified derived from the lack of consensus, not with regard to measuring the problem (IPV) but to measuring events that may or may not represent a risk factor. In one systematic literature review that analysed the association between IPV and men's alcohol intake, significant differences between studies were found in terms of the methods used to measure the presence or absence of alcohol and in the definition of alcohol consumption as a risk factor for the development of violent behaviour. This, in turn, limited the possibility of undertaking a meta‐analysis. 46

Finally, another type of methodological problem should be mentioned that is related to the type of sampling used in both aetiological and prevalence studies. This refers specifically to the limitations derived from convenience sampling when there is a certain tendency to use abused women's reports even when the aggressors' characteristics are actually the subject of study. 47 The responses of women who are victims of violence may be affected by the trauma caused to them by the violent relationship they have with their aggressor. In other words, the practice of asking abused women about their partners' characteristics may result in a classic bias of incorrect classification (memory bias).

Research on violence against women is a key component of any programme designed to end the problem. Given the nature of the phenomenon, the standardisation of concepts related to it becomes necessary, in order not only to reach a consensus on what to consider as violence against women, but also to reduce the heterogeneity in the methods to measure the problem and the associated factors. Although in the past two decades the research literature on violence against women has greatly increased, it shows the existence of relevant research bias that could be determining our knowledge of the problem and, therefore, limiting the development of efficient interventions to end it.

What this study adds

• The paper focuses first on the problems in defining what is meant by intimate partner violence. Secondly, it describes the difficulties in assessing the magnitude of the problem. Finally, the paper examines the limitations and bias in research on violence, including the lack of consensus with regard to measuring events that may or may not represent a risk factor for violence against women or the methodological problem related to the type of sampling used in both aetiological and prevalence studies.

Policy implications

• This article shows the existence of relevant research bias that could be determining our knowledge of the problem and, therefore, limiting the development of efficient interventions to end it.

Abbreviations

ABI - abusive behaviour inventory

CTS - conflict tactics scales

IPV - intimate partner violence

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Using Participatory and Creative Methods to Research Gender-Based Violence in the Global South and With Indigenous Communities: Findings From a Scoping Review

Affiliations.

• 1 School of Social Policy, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.
• 2 International Development Department, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.
• 3 School of Nursing, Institute of Clinical Sciences, College of Medical and Dental Sciences, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.
• PMID: 32441215
• PMCID: PMC8905117
• DOI: 10.1177/1524838020925775

This review provides a synthesis of existing research on best practice recommendations for the use of participatory and creative methods to research gender-based violence in the Global South. Following a five-stage scoping review process, 44 papers, which each related to at least two of the three parts of the topic, were selected for inclusion. A frequency table was compiled to identify the elements of best practice, which were most common across the literature. Qualitative content analysis was then used to group these elements into inductive themes. An overarching theme of safety was identified, along with four broad and intersecting domains underpinning ethical research approaches in this area: contextual, reflexive, relational, and transformative. The validity of these themes was confirmed through consultation with partners, who also emphasized the importance of a survivor-centered approach. The aims, methods, barriers, evidence for practice, and research recommendations (AMBER) framework was developed for this project as an innovative tool for analyzing the data collected and drawing out the relevance for research practice. The framework draws out the aims, methods, and barriers involved in participatory research in this context and sets out best practice recommendations and directions for future research in the following areas: (1) ensuring safety of participants and researchers, (2) redressing power inequalities within the research process, (3) embedding locally responsive ethical frameworks, and (4) understanding cultural context and respecting cultural norms.

Keywords: Global South; gender-based violence; participatory research; research ethics.

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Conflict of interest statement

Declaration of Conflicting Interests: The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Number of sources by combination of topics.

Conceptual framework.

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• A community-based qualitative study on the experience and understandings of intimate partner violence and HIV vulnerability from the perspectives of female sex workers and male intimate partners in North Karnataka state, India. Blanchard AK, Nair SG, Bruce SG; Chaitanya AIDS Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha; Ramanaik S, Thalinja R, Murthy S, Javalkar P, Pillai P, Collumbien M, Heise L, Isac S, Bhattacharjee P. Blanchard AK, et al. BMC Womens Health. 2018 May 11;18(1):66. doi: 10.1186/s12905-018-0554-8. BMC Womens Health. 2018. PMID: 29751752 Free PMC article.
• Indigenous-specific cultural safety within health and dementia care: A scoping review of reviews. Chakanyuka C, Bacsu JR, DesRoches A, Dame J, Carrier L, Symenuk P, O'Connell ME, Crowshoe L, Walker J, Bourque Bearskin L. Chakanyuka C, et al. Soc Sci Med. 2022 Jan;293:114658. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114658. Epub 2021 Dec 16. Soc Sci Med. 2022. PMID: 34942579 Review.
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Gender Based Violence Research Methodologies in Humanitarian Settings - an Evidence Review and Recommendations

This is a guidance document offering recommendations in the areas of research methodology and research ethics to support researchers in developing humanitarian GBV-themed research proposals.

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• Learning Opportunities
• Summer Institute
• Gender-Based Violence: Research Methods and Analysis (SI 18)

Gender-Based Violence: Research Methods and Analysis

Nafisa halim, phd, ma(s) , research assistant professor, global health, busph, monica adhiambo onyango, phd, rn, mph, ms (nursing) , clinical assistant professor, global health, busph, program description.

Gender-based violence affects people around the world every day. This violence, mainly towards women, reinforces power dynamics and impacts overall health, including physical and psychological development.

This program aims to enhance participants’ ability to conduct technically rigorous, ethically-sound, and policy-oriented research on various forms of gender-based violence. Individuals working on and interested in the areas of sexual and reproductive health, maternal and child health, adolescent health, HIV, mental health and substance use will most benefit from taking this program.

The program will cover the following topics:

• Conceptualizing and researching various forms of gender-based violence;
• Developing conceptual frameworks for violence and health research;
• Ethics and safety;
• Survey research on violence and questionnaire design;
• Intervention research: approaches and challenges;
• Qualitative research on violence;
• Violence research in healthcare settings

The program will be taught through a series of interactive lectures, practical exercises, group work and assigned reading.

Competencies

Participants will learn:

• Current gold standard methods to conceptualize and measure gender-based violence;
• Validity and reliability of GBV measures;
• Tool development and validation methods;
• Ethical and safety issues in GBV research;

Intended Audience

Participants interested in investigating gender-based violence as part of a quantitative or qualitative study or an intervention evaluation will find it particularly relevant.

Required knowledge/pre-requisites

Participants are expected have some prior familiarity or experience with conducting research.

Discounts available—visit our FAQs page to learn more.

Low-cost, on-campus housing is also available. Contact us for more information.

The Summer Institute process was very easy and well organized

Nafisa Halim

is a sociologist with expertise in monitoring and evaluation of public health programs. As a PI/Co-I, Halim served on twelve evaluation studies, and conducted a wide range of activities including data processing and analysis; sampling and sample size calculations; database development and management; and study implementation and field training. Halim has consulted with WHO, served on research projects funded by USAID, NIH, the Medical Research Council (South Africa) and private foundations, and partnered with several implementing organizations including Pathfinder, Pact Save the Children, World Education Initiatives, icddr,b. Halim was recognized for her excellence in teaching in 2016.

Monica Adhiambo Onyango

has over 25 years’ experience in health care delivery, teaching and research. Her experience includes Kenya Ministry of Health as a nursing officer in management positions at two hospitals and as a lecturer at the Nairobi’s Kenya Medical Training College, School of Nursing. Dr. Onyango also worked as a health team leader with international non-governmental organizations in relief and development in South Sudan, Angola, and a refugee camp in Kenya. In addition to her teaching engagement, she also takes up consultancies on health care delivery, management and research in relief and development contexts. In 2011, Dr. Onyango co-founded the global nursing caucus, whose mission is to advance the role of nursing in global health practice, education and policy through advocacy, collaboration, engagement, and research.

Program Details

-Monday, 9:00am-4:00pm -Tuesday, 9:00am-4:00pm -Wednesday, 9:00am-3:00pm

London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine

Researching gender-based violence: methods and meaning.

Gender-based violence occurs globally and is prevalent in many forms, including intimate partner violence, rape and coerced sex, child sexual abuse, and human trafficking. Such forms of gender-based violence have serious impacts on individuals’ physical, sexual and psychological health, as well as their social and economic well-being.

Well-designed research on the causes, and consequences of violence, as well as violence prevention interventions are essential to inform policies and services to prevent and respond to GBV. Conducting action-oriented research on GBV that is robust and carried out in ethical and safe ways requires specific methodological approaches.

This course aims to strengthen participants’ knowledge and skills to conduct or commission technically rigorous, ethical and policy- and service-relevant research on various forms of violence against women.

Launched in 2006, the Gender, Violence and Health Centre (GVHC) at the School is a multi-disciplinary research group that works in partnership with local and international organisations around the world to carry out research on gender-based violence and health. The Centre aims to improve the health and well-being of populations, particularly women and girls, through action-oriented research on the extent, cause and consequences of gender-based violence.

We are experts in the evaluation of complex social interventions to prevent violence, using rigorous, cutting-edge evaluation methods, including randomised controlled trials. We are committed to using our research and our strong global partnerships to inform policies and interventions that promote reductions in gender-based violence.

The course is intended for individuals who have an interest in research on GBV. It will be of particular interest to those who want to strengthen their methodological skills and understanding of GBV research. It is relevant for individuals working on health-related topics such as, sexual and reproductive health, maternal health, HIV, mental health and substance use.

Upon completing the course, participants will have a strong understanding of: current gold standard methods to conceptualise and measure violence exposures, various methodological techniques for assessing the relationship between violence and health outcomes; and practical issues faced when meeting ethical and safety obligations.

Eligibility

This is a specialised course focusing on methods to research gender based violence. Participants are expected have some prior familiarity or experience with conducting research, and relevant knowledge about the subject of gender based violence. Teaching will be conducted in English and participants will need sufficient language skills to read course materials and participate actively in group discussions. Participants will be expected to have an undergraduate degree and ideally, some post graduate training in research methods. Knowledge of computers and a basic knowledge of word for Windows and Excel is also essential.

This fee covers participation in the course and course materials. If the course fee is to be paid on the applicant’s behalf, please send a letter from the sponsor to confirm this as soon as possible. Otherwise, the applicant will be held personally responsible for payment.

Course content

The course will cover the following topics:

• Conceptualising and researching various forms of gender-based violence
• Associations between violence and health: current knowledge
• Ethics, safety and researcher wellbeing
• Approaches to researching violence: qualitative, quantitative, mixed methods, intervention research
• Developing conceptual frameworks for violence and health research
• Social and gender norms, masculinities
• Evaluation research
• Violence research in health care settings
• Violence research in humanitarian settings

Teaching methods

The course will be taught through a series of interactive lectures, practical exercises that also draw on real-life research experience of staff members, group work and assigned reading. Lectures will be taught by LSHTM staff and international visiting lecturers.

Applying for this course

Applications are now closed. You can  register your interest  and we will let you know when applications reopen.

Please read  LSHTM's Admissions policies  prior to submitting your application.

The student is responsible for obtaining any visa or other permissions to attend the course , and is encouraged to start the application process as early as possible as obtaining a visa for the UK can sometimes take a long time. The Short Courses team can provide supporting documentation if requested.

Accommodation and meals

A list of hotels located in the vicinity of LSHTM, along with further resources for short term accommodation, can be found on our accommodation pages . Lunch, tea and coffee will be provided during breaks.

Evening meals are not catered for at LSHTM, however there is a large choice of restaurants, cafés and shops nearby.

Important information

Please note:

• If you have been offered a place on the course you will not be able to register without bringing formal ID (Passport) and without having obtained the correct visa if required.
• It is essential that you read the current visa requirements for short course students .
• LSHTM may cancel courses two weeks before the first day of the course if numbers prove insufficient.  In those circumstances, course fees will be refunded.
• LSHTM cannot accept responsibility for accommodation, travel and other losses incurred as a result of the course being cancelled.

Admissions status

Register interest for 2024

Email short courses team

More information

Course delivery Hybrid: in London, UK or online

Fees 2023 £1,400

Course dates 6 - 10 November 2023

Additional information Course leaflet

Challenging violence in South African education: a feminist pedagogical and legal analysis

• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 12 August 2024

Cite this article

You have full access to this open access article

• Doniwen Pietersen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3050-589X 1 &
• Dean Collin Langeveldt   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4160-1809 2  

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This study investigates the relevance of violence in the context of South African education, a country which has a history of institutionalised violence against the oppressed, including women. Using a feminist pedagogy as a theoretical lens, violence and its implications for the South African educational system are examined. Scholars such as Freire believe that in order to engage the topic of violence in education, it needs to be framed not only from a physical, but also from a structural and symbolic way since violence is deeply rooted in social inequalities and power imbalances. Violence can be perpetuated through education, which can reproduce dominant ideologies and structures which are biased against women. Therefore, Freire advocates a pedagogical approach that challenges violence and empowers students to become critical agents of social change. In the South African educational environment, violence is a prevalent issue, especially for women and girls who face high rates of gender-based violence and sexual harassment in schools. This research also examines the relevant legal frameworks and policies in South Africa that address gender-based violence and education. This research proposes a feminist pedagogy can help create safe and empowering learning environments that promote social justice and equality.

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Introduction

School curricula are not neutral but reflect the values and beliefs of the society in which they are developed (Ruesch Schweizer et al., 2019a , b ). Therefore, curricula can perpetuate violence by reinforcing gender stereotypes and promoting violence as an acceptable means of resolving conflicts. By using feminist methodologies to analyse school curricula, educators can identify and challenge the gendered norms and values that perpetuate violence (Pietersen, 2023a , b ). They can also develop alternative curricula that promote non-violent conflict resolution and challenge gender stereotypes (Gredley, 2022a , b ; Marshall, 2020a , b ).

Furthermore, some scholars argue that the way higher education is structured can also be violent because it reproduces unequal power dynamics between students and teachers (Smith, 2020a , b ). It also often reinforces hierarchical and authoritarian structures while perpetuating oppressive norms and values (Leyva et al., 2021 ). As Walker et al., ( 2019a , b ) point out, it is important to:

…fight the economic divide that both drives the gap between women and men and is driven by it. By ensuring all girls have equal educational opportunities, governments can have a huge impact on women's empowerment and gender inequalities. The considerable progress in reducing gender disparities in school enrolment over the last 15 years or so – mainly at primary level – has helped to reduce gender inequalities. But significant inequalities still exist in many countries.

However, it is necessary to note that not all scholars agree with the notion of education curriculum as violence. Many argue that education is a means for liberation, empowerment and social change (Jansen & Walters, 2022a , b ). Furthermore, it is essential to recognise that a hidden curriculum plays a significant role in perpetuating existing power dynamics. The hidden curriculum refers to the norms, values and beliefs that are implicitly taught through educational practices (Pietersen, 2023b ). For example, the hidden curriculum may teach students to prioritise conformity and obedience to authority, which can be detrimental to students who come from marginalised backgrounds Bailey et al. ( 2019 ). To address this, the hidden curriculum must be critically examined to ensure that it promotes equity, diversity and inclusion. Unearthing the hidden curriculum will also lead to uncovering the underlying structural violence in curriculum formations in higher education institutions. According to Kurian and Kester ( 2019 , p. 24), structural violence “describes social, political and economic patterns manifesting in unequal distributions of power and resources. Structural violence is institutionally manifest.” This study also examines the key legislative frameworks and policies that address gender-based violence (GBV) and education in South Africa, in addition to analyzing the curriculum from a feminist pedagogical viewpoint. This study seeks to answer the following research questions:

What are the main legal frameworks and policies that address gender-based violence and education in South Africa?

How do these legal frameworks and policies reflect or challenge the dominant ideologies and structures that perpetuate violence?

What are the strengths and weaknesses of these legal frameworks and policies in terms of implementation and enforcement?

What are the implications of these legal frameworks and policies for the South African educational system from a feminist pedagogical perspective?

This study seeks to contribute to the literature on feminist pedagogy, violence, and education in South Africa by answering these research questions. It also seeks to make suggestions for enhancing South Africa's legislative frameworks and policies addressing gender-based violence and education. The purpose of this research is to critically examine the reasons for and means by which structural violence remains in many educational institutions and systems in South Africa (Pietersen, 2023a , b ). It also intends to study and analyze the legislative frameworks and policies in South Africa that address gender-based violence and education from a feminist pedagogical viewpoint.

Impact of gender based violence in South African schools

South African schools often witness physical violence directed at female students. Incidents of bullying, assault and even sexual harassment are not uncommon, leaving girls traumatised and emotionally scarred. Sexual harassment and abuse are pervasive issues, with students and even educators involved (Altinyelken & Le Mat, 2018 ). Such incidents not only harm the victims, but also create a hostile learning environment, inhibiting girls’ ability to excel academically. According to Makhafola ( 2020 ), these deeply ingrained patriarchal norms perpetuate gender-based violence. Moreover, these norms often reinforce the idea that women and girls are subordinate to men and should accept violence as part of their lives. Victims of gender-based violence in schools may face stigmatisation, preventing them from reporting incidents or seeking help. Furthermore, gender-based violence in schools is significantly underreported (Enaifoghe et al., 2021 .). Fear of retaliation, stigma and a lack of confidence in the system deter many victims from seeking assistance. Support systems for victims are often inadequate or non-existent, leaving them without recourse. Access to counselling and legal assistance is limited, compounding the trauma experienced (Taylor et al., 2022 ).

For the reasons outlined above, South Africa’s educational environment remains fundamentally skewed against women and girl children. Gender-based violence, deeply rooted in societal norms and exacerbated by inadequate support systems, perpetuates a cycle of trauma and disadvantage. To address this issue, comprehensive measures are needed. These include revising policies, strengthening reporting mechanisms, providing robust support systems and fostering gender-sensitive education that challenges patriarchal norms. These approaches, however, necessitate a critical evaluation of South Africa's current legislative structures and policies governing gender-based violence and education, so that if corrections and changes are needed that it is made, namely the South African Constitution ( 1996 ), the South African Schools Act ( 1996 ), the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act ( 2000 ), the Domestic Violence Act ( 1998 ), the Sexual Offences Act ( 2007 ), the National Policy Framework for Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality ( 2000 ), the National Policy on HIV/AIDS for Learners and Educators in Public Schools ( 1999 ), the National Policy on Safety in Schools ( 1999 ), and the National Policy on Safety. These legal frameworks and regulations if orientated and centred around positioning the victim in order to reflect care, then these laws and frameworks are able to challenge prevailing ideas and systems that perpetuate violence with both strengths and shortcomings when it comes to their application and enforcement. From a feminist pedagogical standpoint, they also have ramifications for the South African educational system.

Dialogue as a tool to enhance education for women and children in South African schooling context

Only through collective effort and a change in educational bias can a safe and inclusive environment for female students be established, free from the scourge of gender-based violence. These challenges are illustrated by Shor and Freire by using the concept of free dialogue:

Dialogue does not exist in a political vacuum. It is not a “free space” where you say what you want. Dialogue takes place inside some programme and content. These conditioning factors create tension in achieving the goals that we set for dialogic education. To achieve the goals of transformation, dialogue implies responsibility, directiveness, determination, discipline, objectives. (Shor & Freire, 1987 , p. 102)

Shor and Freire situate dialogue within a feminist pedagogy which enables the conceptualisation of what a safe and empowering learning environment might look like. This is done in order to assess the ensuing gains and insights to be gleaned in the South African context. The study specifically sought to comprehend how these factors can be bolstered to improve the resolve of the national education department to be more inclusive in the face of structural and systematic violence in most curricula.

Furthermore, the study aimed to comprehend how women’s participation as primary actors in higher education curricula and the educational system in general is frequently disregarded. In mainstream schools, for instance, there is seldom any discussion of inclusive education or exposure to new content about curriculum creation. Many administrators pathologize female empowerment in educational contexts, (Leyva, 2021 ) rather than viewing female students’ contributions as a valuable collaboration that will demonstrate varied opportunities to learn subject matter and further develop the curriculum (Walker, 2024 ). In order for this to happen, greater commitment is needed from leaders in institutions of higher learning.

Theoretical perspectives on the violent hidden curriculum in South Africa

Having understood the nature of the violent hidden curriculum in South African education, a feminist theoretical lens emerges as a significant tool in how violence ought to be deconstructed in syllabi. It involves a critical analysis of the social, cultural and political factors that contribute to power imbalances, particularly those related to gender, race, class and sexuality (Pietersen, 2023a , b ). Therefore, Daftary and Sugrue posit that a more humanised and personal look needs to be considered in curriculum formation:

We think the curriculum that [ought to be] created challenges the system and the structure that is in place in the education system as a whole, so the fact that [name of protagonist] is [related to] a young black girl, the fact that [name of protagonist] is very positive and she’s learning things on her own journeys and she has emerged in stories that connect with the students and help them relate to that text. (Daftary & Sugrue, 2022 , p. 159)

What is highlighted here is that violence is an issue that is prevalent in schools and can manifest in various forms, including physical, emotional and sexual violence (Henshaw, 2022 ). Therefore, it is crucial to use feminist pedagogies and methodologies to understand violence in schools and the ways in which it is perpetuated in school curricula (Meyer, 2008 ; Ferfolja & Ullman, 2020 ). This foregrounds what Freire describes as animating liberation for the “ever entrapped” in education. He posits that:

…in order for the oppressed to be able to wage the struggle for their liberation, they must perceive the reality of oppression not as a closed world from which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they can transform. (Freire, 1984 , p. 49)

Feminist pedagogy focuses on promoting social justice and equality in education. It emphasises the importance of creating safe and inclusive learning environments that embrace diversity (Keddie, 2020 ; Tisdell, 1995a , b ). This approach recognises that power imbalances exist in education and that they need to be addressed to ensure that all students have equal opportunities to learn and succeed (Sleeter & Zavala, 2020 ). However, feminist pedagogy also acknowledges that legal frameworks and policies are not neutral but reflect the values and beliefs of the society in which they are developed (Ruesch Schweizer et al., 2019a , b ). Therefore, legal frameworks and policies can also perpetuate violence by reinforcing gender stereotypes and promoting violence as an acceptable means of resolving conflicts. By using feminist methodologies to analyse legal frameworks and policies, educators can identify and challenge the gendered norms and values that perpetuate violence. They can also develop alternative legal frameworks and policies that promote non-violent conflict resolution and challenge gender stereotypes (Gredley, 2022a , b ; Marshall, 2020a , b ). Furthermore, some scholars argue that the way legal frameworks and policies are structured can also be violent because they reproduce unequal power dynamics among different groups of people (Smith, 2020a , b ). They also often reinforce hierarchical and authoritarian structures while perpetuating oppressive norms and values (Leyva et al., 2021 ). As Walker et al. ( 2019a , b ) point out, it is important to fight the economic divide that both drives the gap between women and men and is driven by it. By ensuring all girls have equal educational opportunities, governments can have a huge impact on women’s empowerment and gender inequalities. The considerable progress in reducing gender disparities in school enrolment over the past 15 years or so – mainly at primary level – has helped to reduce gender inequalities. Nevertheless, significant inequalities still exist in many countries. However, it is important to note that not all scholars agree with the notion of legal frameworks and policies as violence. Many argue that legal frameworks and policies are a means for liberation, empowerment and social change (Jansen & Walters, 2022a , b ).

Gender-based violence laws and education in South Africa

In this section, the relevant legal frameworks and policies that address gender-based violence and education in South Africa are reviewed and their implications for the South African educational system evaluated from a feminist pedagogical perspective. The focus is on three recent gender-based violence bills that were signed into law by President Cyril Ramaphosa in January 2022, the Domestic Violence Act 116 of 1998, and the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996. Why are these important and how do these connect with feminist methodologies, approaches and theoretical lenes of feminist critique? Legal frameworks and policies on the rights and protection of women are closely connected with feminist approaches, as they both aim to address and rectify gender-based inequalities and discrimination. Feminist perspectives advocate for the recognition of women's rights as human rights, challenging traditional norms and practices that perpetuate gender inequality and violence against women.

The Criminal Law (Sexual Offenses and Related Matters) Amendment Act, the Criminal and Related Matters Amendment Act, and the National Register for Sex Offenders Amendment Act are the three gender-based violence measures. These laws seek to improve protection and justice for survivors of GBV, particularly women and children, by amending existing laws to broaden the scope of offenses, increase penalties, and improve means of getting protection orders and bail conditions (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, 2021 ). Sexual intimidation, harassment, grooming, voyeurism, exposure to pornography, and incest, for example, are all crimes under the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act. The Criminal and Related Matters Amendment Act makes bail conditions and minimum punishments for GBV offenders more stringent, while the National Register for Sex Offenders Amendment Act expands the categories of people who must report GBV offences and extends the restriction on GBV offenders working with minors or people with mental disorders.

These legislations are a step forward in combating South Africa's high rates of GBV, which President Ramaphosa has characterized as a "second pandemic" (Ramaphosa, 2020 ). According to Statistics South Africa ( 2020 ), one in every five women suffered physical abuse from a partner in 2019. Furthermore, according to Human Rights Watch ( 2018 ) research, many women and girls endure sexual abuse and harassment in schools, limiting their access to education and academic achievement. As a result, by holding GBV abusers accountable and providing legal remedies for survivors, this legislation can help build a safer environment for women and girls in South Africa.

Domestic violence in schools: the need for a feminist perspective in the era of legal frameworks

These measures, however, have inherent limits and issues that must be addressed. Firstly, these measures fail to address the underlying causes of GBV, such as patriarchy, sexism, racism, poverty, and inequality. These societal variables contribute to the normalization of GBV and the silence of its sufferers (Gqola, 2015 ). As a result, legal change alone will not be enough to end GBV; it must be supported by social transformation that challenges the prevalent ideas and institutions that sustain GBV (Freire, 1970 ). Second, these bills do not ensure effective law implementation or enforcement. Many GBV survivors experience challenges to justice, such as a lack of knowledge about their rights, distrust in the police and courts, a lack of resources and support services, stigma, and prejudice (Machisa et al., 2017 ). As a result, proper financing, training, as well as monitoring, and assessment methods are required to guarantee that the rules are consistently and equitably administered. Third, the participation and consultation of civil society organizations and GBV survivors in the creation and execution of these measures are insufficient. Many activists and professionals have criticized the laws for being hurried through parliament without adequate public engagement or stakeholder involvement (The Conversation, 2021 ). As a result, these measures must be more inclusive and attentive to the interests and perspectives of marginalized populations, particularly women and girls who are more vulnerable to GBV.

Another key legislative framework that deals with GBV in South Africa is the Domestic Violence Act 116 of 1998. Domestic violence is defined broadly in this Act to include physical, sexual, emotional, verbal, psychological, and economic abuse, as well as intimidation, harassment, stalking, property damage, unauthorized entry into a person's home, or any other controlling or abusive behaviour directed at a complainant (Republic of South Africa, 1998 ). This statute recognizes the impact of domestic abuse on women's education and well-being and provides a variety of remedies, including temporary protection orders, counselling, and medical support.

This legislation is forward-thinking in that it recognizes the various forms and impacts of domestic abuse and provides extensive and accessible remedies for survivors. The importance of this is that it underscores women's rights should be recognized as human rights, according to feminist viewpoints, which also oppose customs and behaviors that support violence against women and gender inequity (Machisa et al., 2017 ; Vetten, 2014 ). This should be particularly true for women in school environments in a context of South Africa, where violence against teachers is on an all-time high.

The way that feminist pedagogy plays out in the aforementioned importance of highlighting legal frameworks that ought to protect women, many learner codes of conduct are not in line with the values of human dignity and equality, while they frequently perpetuate gender stereotypes and practices that discriminate against women and girls, which calls for a feminist pedagogy (Mncube & Harber, 2013 ; Motala et al., 2019 ). How does this link with the legal frameworks and again the feminist methodologies? It encourages laws and procedures that put women's safety and wellbeing first, gives women the power to identify and question harmful gender norms, and supports education as a vehicle for social change and female empowerment.

Feminist pedagogy invoked in schools and post-school violence

Power structures, social norms and cultural values foreground educational practices and curricula (Schoeman, 2015 ). The different modes of violence in education systems raise many questions that beg for research-based answers. How should school and post-school violence be managed? An attempt to answer this can be expressed thus:

Freire’s pedagogy echoes and resonates with feminist pedagogy. Like Freire, feminist pedagogy seeks for the liberation of oppressed women. In feminist pedagogy, women analyse their situation, look into the injustices and inequalities and seek to transform the structures and systems that perpetuate women’s oppression. (Jordan, 2023 , p. 3)

One of the significant ways in which feminist pedagogies and methodologies can help to understand violence in curricula and schools is by examining the gendered nature of violence (Currier, 2020 ). Violence in schools is not a random occurrence but is often linked to gendered power imbalances (Longobardi et al., 2019 ). For example, boys are more likely to perpetrate physical violence, while girls are more likely to experience emotional and sexual violence (Parkes et al., 2022 ). In this regard, Pietersen highlights the principles of how values and cultural identities can be easily swayed towards the dominant hegemony:

…a socially just pedagogy [similar to Freire’s feminist and liberated approach] encourages a reflective process where both lecturers and students from universities are able to value the cultural and historical sources of individuals, which can challenge the existing power bases. (Pietersen, 2023a , b , p. 136)

What these approaches do is recognise that gender is not a biological fact, but a social construct that shapes behaviour and interactions. Therefore, by understanding the gendered nature of violence, educators can identify and address the root causes of violence in schools. Ultimately, it is accompanied by a web of networks that needs to be acknowledged (Walker, 2024 ).

The informal network of meta-rules that govern the behaviour of those who learn from a curriculum that was always intended to solely support the growth of some people and not others is where negative discrimination based on gender identity operates. This is known as the umbra (Ballim, 2022 ). The arrival of staff and students – mostly women – with prior socialisation that includes these behavioural maladies is not a justification for their prolonged presence in our institutional cultures and curricula (Dirsuweit, 2020 ). Therefore, South African educational institutions must counter the paralysing claim that the country's current curriculum is nothing more than a microcosm of its deeply divided society (Ochoa-Becker, 2006 ).

The educational curriculum, social justice and equity

South Africa’s educational system has undergone significant transformations since the end of apartheid in 1994: it has become significantly more inclusive, equitable and accessible. As Mayo asserts: “It would seem absurd to believe that, irrespective of whether it does or does not take place within a social movement, cultural action can directly engender political action destined to bring about social change” ( 1995 , p. 60).

The educational curriculum in South Africa is not violent because it is designed to promote social cohesion, inclusivity and respect for diversity. The curriculum is based on the principle of a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society and seeks to address the historical injustices of apartheid by promoting social justice and equality (Manthalu et al., 2021 ). The curriculum emphasises the importance of critical thinking, problem-solving and creativity, which are essential skills for personal and societal development. Therefore, South Africa’s educational curriculum at tertiary level is not violent because it promotes social harmony, tolerance and understanding. According to Hackman, from a social justice perspective, a curriculum that excludes women should be critically examined and opposed:

Pay careful attention to the systems of power and privilege that give rise to social inequality and encourage students to critically examine oppression on institutional, cultural and individual levels in search of opportunities for social action in the service of social change ( 2005 , p. 104).

The educational curriculum in South Africa is a means for liberation because it provides individuals with the necessary tools to challenge the status quo and pursue their aspirations. Education is a powerful tool for individual empowerment because it provides individuals with the skills, knowledge and confidence to pursue their dreams and overcome obstacles (Verma et al., 2023 ). This is vividly illustrated in information and communications technology (ICT) curricula because:

…women and girls’ use of digital ICTs and their voice and influence [is limited]. Voice and influence are central to empowerment [women in ICT curricula]. The extent to which digital ICTs can contribute to women and girls’ voices and influence relates to whether they are able to use the information and communication opportunities to build their self-belief (or “power within”) and express their views, on the one hand, and to influence private and public decisions, on the other. (Cummings & O’Neil, 2015 , p. 2)

Education provides individuals with the ability to think critically, to question authority and to make informed decisions (Sellars et al., 2018 ). Secondly, education provides individuals with the skills and knowledge to become active citizens who can participate in the democratic process and shape their own future. Thirdly, education curricula in South Africa are a means for social change because they promote social transformation and sustainable development. Education plays a critical role in addressing the complex challenges facing South Africa, including poverty, inequality and unemployment. Education promotes sustainable development by providing individuals with the skills, knowledge and attitudes necessary to address environmental, social and economic challenges (Tikly, 2019 ). Education also promotes social change by challenging dominant narratives and promoting alternative perspectives.

Education provides individuals with the tools to challenge stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination, while promoting social justice and human rights (Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2017 ; O’Meara et al., 2020 ). This is well expressed by Killen and Rutland ( 2022 ) in the following:

To date, then, developmental science research has demonstrated that: 1) children who are the recipients and the perpetrators of exclusionary attitudes experience stress and negative outcomes; 2) normative societal expectations in the form of stereotypes, biases and exclusion based on group identity emerge in childhood, 3) children become aware of social inequalities and disparities by middle childhood; and 4) as children move into adolescence they become more aware of the connections between stereotypic expectations of others and unfair treatment from others which prompts them to support proactive bystanders. These orientations are forming, changing and developing from childhood to adolescence.

However, it should be stated that the curriculum is dynamic and responsive to the social, political and economic climate and it is implicitly and explicitly imbued with race and identity discourses (Hlatshwayo, 2020 ). According to Ballim, ( 2022 , p. 194), “the word pathology is used here in its medical sense to indicate a disease or an abnormality that requires specialist attention, time and remedial treatment to be healed”. In a country such as South Africa, where policy and regulation are strongly aimed at removing the hurtful habits of othering which often results in pathologising women and their contribution to curriculum formation, this is particularly relevant. As Le Grange asserts:

Curriculum implementation demands of teachers to be loyal to a curriculum and is indifferent to their lives, as well as the lives of learners and the context in which they find themselves. In contrast, when teachers are improvisers, they are sensitive to both their own and learners’ changing lives and experiences and the fluidity of the contexts in which they find themselves ( 2016 , p. 33).

Le Grange’s perspective highlights the dissonance that the majority of society’s knowledge recipients are frequently still marginalised. This is true not only in terms of historical redress and related issues, but also in terms of appropriate techniques and educational curricula, which frequently go unquestioned. To address this, it is essential to challenge patriarchy, which continues to act as the gatekeeper. However, many people mistakenly interpret this as an institutional assault against them.

It is crucial to understand that the curriculum is not a neutral environment as we consider the function and effects of higher education on society. The decisions made on what should be taught and what should not are a reflection of the values, opinions and pursuits of people who have the authority to make them (Pietersen, 2022 ). As a result, it is essential to have frank and thoughtful discussions about the curriculum and work for more inclusive, equitable educational institutions that do not promote violence. Engaging with a violent curriculum is intended to appeal to the political project of education and basic academic principles against marginalised groups, such as women (Heleta, 2016 ; Sultana, 2019 ).

The hidden curriculum and power dynamics

This study contends that any understanding of the power dynamics imbued in the curriculum must take not only overt and official knowledge into account (Mccall, 2022 ), but also knowledge inscribed as normative through the hidden curriculum.

Education is often regarded as a neutral space where knowledge is transferred from teacher to student and the curriculum is designed to promote learning and critical thinking. However, education is not a neutral space and the power dynamics imbued in the violence of curricula can reinforce and perpetuate existing social hierarchies (Davids & Waghid,  2020 ). Similarly, the hidden curriculum, which refers to the norms, values and beliefs that are implicitly taught through educational practices, can reinforce dominant cultural and social norms and perpetuate inequalities (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 2021 ). These interconnected issues that are often displayed in the curriculum as violence are not necessarily associated with overt symbols; instead, they reside in implicit signals (Fiteni, 2022 ; Torres, 2019 ). Consequently, messages about normalised violence against women and girls are learned:

In such an understanding of hidden curriculum, bodies and feelings fluctuate between states of motion and rest, between attraction and repulsion, in ways that are always already connected and again disconnected through dynamic relations. Within this fluidity, there is significance in understanding affective entanglements with aggression. This is because within the knot of affective encounters, there are lessons learned – namely, lessons about oneself as they are entwined with people and histories. This is especially true as affective entanglements within violence bubble up as fluid and often hard-to-name events. (Wozolek, 2020 , pp. 274–275)

The power dynamics imbued in the violence of curriculum are rooted in the ways in which knowledge is constructed and presented in the classroom. The curriculum is not a neutral collection of facts and information; instead, it is shaped by the social, cultural and political context in which it is created (Liu & Ball, 2019 ). The choices made about what to include or exclude from the curriculum reflect the values, beliefs and interests of those who have the power to make these decisions (Busey et al., 2023 ). For example, Eurocentric perspectives often wrapped in patriarchy tend to dominate curricula, even in South Africa, while the histories and experiences of marginalised groups are minimised or excluded altogether. This perpetuates the idea that Europeans’ contribution to the world is the only history worth studying, while the experiences and contributions of marginalised groups are not important enough to be included in the curriculum (Hooks, 2000 ).

Furthermore, the power dynamics in the curriculum are also reflected in the way in which knowledge is presented. Certain forms of knowledge, such as academic or scientific knowledge, are often regarded as superior to other forms of knowledge, such as practical or experiential knowledge (Hodkinson et al., 2008 ). This reinforces the idea that certain ways of knowing are more valuable than others and privileges those who are able to access and demonstrate proficiency in academic or scientific knowledge. To bring disruption and to widen inclusion in the curriculum that considers women and marginalised groups more pertinently involves the following:

assume all [female] students [and teachers] are participants in knowledge construction, have high expectations for students and themselves, and foster learning communities; (2) acknowledge, value and build upon students’ existing knowledge, interests, and cultural and linguistic resources; (3) teach specific skills and bridge gaps in [female] students’ [and teachers’] learning; (4) work in reciprocal partnership with their families and communities; (5) critique and employ multiple forms of assessment; and (6) explicitly teach about activism, power and inequity in schools and society. (Dover et al., 2016 cited in Daftary & Sugrue, 2022 , p. 150)

The hidden curriculum also reinforces dominant cultural and social norms and perpetuates inequalities. The hidden curriculum is not explicitly taught; instead, it is conveyed through the norms, values and beliefs that are implicitly taught through educational practices (Orón Semper & Blasco, 2018 ). For example, the hidden curriculum teaches students how to behave in the classroom, how to interact with authority figures (White & Lowenthal, 2011 ) and how to conform to societal norms and expectations (Laiduc & Covarrubias, 2022 ). These implicit lessons can reinforce existing power dynamics and perpetuate inequalities to the extent that Freire talks about how the oppressed conform to “suffer[ing] from the duality that has established itself in their innermost being. They discover that without freedom they cannot exist authentically. Yet, although they desire authentic existence, they fear it” ( 1984 , p. 48).

Higher education syllabi have a significant impact on society: it is essential to engage in critical and nuanced conversations about the curriculum and strive for more inclusive and equitable education systems. The experiences and perspectives of marginalised groups must be centred, the value of diverse forms of knowledge recognized, the hidden curriculum critically examined, and non-violence promoted in our educational systems.

Feminist pedagogy has aided in this study because it is more receptive to the demands of marginalised people, particularly women and girls. This study has investigated whether a feminist pedagogy may contribute to the creation of safe and empowered learning environments that promote social justice and gender equality in South Africa and has concluded that this is indeed the case. However, feminist pedagogy also recognises that legal frameworks and policies are not sufficient to address the issue of violence in education. Legal frameworks and policies need to be critically analysed from a feminist perspective, as they may reflect or challenge the dominant ideologies and structures that perpetuate violence. Legal frameworks and policies also need to be implemented and enforced effectively, as they may have strengths and weaknesses in terms of their impact on the educational system. Legal frameworks and policies also need to be revised and updated regularly, as they may have implications for the changing needs and realities of the society. Therefore, it is recommended that educators, policymakers, researchers and activists work together to review, monitor and evaluate the legal frameworks and policies that address gender-based violence and education in South Africa, and to propose alternative legal frameworks and policies that are more aligned with feminist pedagogy .

By doing so, we can work towards creating educational systems that promote equity, diversity and inclusion and do not perpetuate existing power dynamics and inequalities concerning curriculum violence (Saurombe, 2018 ). This study contends that women and other marginalised groups should not be barred from engaging in critical dialogue and deliberation about violent educational issues, such as curriculum development, that concern them and affect their future. They need to be empowered to participate fully in the teaching and learning process.

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Doniwen Pietersen

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Dean Collin Langeveldt

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Pietersen, D., Langeveldt, D.C. Challenging violence in South African education: a feminist pedagogical and legal analysis. Curric Perspect (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41297-024-00265-8

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Published : 12 August 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s41297-024-00265-8

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Twelve types of gender-based violence that you should know

Aug 7, 2024

Content Advisory: As this article discusses types of gender-based violence, it may be sensitive to some readers.

We know what gender-based violence is, but do we know it when we see it? 

One out of every three women will experience at least one type of gender-based violence in her lifetime, though these acts of violence are not always explicit — even to the women and girls experiencing them. Below are twelve common forms of GBV that we have seen time and again in our work at Concern. They don’t tell the whole story of GBV, but they do illustrate how pervasive and multi-faceted the issue is for millions of women and girls around the world.

Take a stand for gender equality

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1. Intimate partner violence

We know about domestic violence, which can be perpetrated by any family member and often targets women and girls. Intimate partner violence is linked to domestic abuse, and is even more prevalent for women. In 2021, the World Health Organization reported that 27% of women ages 15-49 had experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence by their romantic partner or ex-partner. The WHO also notes that 38% of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners or ex-partners. 

2. Sexual harassment

This includes any unwelcome sexual advance, verbal or physical, that leaves its target feeling offended, shamed, or embarrassed after the encounter. In some cases, the intent is not to cause these effects, but the impact remains the same. In many of our gender equality programs at Concern, we work with men and women to identify these unintentional moments of harassment, which are often rooted in harmful cultural and societal gender norms. 

3. Sexual violence and assault

The UN defines sexual violence as “any sexual act committed against the will of another person, either when this person does not give consent or when consent cannot be given because the person is a child, has a mental disability, or is severely intoxicated or unconscious as a result of alcohol or drugs.” We’ll get into more detail with some of these forms of violence below, but a key thing to note are the many acts of sexual violence and assault that fall into “gray” areas, including unwanted touching or fondling, and specific forms of assault, like the assault of a child. 

The risk for these forms of violence increase during a humanitarian emergency, especially one that forces families to flee their homes for temporary or long-term shelter elsewhere. 

4. Psychological and emotional abuse

Not all abuse is physical. Verbal abuse, threats of harm, manipulation and mind games, and isolating a woman or girl from family, friends, school, or work are all forms of psychological and emotional abuse. Like many of these forms of violence, these are two types of abuse that can be experienced by all genders, but are especially common to the experience of women and girls. One study finds that, in the EU, nearly one out of every two women has experienced some form of psychological violence from a partner. 

Psychological and emotional violence can often be precursors or happen in tandem with other forms of violence, and can lead survivors to experience depression, anxiety, or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) long after the abuse has ended. 

5. Financial or economic abuse

Economic or financial abuse happens when a person is made to be financially dependent on another. The abuser controls the victim’s financial and other economic resources and withholds access to their money. Usually, the target of economic abuse is also prohibited from getting a job or going to school. 

This is an especially common issue in many of the countries where Concern works, where women are still seen as property: first of their father, then of their husband. A 2022 report published by the organization Surviving Economic Abuse gives some stark facts and figures: 

• 81% of women in Liberia surveyed for this report said they were unable to control the money in their family due to their partner's behavior. 
• From a survey in Malawi , 28% of women reported various forms of economic abuse by a partner, including having money taken without their consent, being forced to work without pay, and being forced to hand over their salaries to their husband. The proportion of economic abuse in this cohort nearly doubled to 50% for women ages 21-30.
• Roughly 50% of married women ages 15-49 in Bangladesh report either being prevented from accessing work or education, or using their economic resources. 30% of women said they experienced both. 
• Nearly 84% of married men in Pakistan reported perpetrating economic abuse, primarily refusing their wives to work outside the home.

6. Online or digital violence

Also known as online gender-based violence or OGBV, this relatively new form of abuse is prevalent among women even in countries with statistically-lower internet usage. In sub-Saharan Africa, the World Wide Web Foundation notes that while only 19% of women use the Internet, women in countries like Burkina Faso , Kenya , and Malawi are still highly vulnerable to OGBV, especially on platforms like Facebook (39%), Instagram (23%), and WhatsApp (14%). WWWF describes digital violence as a “rampant issue” in the Middle East and North Africa, albeit one that policy-makers have yet to address in a significant way. 

The Council of Europe identifies four categories of OGBV: 

• Harassment, violence, and abuse facilitated by technology (e.g., installing spyware onto an intimate partner’s devices to track them)
• Abuse that takes place or is amplified online (such as non-consensual sharing of intimate photos, aka “revenge porn”)
• Enabling violence via the internet (such as cyberbullying or doxxing a woman on social media)
• An evolving form of OGBV: Using AI and other technology to abuse others (via tactics like deepfake pornography)

Any form of sex that is forced and non-consensual. As we note in our gender-based violence explainer , many countries still hold beliefs and laws built around the myth that forced sex within a marriage is acceptable. But rape is defined by an action, not just the identity of the perpetrator or survivor.  In Malawi, for example, the most prevalent form of sexual violence is marital rape. 

8. Female genital mutilation (FGM) or circumcision

There are several methods used to perform FGM, and various reasons for doing so, though many communities regard the practice as a tradition passed down from one generation to the next. Often, traditional healers rather than healthcare professionals carry out the procedure, adding to further complications. 

While this may be upheld as a tradition (so much so that over 99% of teenage girls in Somalia still undergo FGM), it is a harmful one. The WHO is clear in its position on FGM, stating that it “has no health benefits for girls and women” and is “a violation of [their] human rights.” In fact, FGM can lead to lifelong problems, including severe bleeding, cysts, infections, complications during pregnancy, and infant mortality.  

9. School-related gender-based violence (SRGBV)

Harmful gender norms are often enforced at an early age through violence in schools. School-related gender-based violence (SRGBV) is an issue that Concern has been actively addressing over the last decade, and comprises acts of violence both explicit (physical, verbal, emotional, psychological and sexual violence) and implicit (especially in the texts that are used as part of school curriculums that legitimate gender imbalance). 

Research has shown that these forms of violence, whether perpetrated by teachers, community members, or other students, form a major barrier to education as well as to the achievement of gender equality. 

10. Early, forced, or child marriage

Child marriage is also a threat to education , as well as a threat to the rights and well-being of the young people forced into such a situation. At times, this can apply to both boys and girls — in the early years of the Syrian civil war , many young couples, often strangers to one another, were forced into marriage by their parents in hopes that daughters would be cared for and sons would avoid forced conscription. Also pervasive, however, are situations that place young girls into forced marriages with older men, particularly if a family cannot afford to care for all of its children. This often leads to marital rape and other forms of abuse, and can create a lifetime of physical and psychological health issues for girls and women. 

11. Human trafficking

At the launch of a 2009 report on human trafficking, then-executive director of the  UN Office on Drugs and Crime Antonio Maria Costa said that “many governments are still in denial” with regards to human trafficking. That same report notes that the term “trafficking” is misleading, placing emphasis on the transaction rather than the people most affected. It is “a crime that is more accurately described as enslavement,” the report concludes. “Exploitation of people, day after day. For years on end.” 

Women and girls are again especially vulnerable to trafficking, especially those who are seeking asylum or are otherwise forcibly displaced from home. Willfully hiring a smuggler to get them to safety as a last-resort effort may lead to them being held against their will and exploited until they have paid their “debt.” Sexual exploitation is the most common form of human trafficking, though forced labor is also a common tactic. 

12. Honor killings and dowry deaths

Ultimately, and heartbreakingly, GBV can become fatal in more ways than one. A 2022 study showed an increased likelihood of suicidal behaviour among victims of intimate partner violence. A UNODC study recorded over 81,000 women and girls killed intentionally in 2021, a number that has gone largely unchanged over the last decade. UNODC estimates that most of these killings were gender-related, and that, on average, more than five women or girls are killed by someone in their own family every hour. 

So-called “honor killings” are one form of femicide that happens, usually at the hands of a family member, when a woman or girl has “shamed” their family. Circumstances often revolve around traditional beliefs in sexual “purity.” The UN estimates that there are at least 5,000 honor killings each year. 

Dowry deaths are a similar form of femicide that are most common in Southeast Asia, including Bangladesh and Pakistan (with dowry-related violence affecting several thousand women in both countries each year). These acts usually involve a husband killing his wife — or driving her to kill herself — due to dowry-related issues. 

Gender-based violence: Concern’s response

No one should suffer because of their gender. Concern integrates a gender-transformative framework into each of its programs, regardless of that program’s main focus. Our task is to help communities build resilience and economic empowerment while also recognizing that harmful gender practices, including implicit and explicit forms of gender-based violence, hinder sustainable progress.

Additionally, many of our emergency responses include some form of psychosocial support, with a particular sensitivity to the experiences and needs of women and girls in these situations. 

Learn more about Concern’s work with gender equality , and check out the below stories to see our work to end GBV in action.

Gender-based violence: Your concern in action

Fighting FGM in Kenya: A daughter's bravery and a mother's love

Mental health for Syrian refugees: Triumphing over trauma

Child marriage and education: The blackboard wins over the bridal altar

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